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'•"••','•;•  m 

<:Mi  •  l« 


EEB  20  1954 


THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD 


JANUARY,    1886. 
IRISH  THEOLOGIANS.— No.  IX. 

ST.  CtJMMAIN  THE   TALL,  BlSHOP  OF  CLONFERT. 

ST.  CUMMAIN,  surnamecl  the  Tall  (fada),  to  distinguisli 
him  from  Cummain  the  Fair  (firm),  Abbot  of  Hy,  was 
the  most  learned  Irish  scholar  of  the  seventh  century.  He 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  famous  Paschal  controversy,  and 
his  Letter  on  that  question,  which  is  fortunately  extant,  proves 
him  to  be  perfectly  familiar  with  church  history,  and  deeply 
versed  in  Sacred  Scripture.  He  was  well  skilled,  too,  in  the 
moral  theology  of  the  times,  as  the  "  Liber  de  Mensura 
Poenitentiarum  "  clearly  shows.  He  tried  his  hand  at  poetry 
also,  but  we  cannot  say  so  much  for  his  verses  as  for  his 
theology :  it  is  rarely,  indeed,  that  theologians  are  good 
poets — they  have  too  much  sobriety  of  mind.  His  contem- 
poraries likened  Cummain  in  morals  and  life  to  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  and  one  of  his  admirers,  in  an  old  rann  preserved 
by  the  Four  Masters,  says  he  was  the  only  Irishman  of  his  time 
fit  to  succeed  that  illustrious  Pon  tiffin  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 

Yet,  the  birth  of  this  holy  and  learned  man  was  the  fruit 
of  an  unspeakable  crime,  to  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  make 
special  reference  in  this  paper.  His  father  was  Fiachiia,  son 
of  Fiachra  Gairine,  king  of  West  Minister.  The  clan  were 
known  as  the  Eoghanach  of  Lough  Lein,  because  they  were 
sprung  from  the  great  Eoghan  More,  son  of  Oilioll  Oluim, 
and  dwelt  in  the  woods  and  mountains  around  the  far-famed 
lakes  of  Killarney.  His  unhappy  mother  was,  it  seems,  in 
early  youth  called  Flann,  but  she  was  also  called  Mughain  or 
Mugania,  and  was  sometimes  known  as  Rim,  or,  as  Colgan 
VOL.  VII.  A 


2  Irish  Theologians : 

latinises  it,  liima.  Her  identity,  however,  under  these 
various  names  is  sufficiently  established  by  the  great  mis- 
fortune of  her  life,  for  which,  perhaps,  she  may  not  have 
been  responsible. 

The  child  was  born  in  589,  or  590,  for  he  died  in,  661,  at 
the  age  of  seventy-two.  Drumdaliter  —  Marianus  O'Gorman. 
tells  us — was  "the  name  of  his  town,"  and  Aodh  or 
Hugh  was  his  "proper  name"  at  first.  Shortly  after  his 
birth  the  infant  was  exposed  by  his  parents,  and  left 
at  the  head  of  the  cross  in  a  small  Cummain  or  basket  near 
St.  Ita's  Convent  of  Killeedy,  and  the  holy  sisterhood 
finding  the  -child  thus  abandoned  took  charge  of  the  foundling, 
and  called  him  Cummain,  because  he  was  found  in  the  basket. 

The  history  of  the  lady  Flann,  the  mother  of  Cummain, 
is  very  singular.  The  great  misfortune  of  her  life  seems  to 
have  happened  when  she  was  very  young,  and  it  may  have 
been  greatly,  if  not  entirely,  against  her  own  will.  It  seems, 
too,  that  she  was  very  beautiful — in  a  stanza  composed  by 
Cummain  himself,  she  is  called  Flann  the  Fair — it  is  said  too 
that  she  was  four  times  married,  and  became  the  mother  of 
no  less  than  six  kings  and  six  bishops. 

After  the  death  of  her  fourth  husband,  Flann,  whether 
tired  of  the  cares  of  a  married  life,  or  anxious  to  do  penance 
for  the  sin  of  her  youth,  consulted  her  son  Cummain  as  to  her 
future;  and  he  advised  her  to  retire  from  the  world,  and 
spend  the  rest  of  her  days  in  prayer  and  penance.  She  did 
so,  and  died  a  holy  nun  at  an  advanced  age. 

From  Killeedy,  or  perhaps  from  Killarney,  young  Cummain 
was  sent  to  the  great  school  of  Cork,  founded  by  St.  Finnbarr 
about  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  when.  Cummain 
would  be  twelve  or  fifteen  years  of  age.  Finnbarr— the 
white-haired — was  himself  a  native  of  Connaught,  whence  he 
went  to  visit  St.  David  of  Wales,  and,  as  some  say,  even  to 
Rome  to  see  St.  Gregory.  Having  made  himself  master  of 
all  the  learning  of  the  time,  and  enriched  his  mind  with 
foreign  travel,  he  returned  home  and  founded  his  school  and 
monastery  in  the  low  marshy  ground  to  the  south  of  the 
river  Lee  (Corcagh),  which  has  since  given  its  name  to  the 
City  of  Cork.  The  fame  of  the  new  school  was  very  great ; 
so  that  it  attracted  students  from  many  lands,  and  a  city  of 


St.  Cummain  the  Tall,  .Bishop  of  Clonfert.  3 

Huts,  filled  with  scholars,  grew  up  around  the  humble  oratory 
of  Finnbarr, 

Among  the  teachers  in  Cork,  either  then,  or  a  little  later 
on,  was  Colman  Mac  O'Cluasaigh,  who  is  called  the  "  tutor  " 
of  young  Cummain,  to  whom  he  became  greatly  attached. 
Colman  O'Cluasaigh  was,  it  seems,  a  most  accomplished 
scholar,  and  had,  moreover,  an  Irishman's  love  for  poetry  and 
song.  Dr.  Todd1  has  published,  in  the  first  volume  of  the 
(i  Liber  Hymnorum,"  a  very  beautiful  Irish  hymn  composed 
by  Colman  to  invoke  for  himself  and  his  pupils  the  protection 
of  God  and  His  Saints  against  the  yellow  plague,  which 
devastated  Ireland  between  the  years  660-664.  He  is 
described  in  the  preface  to  that  hymn  as  a  reader  of  Cork 
(fer-legind),  and  is  said  to  have  composed  it  when  he  was 
flying,  with  his  pupils,  from  the  plague,  to  take  refuge  in 
some  island  of  the  sea,  because  it  was  thought  the  contagion 
could  not  extend  beyond  nine  waves  from  the  land,  which, 
even  from  a  sanitary  point  of  view,  was  likely  enough.  He 
also  composed,  about  the  same  time,  an  elegy  on  the  death 
of  Cummain. 

Colman  inspired  his  pupil  with  his  own  love  for  poetry  ; 
and  fortunately  we  have,  in  the  same  Book  of  Hymns,  a  Latin 
poem  written  by  Cummain,  which  we  should  reprint  if  the 
space  at  our  disposal  were  not  so  limited. 

From  St.  Finiibarr's  school  Cummain  seems  to  have  gone 
to  visit  his  half  brother  Guaire,  who  was  King  of  South 
Connaught  at  this  period,  or  a  little  later  on.  As  Cummain 
was  already  famous  for  sanctity  and  learning,  and  belonged 
to  an  influential  family,  who  would  now  be  ready  enough  to 
acknowledge  the  relationship,  we  can  easily  conceive  how  his 
own  merits  and  Guaire's  influence  would  have  procured  his 
selection  for  the  bishopric  of  Clonfert.  "  All  the  Martyrologies 
and  Annals,"  says  Cardinal  Moran,2  "agree  in  styling 
St.  Cummain  Fada,  Bishop  and  Abbot  of  Clonfert. 

But  it  is  not  easy  to  fix  the  exact  date  of  his  appointment. 
We  find  the  death  of  Senach  Garbh,  Abbot  of  Clonfert, 
marked  by  the  Four  Masters  under  date  of  620,  and  his 
successor  Colman  died,  according  to  Archdall,  in  the  same 

1  To  whom  \vo  are  indebted  for  much  information  about  Cunirnaiii. 
2  Note  to  Archdall,  sub  voce,  "  Clonfert.'' 


4  Irish  Theologians : 

year  which  he  gives  as  621.  As  there  is  no  other  obituary  of 
a  Bishop  or  Abbot  of  Clonfert  noticed  in  our  Annals  until  the 
death  of  Cummaiii  himself  in  661,  we  may  perhaps  fairly 
assume  that  he  succeeded  the  Abbot  Colman  and  governed 
the  See  for  forty  years.  Colman,  King  of  Connaught,  the 
uncle  of  Cummaiii  and  father  of  Guaire,  was  slain  in  617,  and 
Guaire,  if  not  actually  king  at  this  date,  was  an  influential 
chief,  and  his  defeat  with  others  at  the  battle  of  Cam 
Fearadhaigh  in  Limerick  is  noted  by  the  annalists  in  622,  and? 
his  death  in  662,  so  that  the  two  brothers,  the  Bishop  and 
chieftain,  were  contemporaries,  ruling  in  South  Connaught 
during  a  long  and  chequered  career.  This  fact  will  help  to 
explain  the  great  influence  which  Cummaiii  possessed,  and 
the  leading  position  which  he  occupied  in  the  Irish  Church  at 
that  period.1  His  fame  as  a  saint  and  scholar  spread  throughout 
all  Ireland,  and  attracted  crowds  of  students  to  his  great 
school  at  Clonfert.  He  appears,  as  we  shall  see  further  ou, 
to  have  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  Synod  of  Magh  Lene,  held 
about  630,  and  no  doubt  it  was  at  the  request  of  the  Fathers 
of  that  Synod,  that  he  wrote  his  famous  epistle  on  the  Paschal 
Question  to  the  Abbot  Segienus  of  Hy,  about  the  year  634. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  Segienus  and  Cummaiii 
were,  if  not  personal  friends,  at  least  well  known  to  each 
other,  for  the  Columbian  Abbey  of  Durrow  in  King's  County, 
was  not  far  from  Clonfert,  and  the  uncle  of  Segienus  had  been 
Abbot  of  that  house  until  he  was  transferred  to  Hy  in  the 
year  600.  Segienus  himself  was  very  likely  educated  there 
under  his  uncle's  care,  and  perhaps  succeeded  him  later  on  in 
the  government  of  the  Abbey.  It  is  at  all  events  certain  that 
frequent  intercourse  existed  between  Hy  and  Durrow,  and 

1  There  is  a  characteristic  story  of  Cummain,  Guaire,  and  Caimin,  told 
by  the  scholiast  on  the  Felire  of  Aengus.  The  three  half-brothers  were  at 
one  time  in  Caimin's  Church  of  Iris  Cealtra  in  Lough  Derg.  "  What  would 
you  wish  to  have  this  church  filled  with?"  said  Caimin  to  Guaire;  "  with 
silver  and  gold,"  he  replied,  "  that  I  might  give  it  for  my  soul's  sake  to 
saints  and  to  churches,  and  to  the  poor."  And  you,  Cummain,  what  would 
you  have  it  filled  with?"  "I  would  have  it  full  of  books  to  instruct 
studious  men,  to  enable  them  to  preach  the  Gospel,  and  save  souls," 
said  Cummain.  Then  they  said,  "  butthou,  Caimin,  what  would  you  wish 
to  have  in  it?"  I  would  wish  to  have  the  full  of  it  of  diseases  and  sicknesses 
to  afflict  my  body,"  replied  Caimin.  And  all  three  got  their  wish,  "  the 
earth  to  Guaire,  wisdom  1o  Cummain,  and  sickness  and  disease  to 
Caimin  ;"  and  they  all  went  to  heaven  in  the  way  they  wished. 


St.  Cummain  the  Tally  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  5 

that   Cummain'  must  have  been  well  known  at  Burrow   is 
manifest. 

About  a  mile  and  a-half  from  Shinrone,  to  the  west  of 
Roscrea,  there  is  an  old  ruin,  perhaps  originally  built  by 
St.  Cummain,  which  gives  its  name — Kilcommin — to  the 
'parish.  This  was  Disert  Chuimin  in  regione  Roscreenai,  to 
which  Cummain  probably  retired  before  the  Synod  of  Magh 
Lene,  to  devote  himself  to  a  year's  study  of  the  Paschal 
question.  It  is  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Burrow,  andfifteeii 
•from  Clonfert.  The  old  church  was  built  under  the  shadow  of 
•Kiioekshegowna,  where  the  Tipperary  fairies  hold  their  revels. 

The  knowledge  of  these  facts  will  help  to  explain  Cummain's 
•relations  with  King  Domhnall  a  few  years  later. 

When  Domhnall,  King  of  Ireland  from  628  to  642,  was  a 

mere  boy,  he  accompanied  his  father  to  the  great  Synod  of 

Brumceat.     On  that  occasion  his  relative  Columcille  put  his 

•hands  on  the  boy's  head,  and  blessed  him,  foretelling  at  the 

same  time  that  he  would  survive  his  brothers,  and  become  a 

great  king,  and,  moreover,  that  he  would  expire  peaceably 

-and  happily  on  his  bed  surrounded  by  his  family — quite  an 

unusual  occurrence  for  an  Irish  king  in  those  days.     King 

Domhnall  reigned  and  sinned,  like  most  other  kings;   but 

towards  the  end  of  his  life  he  did  not  feel  himself  well  disposed 

to   die,  because,  says  the  scholiast,  he  had  not  the  gift  of 

penance  to  bewail  his  sins.     However,  he  had  confidence  in 

Columcille's  prediction,  so  he  sent  a  message  to  the  Abbot  of 

Hy  to  ask  whether  he  should  go  there  in  person  to  do  penance, 

or,  if  not,  what  soul's-frieiid  the  Abbot-  would  recommend 

him.     Segienus,  then  Abbot  of  Hy,  sent  back  word  to  the 

king,  that  his  confessor  would  come  to  him  from  the  south, 

and  he  very  likely  asked,  at  the  same  time,  Cummain  to  visit  the 

monarch.    This  message  was  attributed,  in  accordance  with  the 

custom  of  the  times,  to  Columcille  himself.  It  is  preserved  by  the 

scholiast  in  Cummain's  hymn,  and  is  to  the  following  effect : — 

"  A  Doctor  who  shall  come  from  the  south, 

It  is  with  him  (Domhnall)  shall  find  what  he  wants; 

He  will  bring  Communion  to  his  house, 

To  the  excellent  grandson  of  Ainrnire." 

There  is  a  play  on  the  word  Communion  which  in  Irish  is 
the  same,  or  almost  the  same,  as  Cuminain,  the  man's  name. 


6  Irish  Theologians: 

Thus,  it  came  to  pass,  whether  by  accident  or  design,  that 
Cummain,  the  great  Saoi  or  Doctor  of  the  south,  came  all 
the  way  to  Derry  to  visit  the  king,  and  administer  spiritual 
consolation  to  him.  But  it  seems  the  heart  of  the  king  still 
continued  dry  and  impenitent.  Then  Cummain  had  recourse 
to  prayer,  and  in  order  to  obtain  the  gift  of  tears  for  his  royal 
penitent,  he  composed,  in  honour  of  the  Apostles,  the  very 
striking  hymn  in  the  "  Liber  Hymnorum."  It  seems  that  this 
poetic  prayer  was  efficacious,  Domhnall  became  a  sincere 
penitent,  bewailing  his  sins  with  floods  of  tears.  The  pre- 
diction of  Columcille  was  completely  verified,  and  the  Four 
Masters  tell  us  that  Domhnall  died  at  Ard-folhadh,  near 
Ballymacgrorty,  in  the  Barony  of  Tirhugh,  "  after  the  victory 
of  penance,  for  he  was  a  year  in  mortal-sickness,  and  he  used 
to  receive  the  body  of  Christ  every  Sunday."  As  King 
Domhnall  died  in  642,  we  may  fix  this  visit  of  Cummain  in 
640  or  641 ;  the  scholiast  in  the  poem  that  caused  the  con- 
version of  the  king,  tells  us  expressly,  that  it  was  "  written 
in  Deny,"  nigh  to  the  ancient  Aileach,  the  royal  residence 
of  the  northern  kings,  though  perhaps  not  then  used  as  such. 

By  far  the  most  important  and  interesting  event  in  the 
life  of  Cummain  was  the  part  he  played  in  the  great  Paschal 
controversy.  We  can  at  present  only  give  the  merest  sketch 
of  the  history  of  this  great  discussion,  so  as  to  enable  our 
readers  to  understand  Cummain's  share  in  the  controversy. 

Of  course  the  system  of  computing  the  date  of  Easter  in 
use  both  in  Ireland  and  England  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century  was  that  which  was  introduced  by  St.  Patrick 
himself,  and  which  he  acquired  in  the  schools  of  France  and 
Italy.  From  the  very  beginning,  however,  much  diversity 
of  practice  existed  between  the  churches  of  the  East  and 
"West,  and  even  between  some  churches  in  the  West  itself,  in 
reference  to  the  date  of  Easter  Day.  With  a  view  to  secure 
uniformity  as  far  as  possible,  the  Synod  of  Aries,  to  which 
Cummain  refers,  held  in  314,  prescribes  in  its  first  canon  that 
the  whole  world  should  celebrate  the  Easter  festival  on  one  and 
the  same  day,  and  that  the  Pope,  accordingto  custom,  should  notify 
that  day  to  all  the  churches.*  There  were  three  British  bishops 

1  Primo  loco  de  observatione  Paschae  Domini,  ut  imo  die  et  uno  tenipore 
per  omnem  orbem  a  nobis  observetur  et  juxta  consuetudinem  litteras  ad 
omnes  tu  dirigas. 


St.  Cummain  the  Tall,  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  7 

present  at  that  Synod.  But  the  diversity  of  practice  still  con- 
tinued, to  thejoy  of  the  pagans  and  to  the  scandal  of  the  faithful. 

Then  theNicene  Synod  intervened  in  325,  and  commanded 
all  the  Eastern  churches  "  which  heretofore  used  to  celebrate 
the  Pasch  with  the  Jews,"1  to  celebrate  it  in  future  at  the 
same  time  with  the  Romans  and  with  us — so  say  the  prelates 
of  the  Synod  in  their  circular  letter  to  the  Egyptian  churches. 
Constantine,  the  Emperor,  in  his  own  circular  says,  that  the 
Synod  agrees  that  all  should  celebrate  the  Pasch  on  the  same 
day,  but  that  it  should  never  be  on  the  same  day  with  the 
Jews;  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  says,  and  Leo  the  Great  con- 
firms the  statement,  that  the  Alexandrian  church  was  to 
calculate  the  dates,  and  then  notify  them  to  the  Roman 
Church,  which  was  to  convey  the  information  to  the  other 
churches.  This  was  virtually  adopting  the  Alexandrian  cycle 
of  nineteen  years — which  was  very  different  from  the  Roman 
cycle.  Then  at  Alexandria  the  equinox  was  rightly  fixed  on 
the  21st  March,  at  Rome  it  was  the  18th ;  at  Alexandria  they 
celebrated  Easter  on  the  15th  day  of  the  moon,Wi<w  the  \ktli  icas 
a  Saturday ;  at  Rome  they  did  not  celebrate  Easter  in  any 
circumstances  before  the  16th  day  of  the  moon — assuming  that 
as  the  14th  day  represented  Good  Friday,  the  Pasch  of  the 
Passion,  Easter  Sunday,  the  Pasch  of  the  Resurrection,  could 
not  rightly  take  place  before  the  16th.  It  is  curious  that 
Cummain  in  his  Epistle  supports  this  opinion,  although  Bede 
makes  the  15th  of  the  moon  a  possible  Easter  Sunday, 
and  such  is  still  the  usage.  A  diversity  of  practice,  therefore, 
between  Rome  and  Alexandria  still  continued  for  many  years. 
However,  the  Alexandrian  usage  ultimately  prevailed,  but 
was  finally  accepted  in  the  Western  World  only  about  530, 
when  explained  and  developed  by  Dionysius  Exignus. 

This,  the  correct  system,  therefore,  lays  down  three 
principles.  First,  Easter  Day  must  be  always  a  Sunday, 
never  on,  but  next  after  the  14th  day  of  the  moon.  Secondly, 
that  14th  day,  or  the  full  moon,  should  be  that  on  or  next  after 
the  vernal  equinox ;  and  thirdly,  the  equinox  itself  was. 
invariably  assigned  to  the  21st  of  March. 

Whilst,  however,  the  Continental  churches  aimed  at 
uniformity  after  a  troublesome  experience  of  their  own  errors, 

1  See  Hefele.     Councils,  vol.  i.,  page  314.    French  Edition,  1869. 


8  Irish  Theologians  : 

the  Irish  and  British  churches,  practically  isolated  from  their 
neighbours,  tenaciously  clung  to  the  system  introduced  by 
St.  Patrick.      It  was  the  system  of  their  sainted  fathers,  and 
that  was  enough   for   them.     So  when  Augustine   and   his 
companions,  having  partially  converted  the  Saxons,  came  into 
contact  with  the  Christians  of  the  north  of  England,  they  were 
much  scandalized  at  their  celebrating  Easter  at  a  different 
time  from  the  rest  of  the  world.     They  remonstrated,  but  in 
vain ;  the  Scots  of  England  and  Ireland  would  not  change 
their  ways  ;  some  of  them  would  not  even  eat  with  the  new- 
comers; the  Britons  of  Wales  refused  to  aid  them  in  con- 
verting the    Saxons.      Colrnan,   after    his    discussion    witli 
Wilfred  at  Whitby,  refuted  but  not  convinced,  left  England 
with  his  monks  and  sailed  away  to  a  lonely  island  in  his 
native  Mayo,  rather  than  give  up  his  Irish  tonsure  and  his 
Irish  Easter.      Columbanus  was  equally  obdurate  in  France, 
and  the  Abbots  of  Hy  for  a  hundred  years  more  tenaciously 
adhered  to  the  traditions  of  their  own  great  founder.     But  all 
Ireland  was  not  equally  stubborn,  and  the  Southerns  yielded  first. 
The  English  Prelates,  Laurence  of  Canterbury,  Millitus  of 
London,  and  Justus  of  Rochester,  shortly  after  the  death  of 
Augustine,  addressed  a  letter  to  "  their  most  dear  brothers 
the  Lords,  Bishops,  and  Abbots  throughout  all  Ireland  (Scotia),'' 
admonishing  them  to  give  up  their  "  errors  "  in  reference  to 
Easter,  andcelebrate  it  in  conformity  with  the  Universal  Church. 
But  the  Irishmen  appear  to  have  taken  no  notice  of  this  document, 
for  it  looked  like  an  attempt  to  assert  a  spiritual  supremacy 
over  the  "  Scots  "  which  they  always  vigorously  repudiated. 

Millitus  afterwards  went  to  Rome,  and  others,  too,  coming 
there  after  him  spoke  of  the  errors  and  contumacy  of  the  Scots 
in  this  matter  of  Easter  as  well  as  in  some  other  things  also. 
So  Pope  Honorius  about  the  year  629,  addressed  an  admonition 
to  the  pastors  of  the  Irish  Church,  sharply  rebuking  them  for 
their  pertinacity  in  their  erroneous  practices,  especially  in 
reference  to  Easter,  and  calling  upon  them  to  act  thence- 
forward in  conformity  with  the  Universal  Church. 

The  main  charge  brought  against  the  Irish,  so  far  as  we 
can  gather  from  Bede  and  Cummain,  was  that  they  celebrated 
Easter  from  the  14th  to  the  20th  day  of  the  moon,  thus  cele- 
brating it  on  the  same  day  with  the  Jews,  viz.,  the  14th,  if  that ' 


St.  Cummain  the  Tall,  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  Q 

should  happen  to  be  Sunday,  which  was  contrary  to  the  express 
prohibition  of  the  Council  of  Nice.  Most  certainly  they  did 
not  celebrate  it  with  the  heretical  Quartodecimans  on  the  14th 
day  of  the  moon,  no  matter  what  day  of  the  week  it  might 
"happen  to  be — they  never  celebrated  Easter  on  any  day  but  a 
:Sunday,  as  both  Bede  and  Cummain  expressly  admit. 
•Cummaiii  says  that  St.  Patrick  assigned  the  equinox  to  the 
21st  of  March,  but  their  cycle  was  the  older  Roman  cycle  of 
eighty-four  years,  not  the  new  and  more  correct  cycle  of  nine- 
teen years  adopted  first  at  Alexandria  and  afterwards  at  Rome. 
The  main  charge,  however,  was  opposition  to  the  Universal 
Church  in  celebrating  Easter  from  the  14th  to  the  20th  of  the 
moon,  because  the  14th  of  Nisan  being  the  Jewish  festival 
was,  by  the  Council  of  Nice,  declared  unlawful  for  the 
'Christian  festival. 

How,  then,  could  St.  Patrick  have  come  to  admit  the  14th  of 
the  moon  in  any  circumstances  as  a  lawful  date  for  Easter 
Day  ?  This  is  a  difficult  point,  not  yet  clearly  determined. 

We  rather  think  that  this  usage  of  celebrating  Easter  on 
the  14th  of  Nisan,  if  it  fell  011  Sunday,  was  retained  in  several 
'of  the  Gallican  Churches  even  after  the  Council  of  Nice.  The 
•Council  itself  expressly  tells  us  that  it-  was  retained  up  to  its 
own  time  in  the  Eastern  Churches.  Now,  Eastern  influence 
and  Eastern  customs  prevailed  to  a  considerable  extent  in 
Southern  Gaul  during  the  fifth  century.  The  great  monastery 
•of  Lerins  was  founded  about  410,  and  from  its  cloisters  issued 
the  greatest  prelates  of  Southern  France.  John  Cassian  came 
from  the  East,  and,  as  we  know,  was  imbued  with  Eastern 
ideas — Cassian,  the  greatest  man  of  his  time,  so  holy,  so 
learned,  and  so  amiable,  was  a  monk  of  Lerins,  and  in  415 
founded  the  great  monastery  of  St.  Victor,  where  Eastern 
ideas  were  also  prevalent.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  St.  Patrick 
derived  his  Paschal  computation  from  these  monasteries,  or 
from  some  of  the  great  scholars  who  issued  from  their  cloisters. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  when  the  Irish  clergy  received  the 
admonition  of  Pope  Honorius,  they  convened  a  National 
Synod,  which  met  at  a  place  called  Magh  Leiie,  or  Campus 
Lene,  in  the  ancient  Feara-Ceall,  close  to  Rahan,  in  the 
King's  County.  Cummain,  in.  his  epistle,  incidentally  tells  us 
almost  all  we  know  of  this  important  Synod.  The  successors 


10  Irish  Theologians  : 

of  Ailby,  of  Ciaran.  of  Clonmacnoise,  of  Brendan,  of  Nessan,  of 
Molua,  were  there  assembled  about  the  year  630.  The  result 
of  their  deliberations  was  "  to  receive  humbly  and  without 
hesitation  "  the  doctrines  and  practices  brought  to  them  from 
the  Holy  See  as  their  forefathers  had  commanded  them,  and 
therefore  they  resolved  to  celebrate  Easter  next  year,  and 
thenceforward  with  the  Universal  Church.  But  shortly  after 
a  "  whitened  wall  "  rising  up  amongst  them  caused  disunion, 
under  pretext  of  urging  them  to  preserve  the  traditions  of  the 
elders.  At  last  a  compromise  was  adopted,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  send  messengers  to  Rome  to  see  with  their  own 
eyes  what  was  the  custom  of  the  Holy  City  in  reference  to 
the  celebration  of  Easter.  The  messengers  returned  on  the 
third  year,  and  told  them  how  they  saw  strangers  from  the 
whole  world  keeping  the  Roman  Easter  in  the  Church  of 
Peter.  Many  wondrous  cures  were  also  wrought  by  the 
relics  of  the  martyrs  which  they  had  brought  with  them  from 
Rome,  so  it  was  resolved  thenceforward  to  celebrate  Easter  on 
the  same  day  with  "  their  mother  the  Church  of  Rome  ;  "  and 
that  resolution  was  faithfully  carried  out  in  the  southern  and 
midland  parts  of  the  kingdom,  which  w^ere  principally  repre- 
sented at  the  Synod.  The  north  still  held  out,  mainly 
through  the  influence  and  example  of  the  great  monastery  of 
lona  and  its  dependent  houses  in  Ireland.  It  ivas  to  try  and 
induce  Segienus,  Abbot  of  Hy,  to  give  .up  the  ancient  usage, 
and  like  the  rest  of  the  world,  adopt  the  Roman  practice,  that 
Cummain,  probably  at  the  request  of  the  Synod,  wrote  this 
Paschal  Epistle.  He  was  favourably  known  in  lona,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  his  learning  and  sanctity  were  greatly 
respected  there,  and  Cummain,  who  had  given  special  study 
to  the  question,  not  unnaturally  thought  he  might  be  able  to 
persuade  the  Abbot  to  give  up  the  old  Columbian  usage. 
Though  he  failed  in  the  attempt,  his  letter  was  carefully 
preserved,  and  either  the  original,  or  a  copy,  was  carried  by 
refugees  from  lona  to  St.  Gall,  where  it  was  fortunately  pre- 
served for  posterity. 

The  epistle  begins  with  the  motto  or  inscription,  "I 
confide  in  the  Divine  Name  of  the  Supreme  God" — and 
is  addressed  by  its  author,  who  calls  himself  a  suppliant 
sinner,  to  the  Abbot  Segienus,  successor  of  St.  Columba, 


St.  Cummam  the  Tall,  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  11 

and  of  other  saints,  and  to  the  Solitary  Beccan,1  "  my  brother 
in  the  flesh  and  in  the  spirit."  The  following  is  a  brief  analysis 
of  this  most  interesting  monument  of  our  early  Irish  Church. 

First  of  all  the  writer  humbly  apologises  for  presuming  to 
address  these  holy  men,  and  he  calls  God  to  witness  that  in 
celebrating  the  Paschal  solemnity  with  the  learned  generally,  he 
does  so  in  no  spirit  of  pride  or  contempt  for  others.  For  when 
the  new  (Dionysian)  cycle  of  532  years  was  first  introduced  into 
Ireland,  he  did  not  at  once  accept  it,  but  held  his  peace,  not 
presuming  to  praise  or  censure  either  party. 

For  he  did  not  think  himself  wiser  than  the  Hebrews, 
Greeks,  and  Latins,  nor  did  he  venture  to  disdain  the  food  he 
had  not  yet  tasted  ;  he  rather  retired  for  a  whole  year  into 
the  sanctuary  of  sacred  study,2  to  examine  as  best  he  could 
the  testimonies  of  Scripture,  the  facts  of  history,  and  the 
nature  of  the  various  cycles  in  iise.  The  results  of  this  year  s 
study  he  sums  up  in  this  epistle.  He  first  proceeds  to  explain 
from  Scripture  the  proper  date  of  the  Jewish  Pasch,  which, 
including  the  days  of  unleavened  bread,  began  on  the  14th  day 
of  the  moon,  and  ended  on  the  21st;  and  he  quotes  St.  Jerome, 
who  declares  that  as  Christ  is  our  Pasch,  we  must  celebrate  that 
festival  from  the  14th  to  the  21st  day  of  the  moon  (the  date 
with  us  necessarily  varying  with  the  day  of  the  week).  But 
that  Pasch,  hejsays,  means  the  day  on  which  the  lamb  was  slain^ 
for  our  Saviour  himself  said,  "  AVith  longing  I  have  longed  to 
eat  this  Pasch  with  you  before  I  suffer."  Hence,  the  day  of 
Passion  in  the-  Christian  Festival  can  never  begin  before  the. 
14th  day  of  the  moon  ;  then  the  day  of  burial  will  be  the 
loth  of  the  moon,  and  therefore  the  day  of  the  Resurrection 
can  never  be  earlier  than  the  16th  day  of  the  moon  ;  and 
being  always  a  Sunday,  must  be  on  some  day  between  the 
16th  and  22nd  day  of  the  moon,  inclusive.  "  For  if  he  says, 
as  you  do,  the  Resurrection  were  celebrated  on  the  14th  of 
the  moon,  then  the  day  of  burial  will  be  the  13th,  and  the. 
day  of  Passion  the  12th,  which  is  preposterous  and  opposed 
to  the  clear  testimony  of  Scripture." 

Then  he  appeals   to  the  authority  of  the  Ecclesiastical 


this   Breacan    of   Dairinis,    near   Waterford,   half-brother  to 
Cummam  V     He  might  have  been  then  at  Hy. 

2  Perhaps  to  Disert  Chuimin,  where  he  wrote  :  "  Ut  me  lit  nycticoracem 
in  dominicilio  latitantem  defenderem."     Epistola, 


12  Irish  Theologians : 

Synods  against  the  Irish  usage.  There  was,  he  admits,  in  the 
beginning  a  diversity  of  practice  even  in  the  Apostolic 
ohurches  founded  by  Peter  the  Key-bearer,  and  John  the 
Eagle-pinioned,  for  the  Apostles  themselves,  driven  hither 
and  thither  by  persecution,  had  no  time  to  fix  a  uniform 
€ycle  for  all  the  churches.  But  afterwards  "  1  find  it  was 
ordered  that  all  those  were  to  be  excommunicated  who 
dared  to  act  against  the  statutes  of  the  four  Apostolic  Sees 
of  Rome,  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  and  Alexandria."  The  Nicene 
Synod,  he  adds,  composed  of  three  hundred  and  eighteen 
bishops,  ordained  that  the  same  rule  should  be  followed 
in  all  the  churches  of  the  East  and  West.  The  Synod 
of  Aries  also,  where  six  hundred  bishops  were  present, 
insisted  on  uniformity  throughout  the  whole  world  in 
the  observance  of  the  Pasch,  lest,  as  St.  Jerome  observes, 
we  should  run  the  risk  of  eating  the  Pasch  contrary  to  the 
law,  extra  unam  domum,  that  is,  outside  the  communion  of  the 
Universal  Church.  Consider  you  well,  therefore,  whether  it 
is  the  Hebrews,  Greeks,  Latins,  and  Egyptians,  united 
together,  that  are  the  extra  domum,  or  a  fragment  of  the 
Scots  and  Britains,  living  at  the  end  of  the  world,  that  form 
a  conventicle  separated  from  the  communion  of  the  Church. 
You  are  the  leaders  of  the  people ;  beware  how  you  act,  leading 
others  into  error  by  your  obstinacy.  Not  so  our  Fathers,  whom 
you  pretend  to  follow,  for  they  were  blameless  in  their  own 
days,  seeing  that  they  faithfully  followed  what  they  thought 
in  their  simplicity  to  be  best;  but  you  can  scarcely  excuse 
yourselves  for  knowingly  rejecting  the  observances  of  the 
Universal  Church.  The  writer  then  proceeds  to  insist  at  great 
length  on  this  argument  from  the  practice  and  authority  of 
the  Church  ;  and  recites  various  passages  from  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Jerome,  St.  Cyprian,  and  St.  Gregory,  on  the  unity  of  the 
Church,  and  the  guilt  and  danger  of  schismatical  practices. 
"  Non  alia  Romanae  urbis  ecclesia,  alia  totius  orbis  aesti- 
manda  est,"  he  says,  quoting  St.  Augustine ;  and  then  he  adds 
from  St.  Jerome,  "  Si  quis  Cathedrae  S.  Petri  jungatur  meus 
est  ille," — communion  with  Rome  was  in  Cummain's  estimation, 
-as  in  Jerome's,  the  test  of  orthodoxy  both  in  doctrine  and 
discipline.  "  Can  anything,"  he  says,  "be  more  absurd  than  to 
say  of  our  mother  the  church — Rome  errs,  Jerusalem  errs, 


St.  Cummcdn  the  Tall,  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  13 

Aiitioch  errs,  and  the  whole  world  errs,  the  Irish  (Scoti)  and 
Britons  alone  are  in  the  right?"  In  this  part  of  his  letter 
Cummaiii  certainly  displays  not  only  great  learning,  but  also 
great  vigour  and  eloquence  of  style. 

Lastly,  he  discusses  the  various  cycles  in  use  at  different 
periods,  and  although  he  found  much  diversity  with  various 
nations,  you,  he  says,  have  one  of  your  own  quite  different 
from  them  all.  First,  there  is  the  Paschal  cycle  introduced  by 
St.  Patrick,  our  spiritual  Father  (Papa  nostra),  according  to- 
which  the  ^Equinox  was  assigned  to  the  21st  of  March,  and 
Easter  Day  ranged  from  the  14th  to  the  21st  day  of  the 
moon.  He  then  refers  to  the  cycles  of  Aiiatolius,  Theophilus, 
Dionysius,  Cyril,  Morinus,  Augustine,  Victorius,  and  lastly  he 
mentions  the  cycle  of  Pachomius  to  whom  an  angel  revealed 
the  proper  way  to  calculate  Easter — cycle  meaning,  it  would 
seem,  the  special  manner  of  calculating  Easter  peculiar  to 
each.  He  then  refers  to  the  cycle  of  nineteen  years  adopted 
by  the  Nicene  Fathers,  calling  it  by  its  Greek  name — 
evved-KaiSe/carripLSa — which  he  adds  might  enable  you  to 
ascertain  the  date  of  Easter  with  sufficient  accuracy.  "  It  is, 
as  I  find,  quite  different  from  yours  in  its  kalends,  its  bissex- 
tile, in  its  epact,  in  its  fourteenth  moon,  in  its  first  month,  and 
in  its  equinox."  This  is  an  important  passage,  because  it  shows 
that  the  Irish  cycle  was  in  every  respect  different  from  the  cycle 
of  nineteen  years  as  adopted  by  the  church  of  Alexandria.  He 
then,  refers  to  St.  Cyril,  and  the  cycle  of  Victoricius,  clearly 
showing  that  he  was  familiar  with  the  entire  subject,  and  prob^ 
ably  had  in  his  hands  some  works  which  we  no  longer  possess. 

After  referring  to  the  Synod  of  the  Campus  Leiie,  as 
explained  above,  and  the  appeal  to  Rome  in  accordance  with 
the  ancient  statute  (mandatum)  of  the  Irish  Church,  he  goes 
on  to  say  that  according  to  the  synodical  decree  all  such 
"  causae  majores  ad  caput  urbiurn  sunt  referenda."  This 
refers  to  the  decree  of  the  Synod  of  Patrick,  Auxilius,  and 
Iserninus,  bidding  the  Irish  prelates  if  any  cause  of  disunion 
arose,  to  go  to  the  place  which  the  Lord  had  chosen,  (to  Rome, 
the  caput  urbium)  for  the  decision  of  these  more  important 
causes,  "  so  we  sent  there  certain  wise  and  humble  men  whom 
we  knew  as  children  to  their  mother."  And  they  returned 
011  the  third  year,  and  told  us  what  they  had  seen  and  heard, 


14  Irish  Theologians : 

and  how  in  the  Chtirch  of  St.  Peter,  the  common  hospice  of 
all  the  faithful,  Greeks  and  Hebrews,  Scythians  and  Egyp- 
tians— all  celebrated  Easter  on  the  same  day,  which  differed 
an  entire  month  from  onr  own,  and  we  saw  with  our  own  eyes 
many  miracles  wrought  by  the  relics  of  the  saints  and  martyrs 
which,  they  had  carried  home  with  them  from  the  holy  city. 
In  conclusion  he  adds  that  he  had  not  written  to  attack  them 
but  to  defend  the  truth,  he  apologizes  for  any  wrong  or  harsh 
words  that  might  have  fallen  from  him,  and  in  the  last 
sentence  implores  on  them  all  the  strong  blessing  of  the 
Holy  Trinity  to  guard  them  from  all  evil. 

This  remarkable  epistle  affords  a  striking  proof,  not  only 
of  Cummain's  own  learning,  but  of  the  high  efficiency  of  the 
schools  of  his  native  land,  in  which  he  studied.  He  gives  the 
Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Egyptian  names  of  the  first  lunar  month. 
He  refers  to  almost  every  cycle,  and  emendation  of  a  cycle, 
of  which  we  have  any  account,  briefly,  indeed,  but  sufficiently 
to  show  that  he  was  acquainted  with  them,  and  with  the 
decrees  of  Synods,  and  with  the  passages  of  the  Fathers  that 
make  reference  to  them.  Above  all  things,  he  insists  upon 
the  unity  of  the  Church,  and  iucontestably  establishes  the 
Irish  tradition  in  his  own  time,  that  the  Irish  Church  was 
founded  from  Rome,  that  Rome  is  the  Source  of  Unity,  the 
final  Court  of  Appeal,  and  the  Mother  of  the  Irish,  as  of  all 
other  Churches.  The  text  is  unfortunately  somewhat  corrupt, 
and  the  style  wants  polish;  but,  though  in  this  respect  Cummaiii 
is  inferior  to  several  Irish  writers  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
his  Latin  is  much  superior  to  that  of  several  ecclesiastical 
documents  that  we  have  seen  in  our  own  nineteenth  century. 

The  "Liber  de  Mensura  Poenitentiarum "  cannot  with 
certainty  be  ascribed  to  Cummain  Fada ;  but  it  is  highly 
probable  that  he  was  the  author.  It  was  preserved,  like  so 
many  other  invaluable  Irish  MSS.,  in  the  Monastery  of 
St.  Gall,  and  has  been  published  in  the  "  Bibliotheca 
Patrum,"  and,  together  with  the  Paschal  Epistle,  has  been 
republished  by  Migne  (Tome  87,  Patr.  Latina).  We  have 
seen  that  Cummain  was  regarded  by  the  Abbot  of  Hy  as  a 
great  moralist,  and  it  may  be  that  the  same  Segiemis  was 
the  "  faithful  friend,"  whom  the  author  addresses — mi  fidelis- 
sime — in  the  prologue.  The  treatise  consists  of  fourteen 


St.  Cummain  the  Tall,  Bishop  of  Clonfert.  15 

chapters,  giving  the  canonical  penances  assigned  to  sins  of 
various  kinds.  It  treats  of  these  sins  in  the  most  minute 
detail,  but  contains  little  original  matter ;  for  the  penances 
are,  in  most  cases,  taken  from  the  works  of  the  Fathers  and  the 
penitential  canons  of  various  early  Councils.  But  it  shows  how 
carefully  these  matters  wer  e  attended  to  in  our  early  Irish  Church, 
and  is  another  striking  monument  of  ecclesiastical  learning. 

Cummain  Fada  has  not  unfrequently  been  confounded 
with  Cummain  Finn,  the  nephew  of  Segienus,  Abbot  of  Hy. 
The  latter  wrote  a  life  of  St.  Columba,  to  which  Adamnan 
refers,  and  most  of  which  he,  Adamnan,  inserted  in  the  third 
Book  of  his  own  Life  of  .St.  Columba.  The  Paschal  Epistle 
has  also  been  attributed  to  him,  but  without  any  grounds. 
The  intrinsic  evidence  of  the  letter  itself  shows  that  it  was 
written  by  a  prelate  of  the  southern  half  of  Ireland ;  he  speaks 
of  Alby,  Brendan,  and  the  rest  as  "  our  fathers  and  predecessors," 
he  had  accepted  the  Roman  usage  which  Hy  and  its  family 
refused  to  accept  for  many  years  after,  and  he  uses 
in  reference  to  St.  Peter  the  very  peculiar  expression 
"  clavicularis,"  which  is  also  used  by  the  author  of  the  Poem 
in  honour  of  the  Apostles,  which  was  undoubtedly  the  work 
of  Cummain  Fada,  the  Bishop  of  Clonfert. 

The  Four  Masters  tell  that  "  St.  Cummain  Fada,  son  of 
Fiachna,  Bishop  of  Cluainfearta  Brennain,  died  011  the  12th 
of  November,  661,"  which  is  his  festival  day.  The  entry  of 
the  death  of  his  beloved  tutor,-  St.  Colman  O'Cluasaigh,  is 
marked  a  little  later  on  as  happening  in  the  same  year,  and 
therefore  towards  its  close.  Colman,  however,  lived  long 
enough  after  Cummain  to  compose  an  elegy  on  his  death. 
The  Four  Masters  have  preserved  these  few  lines  : — 

"  No  bark  o'er  Luimneach's  bosom  bore, 
From  Minister  to  the  Northern  shore, 
A  prize  so  rich  in  battle  won, 
As  Cummain's  corpse,  great  Fiachna's  son. 
Of  Erin's  priests,  it  were  not  meet 
That  one  should  sit  in  Gregory's  Seat, 
Except  that  Cummain  crossed  the  sea, 
For  he  Rome's  ruler  well  might  be. 
Ah!  woe  is  me,  at  Cummain's  bier 
My  eyelids  drop  the  ceaseless  tear  ; 
The  pain,  of  hopeless  anguish  bred, 
AVill  burst  my  heart  since  Cummain's  dead." 


16  Frequent  Communion. 

The  poet's  verse  was  true — Cohnaii  died  within  a  month  of 
his  pupil  to  whom  he  was  so  deeply  and  tenderly  attached. 
We  may  infer,  too,  from  these  verses  that  Cummain  died  at 
home  in  his  native  Kerry,  but  that  his  remains  were  carried 
up  the  Shannon  in  a  boat  to  his  own  Cathedral  of  Clonfert, 
where  he  was  interred.  The  Four  Masters  tell  us  that  in 
1162  the  "relics  of  Maeinenu  and  of  Cummain  Fada  were 
removed  from  the  earth  by  the  clergy  of  Brenaiiin  (that  is,  of 
Clonfert),  and  they  were  enclosed  in  a  protecting  shrine." 
So  far  as  I  know  there  is  no  account  to  be  had  now  of  the 
existence  of  this  shrine. 

^  JOHN  HEALY. 


FREQUENT  COMMUNION.- 1. 

WITH  unaffected  reluctance  and  more  of  self-distrust  than 
writers  in  public  journals  generally  get  credit  for,  I 
proceed  to  set  forth  some  thoughts  on  Frequent  Communion, 
dealing  principally  with  those  phases  of  the  question  which, 
when  they  occur  in  practice,  carry  with  them  some  degree  of 
embarrassment.  Plainly,  I  could  satisfy  the  terms  of  the 
request  so  flatteringly  conveyed  in  the  letter  of  J.  H.,  by 
selecting  those  aspects  of  the  subject — and  they  are  many — 
on  which  theologians  are  of  one  mind,  whilst  dexterously 
eschewing  those  other  more  practical  and  difficult  ones  on 
which  they  do  not  speak  so  confidently.  But  such  a  course 
would,  I  feel,  be  an  unwarrantable  occupation  of  valuable 
space  in  the  RECORD,  and  a  rude  discourtesy  to  your 
correspondent. 

I  shall  commence  with  the  question  of  Holy  Viaticum ; 
and  in  order  that  the  reader  "  may  have  something  for  his 
time,"  I  shall  endeavour  to  express  my  views,  as  far  as 
possible,  in  the  words  of  some  standard  theologian.  This 
will  be  pro  tanto  "a  guarantee  of  their  soundness ;  and,  should 
the  reader  wish  to  quarrel  with  any  of  them,  he  will  have 
higher  game  than  the  present  writer  to  engage  his  attention. 

J.  "  Quod  praeceptum   divinum   et   ecclesiasticum    com- 


Frequent  Communion.  17 

municaiidi    obligat    in   articulo   mortis,    est    sententia  com- 
munissima."     (La  Croix.) 

II.  The  "  sententia  communissima  "  also  affirms  that  this 
precept  binds  "  sub  mortali,  quia  materia   est  gravis,"  always 
understanding,  "  modo  praeceptum  servari  potest."  (La  Croix, 
De  Lugo,  St.  Liguori,  &c.) 

III.  The  "  obligatio  praeeepti,"  both  divine  and  ecclesias- 
tical, is  per  se  satisfied  when  the  penitent  has  once  received  the 
Holy  Viaticum  in  quavis  infirmitate.     "  In  eadem  iiifirmitate, 
etsi  non  teneatur,  potest   tamen  aegrotus   post   aliquot    dies 
repetere  Viaticum."     (Ferraris,  quoting  Suarez,  &c.) 

IV.  The  obligation  of  the  sick  man  to  receive  the  Viaticum 
carries  with  it  a   correlative  obligation,  on  the  part  of  the 
priest  having  parochial  responsibility,  to  administer  it.     He, 
too,  is  bound   sub  mortali  quia  materia  est  gravis;  and   we 
must  remember  that,  in  this  country,  the  obligation  binds 
both  Parish   Priests   and   Curates  in  solidum,    so   that   uno,' 
quacumque  ex  causa,   deficiente,  tenetur   alter.     (Synod  of 
Mayiiooth,  p.  114).  On  the  gravity  of  the  obligation  the  Council 
of   Trent   (Sess.    xiiL,    c.    6)    says :    "  Deferri   ipsam  sacram 
Eucharistiam  adinfirmos,  et  hunc  usum  diligenter  in  Ecclesia1 
conservari  .  .  .  multis  conciliis,  praeceptum  invenitur  .  .  .  et 
sancta  haec  synodus  retinendum  .  .  .  statuit." 

V.  Although  very  many  held  "  parochum  non  teneri,  cum 
vitae    suae    discrimine,  S.  Eucharistiam   peste   laborantibus 
ministrare,  ex  ea  ratione  quod  sacramentum  hoc  non  sit  ad 
salutem    necessarium,    prout    sunt    e    contra    baptismus  ef 
poenitentia,"  this   theory  is    not    in    reality    admissible    in 
practice.     Benedict  XIV.  teaches  "  ut  postulate  per  Vicarium 
Apostolicum   proposito    rescribebatur   sacerdotes    animarum 
curaepraepositosobligatione  teneri  .  .  .  Christi  fidelibus  peste 
correptis,  non  obstante  contrahendae  pestispericulo,noiisolum 
duo  ilia  baptismi  et  poenitentiae  sacramenta  ministrare  .  .  „• 
sed  et   duo  reliqua,    sacri    Viatici    et   Extremae   Unctioiiis. 
(Bouix.)     With  us,  at  any  rate — and  we  should  bless  God  for 
it — the  unassailable  argument  is,  that  any  hesitancy  to  afford 
prompt  and  cheerful  attendance,  especially  to  those  peste 
laborantibus,  would  inflict  an  irreparable    shock  upon    the 
sensitive  religious  faith  of  our  people. 

•    Having,  as  I  hope,  established  these  preliminary  principles- 
VOL.  VII.  B 


18  Frequent  Communion. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  some  points  of 
practical  difficulty. 

"  The  first  which  the  priest  not  unfrequently  encounters  is 
the  difficulty  of  deciding  whether  or  not  the  sick  man,  to 
whom  he  has  been  called,  sufficiently  answers  the  description 
of  a  "periculose  infirmus  cui,  ut  sic,  et  non  jejuno,  liceat 
Viaticum  miiiistrare."  This  is  sometimes  a  great  puzzle,  more 
especially  to  young  priests.  In  order  to  help  them  to  form  a 
practical  conscience  on  the  matter,  it  may  be  well  to  transcribe 
the  instructions  which  are  given  by  some  of  our  best  and 
most  experienced  writers.  "  Omnis  ille  intelligitur  constitutus 
in  periculo  mortis,  ita  ut  non  jejunus  potest  communicare,  cui 
invito  mors  imminet.  Non  est  tamen  opus  ut  mors  certo 
immineat,  sed  satis  est  quod  prudenter  timeatur,  v.  gr.,  si 
Medicus  ant  alius  homo  prudens  judicat  ex  illo  morbo 
decessurum."  (La  Croix,  n.  585).  "  Viaticum  dari  potest  in 
dubio  de  mortis  periculo,  si  dubium  sit  prudens  seu  fun  datum. 
Ratio  est  quia  saepe  constare  nequit  an  morbus  sit  vere 
lethalis  necne;  et  tune  Ecclesia,  pia  mater,  recte  praesumitur 
velle  in  tali  dubio  aegrotanti  fa  vere  .  .  .  Hoc  imprimis  valet, 
quando  aeger  longe  ab  ecclesia  distat,  quia  tune  exponitur 
rnajori  periculo  moriendiquin  sacramentisconsuetis  reficiatur." 
(Gury,  Cas.  Consc. ;  St.  Liguori,  Horn.  Apost.,  &c.,  &c.)  This 
is  likewise  taught  by  Gobat,  "  auctor  multum  eruditus  et 
experientia  abundans  "  ;  by  Dicastillus,  "  non  minus  pius  quam 
doctus,"  (Ballerini) ;  by  Collet  who  writes  emphatically, 
"  scrupulosius  discutiendum  non  esse,  an  certum  sit  periculum 
mortis  " ;  by  the  rigorist  Billuart,  and  a  host  of  others  of  every 
school. 

From  all  this,  I  believe,  we  may  practically  infer,  that  the 
very  fact  of  our  receiving  a  "  sick  call "  affords prima  facie  and 
presumptive  evidence  that  the  "aegrotus  periculose  infirmatur" 
—so  far  as  we  are  entitled  to  inquire.  For,  no  matter  how 
istrongly  our  own  opinion  may  run  against  the  presumption, 
we  should  remember  that  we  are  not  qualified  to  institute  a 
diagnosis  of  the  patient's  case ;  that,  in  the  absence  of  a 
physician,  the  sole  judges  are  the  sick  man  himself  and  those 
in  attendance  upon  him ;  and,  further,  that  so  frequently  is 
the  physician  himself  at  sea  or  deceived,  that  we  cannot  be 
bound  to  disbelieve  the  sick  man's  assurance — given  in 


Frequent  Communion.  19 

•circumstances  so  solemn  and  sacred — unless  the  doctor  pro- 
fessionally certifies  that  it  is  a  manifest  case  of  imposture  or 
delusion.  Nothing  is  more  common  than  to  hear  priests 
•congratulating  themselves  upon  having — "  almost  against 
their  consciences " — administered  the  last  Sacraments  to 
persons  of  whose  death  they  soon  after  heard  with  surprise. 
It  merely  follows,  that  they  were  sounder  theologians  than 
they  had  supposed,  and  that  they  knew  the  Church  to  be  a 
jpia  mater  in  more  than  name. 

In  dealing  with  the  next  point  to  which  I  shall  advert, 
I  know  that  I  am  treading  upon  exceptionally  slippery  ground ; 
for,  from  the  standpoint  from  which  I  intend  to  consider  it, 
I  can  find  little  formal  guidance  in  theological  works. 

(1)  It  is  sufficiently  clear  that  there  is  no  obligation,  vi 
praecepti,  of  receiving  the  Holy  Viaticum  more  than  once  in 
eadem  infirmitate.  Therefore,  there  is  no  concurrent  obligation 
of  administering  it.  (2)  It  is  equally  certain  that  "  in  eodem 
morbo,  etsi  non  tenearis,  potestamen  post  aliquot  dies  repetere 
Viaticum  lion  jejunus,  dummodo  nequeas  jejunus  sumere  et 
periculum  mortis  recurrat,  ut  docetur  communiter,  vel  etsi 
maneat,  ut  docent  Suarez,  De  Lugo,  &c."  St.  Liguori 
designates  this  as  the  "  vera  et  communis  sententia;"  and 
Benedict  XIV.  says,  that  no  theologian  "  of  any  name " 
questions  it.  The  reason  universally  assigned  for  this  teaching 
is  that  this  sacrament  "  aegrotis  non  datur  praecise  [exclusive] 
ad  satisfacieiidum  praecepto,  sed  in  praesidium  contra  tenta- 
tiones,  quae  tempore  mortis  magis  urgent."  But,  inestimable 
as  is  the  "  praesidium  "  which  the  receiving  of  Holy  Viaticum 
imparts  to  the  sick  man,  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the 
•arguments  by  which  theologians  prove  that  Holy  Communion 
is  not  necessary  for  salvation  necessitate  medii,  sive  in  re  sive 
in  voto,  prove  conclusively  that  a  second  reception  of  Holy 
Viaticum  is  not  a  "  praesidium  necessarium  contra  tentationes.'* 
They  may  be  effectually  subdued  by  prayer  and  other  recog- 
nised remedies.  It  follows  at  once  that  although  the  moribund 
may  receive  the  Holy  Vaticum  "  iterum  et  tertio,"  he  is  not 
rigorously  bound  to  do  so.  Hence  the  question :  Is  the  obli- 
gation of  the  priest  to  administer  it  "  iterum  et  tertio " 
similarly  limited  and  modified?  May  he,  having  once 
administered  the  Holy  Viaticum,  regard  himself  as  free  from 


20  Frequent  Communion. 

all  obligation  of  visiting  the  patient  in  morbo  diuturno  for  the 
purpose  of  re-administering  it?  May  he,  as  far  as  regards 
the  Holy  Viaticum,  leave  the  sick  man  to  secure  whatever 
"  praesidium  "  he  may  still  require,  in  those  alia  remedia  which 
faith  and  experience  prove  to  be  so  effective  ? 

To  this  practical  question  theologians  answer  with  a  most 
decided  negative.       Benedict    XIV.     instructs    bishops    to- 
admonish  those  in  charge  of  souls  "  et  posse  et  debere  Viaticum 
in  eadem  infirmitate  iterum  et  tertio  administrare ; "  and  lie- 
authorises  those  prelates  "  ut  poenam  decernant  in  parochos 
qui   illud    deferre    detrectent."       The    same    obligation    is 
recognised  and  proclaimed  by  all  theologians,  but  by  none 
of  them  is  it  laid  down   absolutely  and  unconditionally.     It  is 
thus  given  by  Bouix  (De  Parocho)  :  "Viaticum  aegrotis  pluries 
deferre,    durante    eodem   morbo,    potest   parochus ;    imo    et 
tenetur,  si  id  aegroti petant,  modo  tameii  inter  singulas  sacra-- 
menti  sumptiones  conveniens  tempusinternuat."  Benedict  XIV. 
inserts  on  the  law  given  above  the  qualifying  clause   "petente 
maxime  aegroto."      The  same  Pontiff,  seemingly  defining  for 
bishops  the  utmost  extent  of  duty  to  which  they  are  entitled 
to  bind  their  priests,  adds  "  praesertim  si  ipsimet  aegrotantes 
iterum  coelestem  ilium  pan  em  esuriant ;  et  si  velit  (Episcopus) 
poenam  etiam  decernat  in  parochos  qui.  ...     Eucharistiam 
ad  eundem  infirmum  earn  devote  efflagitantem  denuo  deferre 
obstinate  detrectant  falsis  quibusdam  et  emendicatis  praetex- 
tibus"   (Syn.   D.    Lib.    7,    c.    12).       St.    Charles   Borromeo 
(Regulae  Sacramentales,  p.  293)  says:  "Cum  praeterea  post- 
quam  Viaticum  aeger  suscepit,  aliquot   dies  superstes  sibi 
sacram   communionem   minutrari  petit,    ejus    pio    desiderio* 
parochus  noil  deerit."       O'Kane's  rendering  of  the  general 
rule   (n.  774)  is  in   precisely  the  same  spirit :  "  If  the  sick 
person,  after  having  received  the  Viaticum,     .     .     .     desires 
to  communicate  again,  the  priest  should  endeavour  to  gratify 
this  pious  desire.     .    .     .    Cavalieri  says,  and  it  seems  more 
probable,  that  the  rubric  here  altogether  prescinds  from  the 
question  of  fasting."     Collet,  interpreting  the  same  rubric,, 
tells  us,  "  Eucharistiam  infirmo   saepius  deferendam  esse  si 
petierit."     The  same  tone  and  teaching  run  through  all  the 
theological  works  I  have  been  able  to  consult. 

From  all  this — coupled  with  the  view  entertained  by  the 


.  Frequent  Communion.  21 

Faithful,  the  other  parties  concerned — it  would  seem  that  the 
obligation  '  of  administering  the  Holy  Viaticum  "  iterum  et 
tertio  "  comes  upon  the  priest,  and  binds"  him  ex  justitia 
et  ex  officio-  when — and  only  when — the  patient  conveys,  in 
some  unmistakably  intelligible  way,  his  reasonable  desire  to 
have  it  re-administered.  This  request  may  be  communicated 
in  a  variety  of  ways.  It  may  reach  us  by  a  messenger 
specially  deputed  to  carry  it,  and  this  is  what  ordinarily 
happens.  It  may  be — and  often  is — a  matter  on  which  we 
.liave  had  a  distinct  understanding  with  the  penitent  at  our 
first  interview.  It  may  reveal  itself  in  the  manifest  spiritual 
needs  of  the  sick  man,  which  oftentimes  speak  more  signi- 
ficantly and  importunately  than  words.  In  whatever  form  it 
comes  to  us  we  are  bound  ex  justitia  et  ex  officio  to  attend  to 
it  promptly  and  cheerfully.  But  beyond  this,  and  outside  of 
&  new  summons,  I  think — with  all  becoming  humility — that 
our  obligations  "  administrandi  Viaticum  iterum  et  tertio " 
arise  chiefly  and  constructively,  if  not  purely  and  solely,  ex 
charitatc,  and  are  governable  by  such  laws  as  regulate  the 
performance  of  charitable  works.  I  should  be  sorry  to  be  under- 
•stood  as  hereby  minimising  the  .responsibilities  of  those  who  are 
entrusted  with  the  charge  of  souls,  or  as  insinuating  that  they 
may,  by  punctiliously  waiting  for  an  invitation  from  the  sick 
man,  evade  the  onerous  and  indisputable  duty  of  again 
visiting  the  invalid,  data  occasione,  and  imparting  to  him  the 
divine  gift  of  Holy  Viaticum.  What  will  follow  a  little 
farther  on  will  prove  that  my  view  is  quite  compatible  with 
the  recognition  of  many  grave  and  momentous  duties  that 
have  yet  to  be  fulfilled.  If  this  theory  be  not  theologically 
sound,  I  am  sure  the  RECORD  will  be  open  to  anyone  who 
may  charitably  rectify  and  reform  it ;  and  I  am  quite  sure 
that  no  one  will  accept  the  rectification  with  more  deference 
#iid  resignation  than  myself.  But  should  it  be  true,  it  cannot 
fail  to  be  a  source  of  tranquillising  encouragement  to  that 
numerous  class  of  missionary  priests  in  Ireland  who,  owing 
to  the  circumstances  of  their  mission,  frequently  find 
themselves  painfully  disquieted  and  harrassed  with 
anxiety,  because  they  have  failed  to  strictly,  or  some- 
times even  approximately,  comply  in  this  matter  with  the 
instructions  and  suggestions  of  the  books.  Unlike  others,  the 


22  Frequent  Communion. 

ambit  of  whose  duties  is  of  easy  span,  and  who,  in  comparison,, 
may  be  said  to  "  live  at  home  at  ease,"  those  priests,  whose 
case  I  am  considering,  may,  on  forecasting  the  day's  work 
each  morning,  discover  that  occupations  of  supreme  moment 
to  the  spiritual  well-being  of  their  people,  will  cany  off  and 
detain  them,  for  many  successive  days,  miles  away  from  the 
residence  of  the  sick  man.  How  can  they  comply  with  the- 
counsels  and  directions  which  writers  invariably  detail  "  pro 
visitatione  aegrotantium  ?"  No  doubt,  even  in  the  busiest 
mission,  a  day  will  occasionally  occur  which  may  be  euphemis- 
tically described  as  idle;  and  such  a  day  could  not  be  devoted! 
to  more  charitable  work  than  making  unsolicited  visits  to  the 
sick.  Besides,  those  other  duties  of  ours  will  sometimes  bring 
us  within  fairly  practicable  distance  of  the  sick  house. 
Indeed,  the  experience  of  every  missionary  priest  is  en  evidence 
that  the  inspection  of  our  schools,  our  looking  after  abuses,, 
our  interposition  ad  lites  in  familiis  componendas,  our  attending 
of  necessary  sick  calls,  and  the  discharge  of  those  countless 
other  duties  that  bring  us  from  end  to  end  of  the  largest 
parish  so  often,  cannot  fail  to  carry  us — within  or  nearly 
within  the  suggested  intervals — into  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  sick  man.  We  should  welcome  such  occasions  as  so 
many  golden  opportunities  of  imparting  to  him  those  diverse- 
spiritual  services  which  the  writers  prescribe  pro  visitatione 
infirmorum,  and  which  our  position  and  office  entitle  us  to 
exercise. 

Concluding  this  section  of  the  subject,  I  would  therefore- 
submit : — 1°,  That  Parochi  and  (in  this  country)  Vicarii  are 
bound  sub  mortali,  ex  officio  et  ex  justitia,  etiam  cum  discri- 
mine  vitae,  to  administer  the  Holy  Viaticum  to  those  who 
are  presumably  in  periculo  mortis.  For  the  efficient  discharge 
of  this  momentous  duty,  they  are  bound  to  instruct  their 
people  to  give  early  notice  of  each  case  of  serious  illness- 
Should  such  intimation  be  not  formally  given,  they  are 
nevertheless  bound  to  visit  the  patient,  and  minister  to  him, 
precisely  as  if  they  had  been  summoned.  2°,  That  they  are 
further  bound  to  satisfy  the  sick  man,  and  those  in  attendance 
upon  him,  that  their  priests  shall  be  at  all  times  prepared 
freely  and  promptly  to  gratify  the  wish  of  the  patient 
whenever,  at  any  subsequent  period  of  his  illness,  he  may 


.Louis  Pasteur.  23 

desire  a  renewed  visit.  3°,  That,  even  in  the  absence 
of  such  an  expression  of  desire  on  the  part  of  the  sick 
man,  they  shall  feel  bound  in  charity  to  observe,  as 
far  as  will  be  compatible  with  the  conscientious  discharge 
of  their  other  official  obligations,  the  instructions  given 
by  theologians  pro  visitatione  wfirmorum,  most  especially 
instante  periculo  mortis.  Furthermore,  that,  inasmuch  as  such 
unsolicited  visits  may  be  sometimes  precarious  and  uncer- 
tain, they  shall  have  instructed  the  attendants  on  the  sick 
man  as  to  the  duty  of  discreetly  assisting  him  by  pious  sug- 
gestions, short  acts  of  contrition,  the  invocation  of  the  Sacred 
Names,  the  repetition  of  the  usual  prayers,  &c.  This  last 
might  form  the  matter  of  a  sermon  at  least  once  a^year. 

In  the  foregoing  observations,  many  points  of  considerable 
interest  and  practical  importance  have  been  assumed,  and 
but  incidentally  referred  to.  Such  would  be,  for  example, 
the  principles  that  should  guide  us  in  interpreting  the 
"aliquot  dies"  which  the  Rubric  requires  to  have  elapsed 
before  Holy  Communion  could,  in  any  circumstances,  be 
repeated  during  illness ;  the  giving  of  Holy  Communion  to 
those  who  are  permanently  cliniques,  and  who,  though  unable 
to  fast,  are  yet  not  periculose  infirmi,  &c.  These,  and  the 
more  general  question  of  frequent  Communion,  may  be  dis- 
cussed in  another  paper.  It  would  be  a  trespass  to  further 
prolong  this;  for  we  have  no  right  to  assume  that  the 
reader's  patience  has  grown  with  the  enlarged  dimensions  of 
the  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 

C.  J.  M. 


LOUIS  PASTEUR. 

>• 

LOUIS  PASTEUR  has  not  had  to  wait  for  posthumous 
honours ;  already,  in  his  lifetime,  Fame  has  found  him, 
and  has  proclaimed  his  merits.  He  has  been  fortunate  in 
having  of  his  family,  and  in  his  household,  a  Boswell — who 
has  faithfully  chronicled  his  labours  and  his  achievements, 
and  has  invested  the  life  of  the  patient  explorer  and  brilliant 
discoverer  with  the  charm  of  a  romance.  Facts  are  narrated 


24  Louis  Pasteur. 

stranger  than  fiction;  full  of  interest,  and  fraught  with  "a 
Tar-reaching  and  undying  importance;  facts  which  concern 
the  happiness,  the  well-being  and  the  life  of  men  and  of 
nations,  and  which  draw  closer  the  links  that  bind  in  indis- 
soluble union  all  animated  nature.  Gifted  with  splendid 
genius,  he  has  employed  that  genius  with  ceaseless  activity, 
dauntless  devotion,  and  a  whole-souled  enthusiasm,  for  the 
•benefit  of  mankind,  and  for  the  special  glory  and  advantage 
of  his  country ;  and  thus  has  won  for  himself  the  affection  of 
his  own  countrymen  and  the  homage  of  men  of  science  in  all 
countries.  Yet  although  his  name  is  often  heard  mentioned 
with  respect,  his  labours  are  not  so  w^ell  known  as  they 
deserve  to  be.  His  example  is  a  noble  and  inspiriting  one ; 
for  he  has  won  his  wray  to  distinction  from  an  humble 
beginning,  with  nothing  to  rely  on  for  advancement  save  his 
innate  ability,  developed  to  the  utmost  by  incessant  hard 
work,  and  sustained  by  indomitable  energy,  perseverance  and 
determination.  With  these  he  has  conquered  his  way  to 
success,  despite  "low  birth  and  iron  fortune;"  despite  opposing 
ignorance  and  prejudice,  and  despite  the  more  terrible  dis- 
ablement which  has  befallen  him  amidst  his  labours — of 
paralysis  caught  in  his  prolonged  struggle  with  the  Angel  of 
Knowledge ;  which  has  crippled  him  like  the  patriarch  of 
old,  but  still  has  left  him  with  unclouded  brain,  to  interpret 
for  us  God's  hidden  laws  and  Providence  in  the  Book  of 
Nature,  sealed  for  so  many  ages  by  God's  wrath  at  men's 
transgressions.  I  have  lately  read  an  account  of  the  life  and 
labours  of  Pasteur,  written  by  his  son-in-law,  M.  Valery  Radot, 
under  the  title,  "  M.  Pasteur,  Memoir e  d'un  Savant  par  un 
Ignorant"  and  translated  into  English  by  Lady  Claud  Hamilton, 
with  a  valuable  introduction  by  Professor  Tyiidall :  and  it 
has  been  suggested  to  me  that  I  should  give  a  brief  review  of 
the  work  for  the  readers  of  the  RECORD,  who  are  already 
familiar  with  M.  Pasteur's  name.  No  one  could  be  better 
qualified,  or  more  competent,  for  the  task  he  undertook  than 
M.  Radot.  He  thus  describes  himself: — "  In  the  salon  of  a 
distinguished  man,  or  of  a  great  writer,  there  is  often  to  be 
found  a  person  who,  without  being  either  a  fellow-worker  or 
a  disciple,  without  even  possessing  the  scientific  or  literary 
qualities  which  might  explain  his  habitual  presence,  lives, 


.Louis  Pasteur.  25 

nevertheless,  in  complete  familiarity  with  the  man  whom 
•all  around  him  call  '  dear  master.'  Whence  comes  this 
intimate  one?  Who  is  he?  What  is  his  business?  He  is 
only  known  as  a  friend  of  the  house.  He  has  no  other 
•title,  and  he  is  almost  proud  of  having  no  other.  Stripped 
of  his  own  personality,  he  speaks  only  of  the  labours 
,and  the  success  of  his  illustrious  friend,  in  the  radiance 
•of  whose  glory  he  moves  with  delight.  The  author  of 
,this  work  is  a  person  of  this  description.  Intimately  con- 
•nected  with  the  life  of  M.  Pasteur,  and  a  constant  inmate  of 
•his  laboratory,  he  has  passed  happy  years  near  this  great 
investigator,  who  has  discovered  a  new  world — the  world  of 
,the  infinitely  little."  M.  Radot  is  proud  to  have  such  a 
father-in-law,  and  M.  Pasteur  is  happy  in  possessing  such  an 
appreciative  son-in-law.  Indeed  the  family  seems  to  be  an 
altogether  model  one,  and  presents  in  this  respect  an 
agreeable  contrast  to  the  domestic  lives  of  other  great  men. 
What  then,  it  may  be  asked,  is  Pasteur?  and  what  has  he 
done  to  merit  the  title  of  great?  He  may  be  described, 
,in  the  words  of  M.  Radot,  as  a  "  great  investigator :"  for  great 
he  is,  in  genius,  in  labour,  and  in  achievement.  Pasteur  is  a 
man  of  science,  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  and  loving 
it  for  its  own  sake,  as  well  as  for  the  results  it  leads  to.  His 
mind,  says  Tyndall,  "  resembles  a  photographic  plate,  which 
is  ready  to  accept  and  develop  luminous  impressions,  sought 
and  unsought."  His  life  is  one  "of  extraordinary  scientific 
ardour  and  success ;"  he  possesses  "  the  divine  power  of 
distilling  from  facts  their  essences — of  extracting  from  them 
the  principles  from  which  they  flow."  "  Theory  may  change, 
and  inference  may  fade  away,  but  scientific  experiments 
•endure  for  ever."  "  Such  durability,"  continues  Tyndall, 
"  belongs  to  the  experimental  researches  of  M.  Pasteur."  This  is 
high  praise,  yet  not  too  high  for  what  Pasteur  has  done.  From 
liim  has  originated  the 'germ  theory  of  disease,  and  the  anti- 
septic system  of  surgery  and  medicine,  which  has  already 
•achieved  the  most  brilliant  results ;  he  has  extended  his  ser- 
vices to  the  brute  creation,  and  has  tracked  and  combatted 
with  marvellous  power,  patience,  and  success,  mysterious 
diseases  which  were  destroying  alike  beast  and  bird  and 
insect,  and  ruining  the  prosperity  of  his  country.  Thus  has 

,  fl.  * 


26  Louis  Pasteur. 

he  saved  man  from  deadly  maladies,  fowl  and  cattle  from 
wholesale  destruction,  the  silkworm  from  extinction,  the  wine- 
trade  from  ruin.  Last,  and  greatest,  he  has  grappled  with, 
if  not  yet  overcome,  the  terrible,  death-dealing  monster  of 
hydrophobia.  We  read  in  the  current  numbers  of  the  daily 
and  medical  journals  that  people  bitten  by  rabid  dogs  are 
being  constantly  sent  to  him  for  treatment ;  and,  as  I  write, 
some  victims,  of  our  own  Irish  race,  as  it  happens,  are  on  their 
journey  from  distant  America,  animated  with,  and  sustained  by, 
the  hope  of  obtaining  relief  and  protection  from  his  healing 
hands.  Yet  Pasteur  is  not  a  physician,  although  neither 
Hippocrates  nor  ^Esculapius  nor  any  of  the  Asclepiadae  has- 
ever  before  owned,  or  wielded,  such  divine  power.  He  has, 
just  now,  completed  his  63rd  year.  On  the  fa£ade  of  the  little 
house  in  the  Rue  des  Tamieurs,  in  the  town  of  Dole,  where  he 
was  born,  is  a  plate  which  records  in  letters  of  gold, 
"  Here  was  born  Louis  Pasteur, 

December  22nd,  1822." 

Five  years  ago  this  tablet  was  erected  in  the  presence 
of  Pasteur,  amid  the  applause  and  acclaim  of  his  countrymen* 
Certainly  they  manage  these  things  well  in  France.  Pasteur's- 
father  was,  in  early  life,  a  soldier:  he  had  fought  under 
Napoleon,  and  had  been  decorated  on  the  battle-field  before 
he  became  a  tanner.  From  him  Pasteur  inherited  a  patriotic 
spirit,  which  prompted  him  in  1871,  when  France  lay  pros- 
trate at  the  feet  of  Prussia,  to  resign  the  diploma  of  Doctor, 
which  had  been  conferred  on  him  three  years  previously  by 
the  University  of  Bonn— whilst  he  transmitted  the  martial 
spirit  to  his  son,  who,  although  hardly  eighteen  years  of  age, 
was  fighting  in  the  Army  of  the  East.  Pasteur's  father  and 
mother  watched  over  their  son  with  ceaseless  solicitude,  we 
are  told.  They  were  determined,  whatever  their  own 
deficiencies  may  have  been,  "  to  make  an  educated  man  of 
him."  Although  full  of  talent,  Louis  seems  to  have  been  in 
his  youth  indolent,  and  prone  to  idleness.  Fishing  was  his-' 
favourite  pastime,  and  still  continues  to  be.  He  showed, 
however,  a  great  aptitude  for  drawing  portraits,  a  dozen  of 
which  are  still  preserved  at  Arbois,  and  display  such  ability, 
that  in  the  opinion  of  some  good  folk  there,  he  mistook  his 
vocation,  andshould  have  been  a  Painter,  instead  of  a  Chemist — 


s  Pasteur.  27 

at  a  later  period  he  himself  thought  that  he  missed  his 
vocation  by  diverging  from  the  study  of  Chemistry  and 
Molecular  physics— in  which  he  first  acquired  fame.  Tyndall, 
nevertheless,  is  of  opinion,  that  he  but  "  yielded  to  the  natural 
affinities  of  his  intellect,  that  he  obeyed  its  truest  impulses, 
and  reaped  its  richest  rewards,  in  pursuing  the  line  that  he 
has  chosen,  and  in  which  his  labours  have  rendered  him  one 
of  the  most  conspicuous  scientific  figures  of  the  age."  In  his 
twenty-first  year  Pasteur  entered  the  Ecole  Normale,  having 
previously  obtained  the  degree  of  bachelier  es  lettres,  and  here 
he  devoted  himself  with  the  greatest  diligence  to  Chemistry- 
"  He  thought  of  nothing  but  experiments, "  says  M.  Radot. 
He  often  worked  from  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  nine  in 
the  evening  at  his  favourite  pursuit.  After  a  time  he  was 
appointed  Assistant  to  the  Professor,  M.  Balard,  but  for  whose 
influence  he  would  have  been  transferred  by  the  Minister  of 
Education,  as  Professor  of  Physics,  to  the  Lycee  of  Tournon. 
Under  Balard  he  studied  crystallography,  and  therein  achieved 
his  first  triumph  by  discovering  the  cause  of  dissymmetry 
in  substances  chemically  identical :  a  discovery  which 
had  previously  baffled  the  keenest  intellects.  This- 
event  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  for  "by  a  sudden, 
turn,"  as  Pasteur  himself  expresses  it,  it  unexpectedly  threw 
him  on  the  subject  of  fermentation,  and  fermentation  led  him 
to  the  study  of  diseases.  So  engrossed  was  he  with  this- 
inquiry,  that  "  on  the  very  morning  of  his  marriage  "  we  are- 
told,  "  it  was  necessary  to  go  to  his  laboratory  and  remind 
him  of  the  event  that  was  to  take  place  on  that  day."  This 
discovery  was  the  key  to  all  that  followed.  The  substances- 
which  formed  the  subject  of  these  experiments  were 
Tartaric  and  Paratartaric  Acids,  and  their  compounds — • 
which,  whilst  chemically  identical,  and  having  apparently 
the  same  crystalline  form,  were  found  to  act  differently  on 
light — the  then  known  Tartrate  polarising  to  the  right,  whilst 
the  Paratartrates  had  no  such  action.  Pasteur  discovered 
by  careful  examination  minute  facets  in  the  right-handed 
Tartrate  crystals,  like  those  previously  discovered  by  Biot 
in  rock  crystals,  some  of  which  were  shown  by  him  to  be  right- 
handed  and  others  left-handed;  although  there  was  no  apparent 
difference  of  crystalline  form.  Pasteur  now  discovered 


28  Louis  Pasteur. 

the  existence  of  left-handed  crystals  of  Tartaric  Acid; 
and  proved  that  the  neutrality  of  the  Paratartrate  was 
•due  to  the  equal  admixture  of  right  and  left-handed  crystals. 
The  Paratartrates  were  possessed  of  symmetry,  in  virtue  of 
the  combined  presence  of  right  and  left-handed  Tartrates ; 
whilst  each  of  the  latter  was  shown  to  be  dissymmetrical,  the 
former  polarising  to  the  right,  the  latter  to  the  left.  Symmetry, 
Pasteur  illustrates  by  the  example  of  the  human  body,  which  is 
formed  of  corresponding  parts  right  and  left,  whilst  these 
separate  unilateral  parts  have  no  such  symmetry:  thus  the  right 
4and  left  hands  are  together  symmetrical,  but  neither  separately 
is  so.  We  have  now  almost  reached  the  parting  of  the  ways,  for 
Pasteur  was  not  destined  to  waste  upon  Tartrates,  "  what  was 
meant  for  mankind."  A  German  chemical  manufacturer  had 
long  previously  observed  that  impure  Tartrate  of  Lime, 
dissolved  in  water,  and  contaminated  or  mixed  with  organic 
•substances,  fermented  when  exposed  to  the  summer  sun. 
Pasteur  found  that  the  right-handed  tartrate  of  ammonia  also 
fermented  under  similar  conditions,  owing  to  the  growth 
and  multiplication  of  a  microscopic  living  organism,  or  fer- 
ment. He  next  tried  the  Paratartrate,  and  found  that  it  also 
fermented ;  but  noticed  that  after  fermentation  had  gone  on  for 
some  time,  the  previously  neutral  solution  became  possessed 
of  the  power  of  polarising  light  to  the  left.  On  examination 
he  found  that  all  the  right-handed  Tartrate  had  disappeared 
from  the  solution,  and  only  left-handed  remained  behind. 
Thus  the  equilibrium  previously  existing  in  the  solution,  by  the 
union  of  the  two  kinds  of  crystals,  had  been  destroyed  by  the 
removal  of  the  right-handed  crystals.  The  organism  had  fed 
upon  the  solution,  and  had  assimilated  the  right-handed  Tartrate 
finding  it  more  digestible  than  the  left.  This  experiment,  the 
importance  of  which  cannot  be  exaggerated,  was  performed 
with  the  seed  of  common  mould,  Penicillium  Glaucum,  which 
is  to  be  found  everywhere. 

This  brings  us  to  the  question  of  fermentation. 

Pasteur  has  proved  that  fermentation  is  due  to  the  agency 
of  very  minute  living  organisms,  which  feed  on  the  substances 
formerly  regarded  as  ferments.  To  their  action  all  fermen- 
tation and  all  putrefaction  are  due.  Putrefaction  is,  indeed, 
merely  fermentation  under  another  name,  that  smells  less  sweet. 


Louis  Pasteur.  29 

Tims  the  fermentation  of  sugar  might  be  called  putrefaction 
of  sugar.  There  are  various  ferments  :  in  fact,  they  are  in 
number,  numberless.  Principal  amongst  them,  and  of  first 
industrial  and  commercial  importance,  are — the  Yeast-plant,, 
or  Torula  Cerevisice,  as  it  is  named ;  and  the  Vinegar-plant 
or  Mycoderma  Aceti.  Each  of  these  ferments,  and  every 
ferment,  is  special  and  distinct ;  and  forms  a  special 
product  as  the  result  of  its  fermentation  or  life.  Thus 
the  Yeast  ferment  produces  Alcohol,  the  Acetic  ferment 
Vinegar.  Ferments  are  of  one  or  other  of  two  classes — ^Erobic^ 
and  Anaerobic ;  the  former  requiring  air  or  oxygen  for  their 
vitality,  whilst  to  the  latter  it  is  fatal.  The  Yeast  plant 
grows  best  when  air  is  freely  supplied,  but  ceases  to  act  as  a 
ferment  under  such  circumstances  ;  whilst  in  the  brewing  vat 
it  is  cut  off  from  the  air  and  -surrounded  by  carbonic  acid  gas. 
Air,  on  the  other  hand,  is  fatal  to  the  Butyric  ferment — which 
is,  notwithstanding,  the  most  widely  distributed  ferment  in 
nature.  This  ferment  was  discovered  by  Pasteur,  who  showed 
it  to  be  the  natural  heir — so  to  speak — to  the  Lactic  ferment, 
with  which  it  had  been  previously  regarded  as  identical.  In 
a  former  paper  I  referred  to  its  action  in  the  formation  of  coal. 
Fermentation,  then,  is  the  result  of  the  nutrition  and  life 
of  a  ferment,  which  by  its  vital  power  breaks  up, 
disorganises,  aad  decomposes,  the  substances  on  which 
it  feeds.  So  fermentation  is  disintegration  or  decom- 
position; the  substance  acted  ivpoii  is  broken  up  into  its 
elements.  Fermentation,  and  therefore  putrefaction,  is 
thus  a  phenomenon  of  life — it  is  due  to  the  life  of  a 
microscopic  organism,  vegetable  or  animal,  capable  itself  of 
increase  and  of  disintegration  and  death.  For  ferments  die 
and  are  decomposed  by  other  ferments  that  feed  upon  them. 
To  quote  the  Hues  of  Swift : — 

"  So,  naturalists  observe,  a  flea 
Has  smaller  fleas  that  on  him  prey ; 
Arid  these  have  smaller  still  to  bite  'em, 
And  so  proceed  ad  infinitum" 

"Mildew,  mould,  bacteria,"  observes  Pasteur,  "monads, 
two  thousand  of  which  would  go  to  make  up  a  millimeter,  all 
these  microscopic  organisms  are  charged  with  the  great  wotls 


.30  Louis  Pasteur. 

of  re-establishing  the  equilibrium  of  life,  by  giving  back  to  it 
;all  that  it  has  formed."  "  It  is  life,"  he  adds,  "  that  presides 
over  this  work  of  death."  Thus  Yeast  exposed  to  the  air,  in 
summer,  languishes  and  loses  its  vitality,  and  is  attacked 
from  without  by  serobic  organisms,  such  as  the  germs  of 
mould,  whilst  within  anaerobic  vibios  carry  on  the  work 
of  destruction.  ^Erobic  and  anaerobic,  strive  with  one  another, 
and  rend  one  another  asunder ;  each  feeding  on,  and  deriving 
its  sustenance  from,  the  other — and  so  the  cycle  of  life 
and  of  death  goes  on:  forms  change  and  perish,  but  life 
endures,  flowing  permanently  on,  building  up,  animating, 
destroying.  When  life  departs  from  plant  or  animal,  other  life 
succeeds,  myriad  lives  to  one,  restoring  ready  to  the  Maker's 
Land  the  material  from  which  new  forms  are  built  up.  We  can 
now,  perhaps,  see  what  a  useful  and  necessary  function  is  per- 
formed by  the  germs  of  putrefaction.  "  If,"  says  Pasteur,  "  we 
could  suppress  their  work,  the  surface  of  the  globe,  encumbered 
with  organic  matter,  would  soon  become  uninhabitable." 

Micro-organisms  swarm  and  teem  everywhere — they 
«wim  in  the  air ;  they  ride  upon  dust  particles ;  they  are 
earned  by  insects;  they  prowl  around  for  pabulum — they 
infest  and  beleaguer  plants  and  animals,  waiting  for  a  breach 
to  enter  by.  To  the  naked  eye  they  are  invisible ;  but  are 
revealed  to  the  microscopic  eye  of  science.  Not  all  are 
directly  hurtful  to  man ;  some  arejserviceable.  Of  this  latter 
class,  innocuous  to  man,  and  ministering  to  his  wants,  is  the 
mycoderma  aceti,  which  is  deposited  upon  wine  left  exposed  to 
the  air — and  which  converts  it  into  vinegar.  The  Mycoderm 
thrives  best  in  warmth,  and  its  growth  is  promoted  by  an  acid 
condition  of  wine:  hence  the  addition  of  a  little  acetic  acid 
hastens  the  conversion  of  wine  into  vinegar.  Alcohol  mixed 
with  pure  water  does  not  permit  of  the  growth  of  the  vinegar 
plant — mineral  or  albuminous  matter,  such  as  wine  affords,  is 
necessary  for  its  nourishment.  If,  however,  the  alcoholized 
water  be  slightly  acidulated  with  acetic  acid,  and  to  it  be  added 
a  little  Phosphate  of  Ammonia,  with  other  alkaline  and  earthy 
Phosphates,  then  the  mycoderm  will  develop,  and  the  alcohol 
be  transformed  into  vinegar.  A  little  wine  left  in  a  bottle 
containing  atmospheric  air  will,  as  every  day  experience  shows, 
be  converted  into  vinegar — even  when  tightly  corked — - 


Louis  Pasteur.  31 

because  the  air  contains  the  mycoderm.  But  if  the  wine  thus 
corked,  be  exposed  for  some  instants  to  a  temperature  of 
50°  or  60°  C.j  it  will  not  ferment,  because  the  ferment  is  killed 
by  the  heat.  If,  however,  fresh  air  containing  fresh  ferment 
be  allowed  to  enter,  the  wine  will  become  converted  into 
vinegar.  As  wine  is  thus  changed  into  vinegar,  so  vinegar 
is  changed  into  water,  and  ultimately  becomes  putrid.  Pasteur 
has  shown  how  this  occurs  and  how  it  may  be  prevented ; 
and  so  has  conferred  immense  benefit  in  this  respect,  as  he 
has  in  many  another,  on  the  industries  of  his  country.  When 
the  wine  has  been  converted  into  vinegar,  what  becomes  of 
the  ferment  ?  Well ;  it  may  live  on,  for  a  while,  feeding  on 
the  vinegar,  robbing  it  of  oxygen  and  converting  it  into 
water,  mixed  with  mineral  arid  vegetable  matter — and 
carbonic  acid  gas  which  escapes :  when  there  remains 
behind  a  simple  organic  infusion,  free  from  acidity, 
which  becomes  an  easy  prey  to  the  vibrios  of  putre- 
faction. Indeed,  even  in  vinegar,  a  constant  warfare 
is  carried  on  between  the  mycoderm  and  little  cell- 
like  vibrios,  which  multiply  with  extraordinary  rapidity — and 
greatly  interfere  with  the  production  of  vinegar.  These 
eel-like  organisms  are  animalcular,  and  quickly  die  if  deprived  of 
air.  As  the  mycoderm  also  requires  oxygen,  they  are  mutually 
antagonistic,  and  both  seek  the  upper  air  near  the  top  of  the 
vinegar.  When  the  plant  is  active  it  is  more  than  a  match 
for  the  animalcules,  which  are  driven  to  the  bottom,  or  to  the 
sides, like  eels;  and  there  they  wait,  for  their  opportunity,  till  the 
mycoderm  is  weakened,  when  they  spring  to  the  top,  to  carry 
on  the  work  of  putrefaction.  Previous  to  Pasteur's  investiga- 
tions these  organisms  were,  strange  to  say,  regarded  as 
essential  to  the  production  of  vinegar.. 

Pasteur  next  proceeded  to  investigate  the  theory  of  Spon- 
taneous Generation;  andby  a  succession  of  the  most  brilliant  and 
conclusive  experiments  proved,  that  "there  is  not  one  circum- 
stance, known  at  the  present  day,  which  justifies  the  assertion 
that  microscopic  organisms  come  into  the  world  without  germs, 
or  parents,  like  themselves.  Those  who  maintain  the  contrary 
have  been  the  dupes  of  illusions  and  ill-conducted  experi- 
ments, tainted  with  errors  which  they  knew  not  how,  either 
to  perceive,  pr  to  avoid.  Spontaneous  Generation  is,"  he 


32  Louis  Pasteur. 

exclaimed,  "  a  chimera."  He  showed  how  the  most  putrescible- 
fluids  remain  pure  and  fresh,  when  exposed  to  air  from 
^chich  germs  have  been  excluded.  These  germs  of  putrefaction 
are  found  to  be  more  plentiful  in  towns  than  in  the  country ; 
being  most  plentiful  near  human  habitations.  They  are,  there- 
fore, more  abundant  in  plains  than  on  mountains ;  and  dis- 
appear altogether  from  the  higher  regions  of  the  atmosphere/ 

The  diseases  of  wines  next  received  Pasteur's  attention. 
Here  again  he  found  ferments  at  work,  many  and  different  in 
kind.  He  likewise  discovered  a  remedy,  simple  and  effective,. 
in  the  application  of  heat  at  the  temperature  of  50°  C.  which 
kills  the  germs,  without  in  the  least  impairing  the  flavour  of 
the  wine. 

To  prove  this  he  invoked  the  judgment  of  connoisseurs, 
who  failed  to  detect  any  difference,  in  flavour  or  appearance, 
between  heated  and  unheated  wines.  In  new  wines  Pasteur 
found  a  mycoderm,  the  Mycoderma  Vini,  which  is  in  no  way 
injurious  to  the  wine,  and  disappears  when  the  wine  grows' 
old.  Indeed,  it  will  not  even  grow  in  old  and  mature  wines,, 
not  finding  suitable  pabulum.  The  contrary  is  the  case  with 
the  Mycoderma  Aceti,  which  will  not  grow  in  new  wines; 
but  derives  its  first  nourishment  from  the  cells  of  the 
Mycoderma  Vim,  as  it  withers  and  dies  in  the  mature  wines :, 
just  as  in  turn  the  Mycoderma  Aceti  falls  a  victim  to  the 
vibrios  of  putrefaction.  This  fact  is  instructive,  and  suggests^ 
perhaps,  an  explanation  of  the  varying  susceptibility  to 
various  diseases  manifested  by  people  in  early  and  in  adult 
life — some  diseases,  such  as  measles  and  whooping  cough,  being; 
principally  confined  to  infancy,  childhood,  and  adolescence, 
whilst  others  wait  011  maturity  and  old  age.  So  it  is,, 
too,  that  some  crops  grow  best  in  a  virgin  soil,  whilst  others  do- 
best  in  old  soil.  More  interesting  still,  and  of  still  greater 
importance  to  France  and  to  science,  were  Pasteur's  experi- 
ments with  regard  to  the  diseases  of  silkworms.  The  chapters, 
dealing  with  the  subject  are  the  most  fascinating  in  this  fairy- 
land of  fact.  For  sixteen  years,  from  1849  to  1865,  the  silk 
trade,  one  of  the  greatest  industries  of  France,  had  been 
threatened  with  extinction  by  a  terrible  plague  which 
attacked  the  silkworm,  and  persisted  with  fearful  severity,  in 
spite  of  every  remedy-  that  could  be  devised.  Silkworms 


Louis  Pasteur.  33 

were  imported  from  abroad,  but  this  only  stayed  the  plague 
for  a  while.  The  epidemic  extended ;  Spain  and  Italy  were 
attacked;  then  the  Islands  of  the  Archipelago ;  next  Greece  and 
Turkey ;  lastly,  Syria  and  the  Caucasus.  Of  silk-producing 
countries  Japan  alone  escaped.  In  France  the  production  of 
cocoons  sank  from  26,000,000  kilogrammes,  in  1853,  to 
4,000,000  in  1865,  entailing  a  loss,  to  the  revenue,  of  100,000,000 
francs.  The  country  was  appalled,  and  the  entire  world  felt  the 
loss.  So  much  depends  upon  the  health, the  digestion, the  life  of 
a  worm !  More,  indeed,  than  even  this,  as  Darwin  has  shown, 
depends  upon  the  life  of  the  much  despised  earth-worm. 
Where  all  had  failed,  the  splendid  comprehensive  genius  of 
Pasteur  succeeded  in  detecting  and  differentiating  the  causes 
of  the  disease,  or  rather  diseases,  and  devising  a  remedy.  He 
was  at  first  unwilling  to  undertake  the  investigation,  but  yielded 
for  the  sake  of  friendship,  and  of  France.  He  was  assisted  and 
encouraged  in  his  work  by  the  presence  and  the  co-operation 
of  Madame  Pasteur  and  his  daughter,  and  was  favoured 
by  Imperial  patronage.  The  Emperor  placed  a  villa 
near  Trieste  at  his  disposal,  and  subsequently  nominated 
him  a  Senator:  an  honour  which  he  never  enjoyed, for  Sedan 
quickly  followed.  Pasteur  made  a  more  princely  return; 
for  the  sale  of  cocoons,  which  previously  had  brought  no 
recompense,  soon  yielded  a  net  profit  of  26,000,000  francs ! 
The  distressed  agriculturists  were  made  glad  once  more  by 
the  produce  of  their  silken  "  kine."  I  should  greatly  like  to 
follow  M.  Radot's  charming  narrative  at  greater  length,  but 
space  will  not  permit.  Much  light  is  thrown  on  methods  of 
infection,  and  on  the  progress  of  diseases,  particularly  of  the 
Exanthemata,  by  the  experiments  detailed.  It  was  towards 
the  close  of  this  inquiry,  in  October  1868,  that  Pasteur,  then 
forty-five  years  of  age,  was  struck  with  paralysis  of  the  left 
side,  from  which  he  yet  halts,  although  his  intellect  is  as 
bright  as  ever.  Struck  down  by  what  was  regarded  as  a 
fatal  illness,  he  dictated  to  his  faithful  wife  a  last  note,  which 
was,  as  he  intended,  to  be  communicated  to  the  Academy  of 
Sciences,  after  his  death.  "  I  regret  to  die,"  he  said.  "  I  should, 
wish  to  have  rendered  more  service  to  my  country."  Happily, 
his  life  was  spared  to  more  than  realize  that  hope.  It  is  re- 
markable that  when  he  undertook  this  inquiry,  he  was  entirely 
VOL.  VII.  c 


34  Louis  Pasteur. 

ignorant  of  the  life-habits  of  the  silkworm ;  and  was,  therefore, 
perhaps,  the  better  qualified  for  the  task,  which  he  approached 
-with  unbiassed  mind  and  calm  judgment.  His  example  is  an 
encouragement  to  investigators  and  reformers,  who  are  some- 
times taxed  with  incompetency  or  unfit-ness,  simply  because 
they  possess  no  material  interest  in  the  evil  which  they  seek  to 
remedy.  "  But  consider,"  said  Pasteur,  "  in  reply  to  the 
entreaties  of  his  master  and  friend,  M.  Dumas,  "  that  I  have 
never  handled  a  silkworm."  "  So  much  the  better,"  replied 
M.  Dumas:  "If  you  know  nothing  about  the  subject,  you 
.will  have  no  other  ideas  than  those  which  come  to  you  from 
your  own  observations."  M.  Radot  draws  charming  pictures  of 
the  happy,  yet  anxious,  every-day  life  of  the  people  employed 
in  the  silkworm  culture,  and  of  M.  Pasteur  in  his  quiet  labora- 
tory in  the  Cevennes,  nestled  amongst  woods  and  surrounded 
by  hills,  up  whose  terraced  sides  mulberry  trees  grow,  seeking 
with  ardour  the  means  of  arresting  the  progress,  and  preventing 
the  recurrence,  of  the  plague  which  was  blighting  one  of  the 
greatest  industries  of  his  country.  "  The  solitude  was 
profound.  Madame  Pasteur  and  her  daughter  constituted 
themselves  silkworm  rearers — performing  their  part  in  earnest; 
not  only  gathering  the  leaves  of  the  mulberry  trees,  but  also 
taking  part  in  all  the  experiments.  The  assistants  from  the 
Ecole  Normale  were  grouped  around  their  master."  Pasteur 
found  that  there  were  two  diseases  at  work,  instead  of  one, 
as  had  previously  been  believed.  He  carefully  traced 
the  stages  and  progress  of  the  diseases,  discovered  their 
causation,  and  pointed  out  the  means  of  prevention.  He 
showed  that  the  diseases  could  be  communicated  through  the 
integument  by  abrasions,  or,  as  more  usually  happened,  by 
means  of  the  intestinal  canal.  Almost  everything  was  shown 
to  depend  011  the  worm's  power  of  digestion:  for  so  long  as  the 
worms  were  in  full  vigour,  with  digestion  unimpaired,  all  went 
well ;  germs  were  prevented  from  developing,  and  were  actually 
digested :  but  when  from  any  cause  whatever,  the  health  or 
digestive  power  became  impaired,  the  germs  of  disease 
acquired  a  fatal  mastery. 

The  diseases  which  cause  the  deterioration  of  Beer,  next 
•occupied  Pasteur's  attention ;  with  such  signal  success  that 
Pasteurised  beer  has  become  a  favourite  beverage  all  over 


Louis  Pasteur.  35 

the  Continent.  As  in  the  case  of  wine,  a  heat  of  50°  to  55°  C. 
was  the  only  agency  employed  to  avert  secondary  fermenta- 
tion. Then  finishing  with  Fermentation  he  wrote  prophetically, 
with  the  certainty  and  conviction  of  knowledge,  prophesying 
because  he  knew — "  The  etiology  of  contagious  diseases  is 
on  the  eve  of  having  unexpected  light  shed  upon  it."  His 
was  the  mind,  his  the  genius,  to  shed  that  much-needed  light 
—shining  like  a  brilliant  electric  beam  on  the  darkness  of 
ignorance — showing  like  a  sunbeam  the  hidden  presence  of 
myriad  motes  in  a  darkened  chamber. 

From  Pasteur,  Sir  Joseph  Lister,  as  he  himself  has  confessed, 
got  the  idea  of  antisepticism  in  surgery,  which  has  made  his 
name  famous,  and  has  conferred  an  almost  miraculous  power 
of  healing  on  the  hands  of  surgeons.  Medicine  has  benefitted 
in  no  less  degree.  "For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
Science,"  writes  Tyiidall,  "  we  are  able  to  entertain  the  sure 
and  certain  hope  that,  in  relation  to  epidemic  diseases, 
medicine  will  soon  be  delivered  from  Empiricism,  and  placed 
upon  a  real  scientific  basis."  And  assuredly,  as  Tyiidall  has 
elsewhere  written,  "  never  before,  during  the  long  period  of 
its  history,  did  a  day  like  the  present  dawn  upon  the  science 
and  art  of  medicine." 

I  have  little  more  to  add.  In  previous  papers  I  have 
•dealt,  in  some  detail,  with  Pasteur's  discoveries  in  virulent 
diseases,  such  as  Fowl-Cholera,  Splenic  Fever  and  Septica3inia, 
-and  his  method  of  vaccination  by  artificially-attenuated 
virus.  The  success  of  that  method  has  been  marvellous.  Its 
latest  application  has  been  to  the  dreadful  malady  of 
Hydrophobia — due  to  Canine  Rabies.  The  investigation  is 
still  proceeding;  it  is  still  sub  judice :  evidence  is  being  taken ; 
and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  world  waits  attentively 
and  anxiously  for  the  verdict.  It  is  awaited  with  hope  and 
with  confidence,  for  the  proofs  are  accumulating  in  the  hands 
of  Pasteur :  proofs,  many,  authentic,  and  irrefutable.  What  a 
triumph  that  will  be  for  mankind  and  for  science  !  Nay, 
what  an  overwhelming  debt  of  gratitude  does  not  humanity, 
does  not  all  animated  nature,  already  owe  to  the  genius  and 
.the  labours  of  Louis  Pasteur ! 

MICHAEL  F.  Cox. 


CAN  A  PRIEST  SAY  MASS  PRIVATELY  FOR  A 
DECEASED  PROTESTANT!1 

IF  I  seemed  to  express  my  views  on  this  question  and  the 
arguments  in  their  behalf,  with  a  tone  of  over-confidence, 
this  was  certainly  not  well  done.  It  was  not,  however,  from 
being  unaware  that  difficulties  and  objections  might  be  urged 
against  my  view,  and  that  the  contrary  opinion  claims 
considerable  support.  My  aim  was  to  set  forth,  with  what 
plainness  and  strength  I  could,  the  arguments  in  favour  of  an 
opinion,  which  I  knew  to  be  held  very  generally,  and  acted 
upon  where  circumstances  gave  occasion  for  its  practical 
application.  For  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  was  no- 
strange  or  new  opinion  I  advocated,  but  one  which  is  to  a 
large  extent  in  possession.  Indeed  since  the  appearance  of 
my  Paper,  more  than  one  Bishop  and  many  Priests,  secular 
and  regular,  in  several  dioceses,  of  various  nationalities,  from 
different  colleges  and  seminaries  at  home  and  abroad,  have 
told  me  that  they  have  always  held  it,  and  have  not  hesitated 
to  put  it  in  practice.  It  is  desirable,  therefore,  that  whatever 
bears  upon  the  question  whether  pro  or  con,  should  be  brought 
forward  and  duly  discussed.  My  present  object  is  to 
strengthen  and  supplement  the  statements  and  arguments 
contained  in  my  former  article,  and  at  the  same  time  to  meet 
the  objections  raised  in  Fr.  Flanagan's  letter.2 

As  Fr.  Flanagan  opens  the  question  as  to  the-  right 
interpretation  and  precise  drift  of  the  Constitution  Ad 
evitanda  scandala,  on  which  the  answer  to  our  inquiry  so 
importantly  turns,  I  shall  in  the  first  place  discuss  this 
matter. 

JI  observe  that  a  friendly  critic  suggests  here  "may"  for  "can."" 
Having  purposely  chosen  "can,"  I  prefer  still  to  retain  it.  "Can"  is 
frequently  used  (as  posse  in  Latin)  by  the  best  authors  to  express  simple 
liceity.  There  is,  however,  in  this  question,  besides  the  notion  of  liceityr 
also  to  some  extent,  that  of  validity  Avith  respect,  viz.,  to  the  offering  of 
Holy  Mass  in  the  case. 

3  I.E.R.,  May,  1885.  The  present  article  was  already  forwarded  for 
publication  before  Fr.  Ryder's  Letter  appeared  last  August,  but  its  insertion. 
has  been  unavoidably  delayed.  This  will  explain,  what  otherwise  might 
seem  strange,  why  no  reference  is  here  made  to  Fr.  Ryder's  interesting  and 
valuable  communication. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?     37 

The  history  of  the  Constitution,  as  of  much  else  that 
relates  to  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle,  is  very 
Intricate  and  involved.  Suarez  treats  of  it  at  considerable 
length  (De  Censuris  Disp.  ix.  Sect.  ii.).  I  will  give  the  gist 
of  what  he  says  on  this  point  that  is  most  to  our  purpose. 

There  were  two  separate  forms  of  the  Constitution  Ad 
evitanda :  one  that  of  Basle,  the  other  of  Constance.  In  both 
these  forms  all  excommunicate,  specially  and  by  name 
•denounced,  were  excepted  from  toleration.  But  there  was  a 
difference  in  the  two  forms  with  regard  to  the  rest  of  the 
excommunicate,  scil.  the  non  denunciati.  In  the  Basle  form 
all  notorious  excommunicate,  who  were  such  indisputably, 
even  though  not  thus  denounced,  were  also  excepted  :  whilst 
in  the  form  of  Constance  it  was  the  notorious  percussor  clerici 
-alone  from  amongst  the  non  denunciati,  who  was  excepted 
from  toleration,  and  treated  as  vitandus.1 

Suarez  maintains  that  the  form  of  Constance,  ever  since 
universally  received  in  the  Church,  was  the  genuine,  authentic 
form  r  given  by  Martin  V.,  and  that  the  Bull  Inter  cunctas  of 
that  Pope  at  the  close  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  condemn- 
ing and  excommunicating  the  Hussites,  did  not  in  any  way 
affect  or  derogate  from  the  new  common  law  regarding 
censures  contained  in  that  Constitution.  After  first  exposing 
the  arguments  in  favour  of  the  Basle  form,  he  says  (ibid. 
n.  5)  :— 

"  Nihilominus,  contraria  sententia  vera  est,  scil.  nunc  limitandam 
esse  hanc  prohlbitionem  juxta  formam  attributam  Concilio  Constan- 
tiensi  .  .  .  quia  ilia  Constitutio  sub  ea  forma  edita  creditur  a 
Martino  V.,  ut  ex  testimoniis  fide  dignis  superius  refert  Antoninus, 
-dicens  Papam  de  hac  re  interrogatum  respon  lisse :  Ilia  est  una  de 
Concordatis,  ct  volo  quod  semper  duret."2 

Having  thus  determined  in  general  to  whom  of  the 
excommunicate  the  Constitution  of  Constance  extends,  and 
'who  alone  of  their  number  are  excepted  from  its  provisions, 
we  will  now,  following  the  teaching  of  Suarez,  De  Lugo,  and 
•other  theologians,  give  more  particularly  the  genuine  and 
received  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  :  whereby  we  may 

1  "  Qui  tamen  post  Constit.  Apoxtolicae  Sedis  vitandus  amplius  non  est." 
Konings  Th.  M.  n.  1673. 

2  See  also  Bened.  de  Syn,  1.  xii.   c.  v.  n.  4.     Analecta  Juris  Pontif. 
Sixieme  Serie,  pp.  1542-5,  n.  11-17. 


38      Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  T 

see  that  the  statements  Fr.  Flanagan  makes  in  his  letter,, 
evidently  cannot  be  sustained:  these  are  in  effect  as  follows: 

1°,  The  Constitution  Ad  evilanda  "has  reference  solely 
to  the  excommunicate  who  are  living." 

2°,  Hence  the  communication  in  guibuscumque  divinis  with 
the  excommunicate  permitted  by  the  Constitution  does  not 
extend  to  deceased  excommunicate ;  3°,  and  consequently 
not  to  deceased  heretics. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  according  to  the  unanimous 
teaching  of  theologians  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda  includes 
heretics  (excipiendis  exceptis)  equally  with  all  other  excom- 
municate in  its  provisions  of  toleration,  so  that,  ex  vi  illius 
Constitutionis,  as  full  communication  with  all  heretics  in 
quibuscumqiie  divinis  as  with  the  rest  of  the  excommunicate  is 
granted  to  the  faithful.  Theologians  make  practically1  no- 
distinction  whatever  on  this  point. 

Suarez  in  his  Treatise,  De  Fide,  (Disp.  xxi.  Sect,  in.)  in 
answer  to  the  question :  "  Utrum  ex  vi  hujus  excommunica- 
tionis  teneantur  omnes  fi deles  ad  vitandum  omnem  haereticum 
sibi  notum,"  replies : — 

"...  Jure  aniiqno  haec  obiigatio  universalis  erat,  nee  postulabatur 
alia  conditio  e}t  parte  excommunicati  nisi  quod  in  re  ipsa  excoinmnni- 
cationem  incurrisset.  Ex  parte  vero  aliorum  solum  crat  necessaria 
:Sufficiens  notitia  censurae,  hac  tantum  observatione  adhibita,  ut  si 
excommimicatus  esset  occultus  respectu  aliorum,  occulte  vitaretur  :  si 
vero  publicus,  publiee.  Postea  vero  in  Extrav.  Ad  evitanda  .  .  . 
limitata  fuit  ilia  obligatio^jEtt  fideles  tantum  tenerentur  vitare  excom- 
raunicatum  in  particular!  et  nominatim  denuntiatum.  .  .  Statuendum. 
est  hoc  novum  jus  Concilii  Const,  etiam  ad  haereticos  extendi,  .  .  . 

1  I  say  practically,  because  historically,  some  hold  against  Suarez,  that 
it  was  not  the  intention  of  Martin  V.  to  include  in  the  Constitution  all 
notorious  excommunicate  (and  so  neither  public  heretics  and  schismatics). 
"Eadem  Constitutio  (writes  Fr.  Pennacchi,  Acta  S.  Sedis,  or  rather,  Com- 
jmentaria  in  Constit.  Apostolicae  Sedis,  Append,  ii.  p.  90),  11011  agit,  ut  mihi 
videtur,  de  apostatis,  haereticis  et  schisraaticis  notoriis."  Imo,  ut  ibidem 
refertur  pp.  88,  89,  non  solum  Concilium  Basilense,  sed  etiam  Lateran.  V. 
illam  Constitutionem  Ad  evitanda  exhibet  cum  majori  restrictione,  viz.,  ut 
vitandos  designet  omnes  notorie  excommunicates,  si  ita  notorie,  quod  nulla 
tergiversatione  celari,  aut  nullo  modo  juris  suffragio  excusari  possent. 
Nihilominus  UMS  intellexit  Constitutionem  illam  de  omnibus,  qui  quavis 
de  causa  essent  ipso  f«cto  excommunicati,  sive  haeretici  sive  non  hacretici, 
quos  vitare  nemo  tenetur,  nisi  nominatim  fuerint  denuntiati,  vel  notorii 
percussores  clerici.  Ita  p.  90,  et  p.  103.  Quare  vi  excommunicntionis  non 
plus  prohibetur  relate  ad  haereticos  quam  relate  ad  alios.  See  also 
Bened.  XIV.  1.  sup.  c. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?     39* 

et  vcrba  Extrav.  convincunt,  quae  et  generalia  sunt  et  adduut  excep- 
tionem  quac  firmat  regulam  quoad  omnes  alios.  .  .  .  Sententia 
onmino  vcra  et  practice  certa,  nimiruui  quantumcumque  haereticus- 
sit  notorius  et  publicus,  non  teneri  iideles  ad  vitandum  ilium  ex  vi 
hujus  censurae,  donee  sit  per  sententiam  nominatim  declaratus  ac 
deniintiatus,  est  communis  sententia.  ,  .  .  Martinus  V.  priorem 
formam  (scil.  ex  Concil.  Constant.)  approbavit,  et  communi  usu 
Ecclesiae  recepta  est,  ut  latins  ostendi  in  Tom.  v.,  Diap.  ix.  Sect,  ii." 
Again :'  "  Si  haereticus  nou  sit  declaratus  per  sententiam,  noa 
teiicmur  ilium  vitare  ratione  censurae,  juxta  Extrav.  Ad  evitandu.''1 

In  the  second  place,  theologians  unanimously  teach  that 
by  virtue  of  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda,  the  communication 
in  quibuscumque  divinis  with  the  excommunicate,  amongst 
whom  we  have  seen  heretics  are  included,  extends  to  deceased 
excommunicate  equally  with  those  living.  This  seems  indeed 
to  follow  naturally  from  the  very  notion  Catholics  have  of 
religious  communication,  viz.,  that  to  whatever  extent 
communication  with  others  has  been  permitted  during  life, 
such  communication  should  be  per  se  lawful  after  death,  so 
far  as  it  is  available  to  the  deceased  :  nay,  it  flows  from  the 
oft-cited  dictum  of  Innocent  III. :  "  Quibus  non  commuiii- 
camus  vivis,  non  communicamus  defunctis,"  the  practical 
converse  of  which  is  equally  true  and  very  pertinent  to  the 
case  in  point,  "  Quibus  communicamus  vivis,  communicamus 
defunctis." 

Before  quoting  authorities  to  prove  that  the  communica- 
tion in  quibuscumque  divinis  with  the  excommunicate" 
permitted  by  the  Constitution  extends  also  to  the  deceased, 
it  is  well  to  determine  first  what  that  communication  implies  • 
for  on  this  point,  as  is  well  known,  there  was  formerly  a  very 
serious  difference  of  opinion  amongst  theologians. 

Suarez,  taking  the  lead  on  the  one  side,  strenuously 
maintained  that  the  words  of  the  Constitution,  in  quibus- 
eumque  divinis,  are  not  so  universal  in  their  sense  as  to  grant  or 
permit  communication  in  the  common  prayers  and  suffrages- 
of  the  Church ;  but  that  thereby  was  intended  only  external 
communication  in  all  divine  offices,  and  not  any  internal 
Communication  through  participation  of  ecclesiastical  suffrages 
For,  he  argues,  such  internal  communication  was  no  way 
necessary  on  the  one  hand,  for  the  end  which  the  Church 

• 1  De  Censuris  Disp.  xi.  Sect.  i.  16. 


40     Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ? 

proposed  in  issuing  the  Constitution — viz.,  the  convenience  and 
benefit  of  the  Faithful ;  whilst  011  the  other  hand  it  is 
unlawful  to  offer  up  ecclesiastical  suffrages  for  those  whom 
the  Church  expressly  declared  in  the  Constitution  she  had  no 
intention  whatever  of  helping  or  relieving  by  that  act.1 

De  Lugo  was  chief  champion  for  the  contrary  opinion, 
which  interprets  the  words  in  quibuscumque  divinis  without 
restriction,  and  as  implying  communication  in  the  public 
suffrages,  first  amongst  which  is  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  Mass. 

Notwithstanding  the  strong  arguments  of  Suarez,  the 
opinion  maintained  byDe  Lugo  has  prevailed  more  and  more 
in  the  Church,!is  held  by  St.  Alphonsus  as  the  more  probable,2 
and  may  now  be  considered  as  practically  the  common  opinion 
of  theologians. 

Both  one  and  the  other  opinion  alike  include  the  deceased 
excommunicate  equally  with  the  living  within  the  operation 
of  the  Constitution,  with  this  difference,  that  since  the  opinion 
of  Suarez  does  not  allow  the  offering  of  the  Suffragia  and 
Holy  Mass  for  any  living  excommunicate,  it  of  course  also 
forbids  them  for  the  deceased;  whilst  that  of  De  Lugo 
permits  them  for  the  living  and  deceased  alike. 

Suarez,  then,  teaches  that  by  the  Constitution  A d  evitanda 
communication  with  deceased  excommunicate  is  permitted, 
but  according  to  his  principles  so  far  only  as  to  give  them 
ecclesiastical  sepulture. 

Thus,3  after  stating  the  Common  Law  whereby  the  excom- 
municate are  deprived  of  ecclesiastical  sepulture  he  continues : 

"  SeJ  quaeret  aliquis  primo  an  haec  assertio  procedat  universim  de 
omnibus  excommtiuicatis,  vel  solum  in  vitandis  ?  Respondeo,  secundum 
antiqua  jurade  omnibus  procedere,quiaindifferenter  de  omnibus  loquun- 
tur:  mine  vero  post  Extra  v.  Ad  evitanda,  solum  habere locum  in  excom- 
nmnicatis  vitandis,  quia  prohibitio  non  cadit  proprie  in  ipsos  excom- 
municatos,  quia  ipsi  non  posstint  se  sepelire,  sed  cadit  in  alios  fideles  ne 
corpora  ipsorum  sepeliant.  .  .  .  Jam  vero  post  Extrav.  non  tenentur 
fideles  vitare  comrnunicationem  aliorum  excommunicatorum,  praeter 
ilia  duo  genera  ;  quae  concessio  generalis  est  saltern  de  omni  com- 
ttmnicatione  externa,  etiam  in  rebus  sacris  et  divinis." 

So,  also,  Giraldi4  :  "  Hodie  progter  Extrav.  Ad  evitanda  .  .  .  nisi 

X<SS>NV 

XV^ "^v/VS. 

1  De  Censuris  Disp.  ix.,y6fesK  ii.  16  eVs£\.          2  Th.  Mor.,  1.  7,  164. 
s  De  Censu^|DifiB<vsfc ;,v$ctliv.,  2,  5. 
*  De  Paen.  M&'> -ftS:,'  £kl  Sepultura. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ?     41 

nominatim  clemmciato  .  .  .  non  est  obligatio  denegandi  sepulturam." 
And  Collet.1 

De  Lugo2  teaches  the  same,  and  asks  : 

"  An  possit  licite  sacerdos  orare  nomine  Ecclesiae  vel  offerre  ut 
minister  Christ!  pro  excommunicate  non  vitando?" 

After  proving  the  affirmative  by  other  reasons,  he  adds  : 

"  Nou  potest  autem  ecclesiastico  modo  sepeliri  quin  preces  et 
orationes  pro  eo  offerantur:  ergo,  concessa  communicatione  in 
sepnltnra  concessa  intelligitur  facultas  offerendi  pro  ipso  ecclesiaslica 
suffragia." 

In  considering  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda,  we  may 
certainly  distinguish  between  the  primary  occasion  of 
the  concession,  and  its  dispositions  or  provisions.  The 
primary  occasion  which  motived  the  issuing  of  the  Constitu- 
tion was,  no  doubt,  to  enable  the  Faithful  to  communicate 
with  the  living ;  but  the  Constitution  itself,  at  least  in  the 
form  now  universally  received  in  the  Church,  and  as  inter- 
preted by  theologians,  is  most  ample  and  liberal  in  its 
dispositions,  and  cuts  at  the  root  of  all  difficulties  by 
granting  to  all  the  Faithful,  whether  clergy  or  laity, 
unrestricted  freedom  of  communication  in  quibuscumque 
•divinis  with  all  the  excommunicate  (excipiendis  exceptis)  so 
long,  of  course,  as  such  communication  does  not  contravene 
in  any  way  divine  and  natural  law. 

The  sum,  then,  of  our  contention  hitherto  is,  that, 
^according  to  the  common  teaching  of  theologians,  the  Con- 
stitution Ad  evitanda  has  reference  to  deceased,  as  well  as 
living  excommunicate;  and  amongst  their  number  are 
heretics ;  and  that  consequently  ex  vi  Extravagantis,  the  com- 
munication in  quibuscumque  divinis  which  it  permits  extends 
to  deceased  heretics  equally  with  any  others.  Fr.  Flanagan 
bases  his  denial  of  this  last  and  most  important  point  on  the 
clause  from  the  Bull  of  Martin  V.,  and  this  he  considers  to  be 
be  quite  decisive  of  the  matter.  Suarez,  anticipating  this 
objection,  maintains  that  the  Constitution  is  independent  of, 
and  not  to  be  derogated  from,  by  any  subsequent  enactments 
whether  of  the  two  Councils,  or  of  the  presiding  Popes  ;  that 
it  stands  by  itself,  and  was  confirmed  by  Martin  V.  in  the 

1  De  Censuris,  p.  ii.  c.  i.  De  Excommunicatione,  Sect,  iv.,  Concl.  ii. 

2  De  Euch.  Disp.  xix.,  sect.  x.  186, 


42     Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant  ? 

form  and  sense  universally  since  that  time  received  by 
the  Church.  And  even  though  we  should  take  another 
historical  view  from  that  of  Suarez,  the  objection,  as 
Fr.  Pennacclii  has  shown,  is  devoid  of  all  practical  force. 

We  confess  that  the  bald  assertion  on  winch  we  have  been 
thus  insisting,  of  unrestricted  communication  in  quibus- 
cumque  divinis  with  excommunicated  heretics,  whether  living 
or  deceased,  being  rendered  lawful  to  all  the  Faithful  in 
virtue  of  a  decree  of  the  Church,  is  one  that  (in  terminis) 
sounds  strangely  abnormal,  and  grates  very  harshly  on  the 
Catholic  sense ;  and  we  are  now  impatient  to  duly  qualify  it 
by  some  consideration  of  the  saving  clause :  "  So  long  as  such 
communication  does  not  contravene  in  any  way  divine  and 
natural  law." 

Suarez,  in  treating  of  the  excommunication  of  heretics,1 
lays  down  some  principles  which  very  clearly  illustrate  what  is 
of  divine  law,  and  what  of  ecclesiastical  law,  in  this  question. 
He  says : 

"  We  must  distinguish  between  the  prohibition  to  communicate  with 
heretics  and  the  excommunication  passed  on  the  heretics  themselves. 
The  prohibition  primarily  and  directly  falls  and  is  binding  upon  the 
Faithful ;  but  the  excommunication  is  directly  binding  upon  the- 
heretic  who  incurs  it,  though  its  obligation  may  affect  the  Faithful 
also.  Hence  it  follows  that  the  excommunication  has  many  more 
effects  than  the  prohibition ;  and  whatever  obligation  the  former 
entails  on  the  Faithful,  has  its  source  and  mode  of  action  distinct 
from  the  latter.  As  regards  the  Faithful,  the  prohibition  may  be 
said  to  be  of  divine  law ;  for  qua  ta/is  it  is  not  imposed  on  them  as  a 
penalty,  but  for  their  good  and  profit,  by  way  of  wise  precaution  to 
keep  them  from  being  led  astray  and  corrupted  by  heretics.  It  thus 
belongs  not  so  much  to  divine  positive  law,  but  is  rather  a  precept  of 
the  natural  law,  whether  looked  upon  in  relation  to  the  virtue  of 
Faith  or  of  Charity.  As  to  Faith,  first,  and  above  all,  it  is  forbidden 
to  communicate  with  heretics  in  their  doctrine.  Secondly,  in  their 
external  rites  ;  and  here,  not  faith  alone  is  concerned,  but  religion 
also.  Thirdly,  such  sort  of  familiarity  with  heretics  is  forbidden  j»s- 
would  cause  a  Catholic  to  be  suspected  about  his  faith,  since  this 
would  be  repugnant  to  the  due  confession  of  faith,  alien,  as  regards 
Charity  :  this  precept  obliges  a  Catholic,  first,  to  avoid  scandal  to 
himself,  for  fear  of  danger  of  falling  into  error.  Secondly,  to  avoid 
giving  scandal  to  others,  who  by  his  example  might  easily  be  led  into 
Such  familiar  communication  with  heretics  as  would  be  dangerous  to' 

1  De  Fide  Disp.  xxi..  sect,  1 ,  n.  4. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?     43 

them.  Thirdly,  to  avoid  doing  harm  to  the  heretic  himself,  who  by 
such  sort  of  communication  with  Catholics  might  become  more 
confident,  and  hold  more  strongly  to  his  error." 

Then,  with  regard  to  what  is  of  ecclesiastical  law,  Suarez1  shows 
'that  whilst  the  power  the  Church  has  to  excommunicate  is  imme- 
diately of  divine  origin,  yet  that  excommunication  in  its  actuality  as 
a  censure  is  of  purely  ecclesiastical  determination,  and  that  many 
things  consequently  are  thereby  prohibited  which  are  quite  lawful  by 
simply  divine  law,  v.g.,  praying  publicly  for  heretics  and  such  like. 
And  in  proof  of  what  he  has  said,  he  instances  the  change  of  law  on 
these  matters  by  the  Constitution,  Ad  evitanda. 

Suarez  has  the  same  teaching  in  another  place,2  where  he  says 
that  it  is  certainly  the  will  and  intention  of  the  Church  to  deprive  the 
excommunicate  of  all  common  suffrages  ;  (These  are  threefold — 
1°  The  Sacrifice  of  Mass  ;  2°  Prayers  and  other  ecclesiastical 
functions  ;  3°  Indulgences),  and  that  it  is  forbidden,  sub  gravi,  to 
pray  publicly  or  to  apply  these  suffrages  for  an  excommunicate 
.(vitandus). 

He  then  goes  on  to  explain  that  this  prohibition  is  not  of  divine 
law,  and  that  apart  from  ecclesiastical  institution,  it  Avould  be  no 
more  intrinsically  wrong  for  the  whole  Church  to  offer  up  her 
suffrages  for  an  excommunicate  than  for  the  Faithful  to  pray  privately 
for  him.  And  as  a  proof  that  the  Church  might  ordain  otherwise,  he 
points  out  the  exception  to  the  law  she  has  in  fact  herself  made,  by 
appointing  a  special  day  and  a  prescribed  manner  of  prayer  for  all  the 
excommunicate  on  Good  Friday." 

What  we  have  thus  gathered  from  Suarez  has  reference 
directly  no  doubt  to  heretics  and  other  excommunicate  who 
are  living;  but,  as  we  have  already  seen,  according  to  his 
teaching  and  that  of  theologians  generally,  it  is  applicable,  so 
far  as  the  positive  law  of  Constance  at  least  is  concerned,  to 
the  deceased  also  ;  whilst  no  objection  can  be  raised  against 
such  an  application  on  the  part  of  divine  and  natural  law,  if 
the  souls  of  the  deceased  heretics  and  excommunicate  can  be 
reasonably  presumed  to  be  in  purgatory.  We  saw,  moreover, 
that  the  conmunication  conceded  by  the  Constitution  Ad 
evitanda,  is  interpreted  as  extending  to  all  notorious  excom- 
municate, heretics  included,  not  specially  denounced.  But  as 
public  communication  in  divinis  with  such,  whether  living  or 
deceased,  must  give  rise  to  scandal,  any  publicity  is  forbidden 
by  natural  law ;  whilst  it  is  otherwise  quite  certain  that  by  the 
positive  prescription  of  the  Church,  based  on  principles  of 
natural  law,  all  the  notoriously  excommunicate,  and  especially 

1  De  Fide  Disp.  xxi.,  sect.  1,  n.  5.         2  De  Censuris,  Disp.  ix.,  sect.  i. 


44  The  First  Christmas  Lesson. 

notorious  and  public  heretics,  are  deprived  of  ecclesiastical 
•sepulture,  and  consequently  of  the  public  application  of  the 
common  suffrages  which  such  sepulture  implies. 

Having  thus,  so  to  say,  discounted  the  amount  of  com- 
munication granted  by  the  Constitution  of  Constance  with  the 
claims  of  divine  and  natural  law,  relatively  to  the  case  in 
point,  the  account  seems  to  be  as  follows : — The  Protestant 
in  question  is  in  foro  externo  a  notorious  public  heretic  non 
vitandus,  with  whom  ex  vi  Constitutions  "Ad  evitanda," 
communication  in  quibuscumque  divinis  is  lawful ;  and  who 
may,  qua  talis,  receive  ecclesiastical  sepulture,  and  have 
offered  in  his  behalf  all  the  suffragia  communia.  But  on  the 
other  side  are  the  claims  of  divine  and  natural  law,  ratified 
.also  by  positive  ecclesiastical  prescription;  and  these,  on 
account  of  the  notoriety  of  his  heresy,  debar  him  from  eccle- 
siastical sepulture  at  the  hands  of  the  faithful,  and  also  from 
the  public  application  of  the  suffragia  communia,  the  right  to 
which  such  sepulture  implies.  There  still  remains  a  surplus 
or  residuum  from  the  whole  original  grant  of  communication 
accorded  by  the  Constitution  against  which,  on  the  reasonable 
presumption  that  his  soul  is  in  purgatory,  divine  and  natural 
law  at  least  makes  no  claim  :  and  this  is  the  private  application 
of  such  of  the  suffragia  as  may  be  available  in  the  case.  We 
have  now  to  inquire  whether  this  too  is  rendered  unlawful  by 
3/ny  positive  prohibition  of  the  Church,  at  present  certainly  in 
force.  And  with  this  view  we  must  now  consider  the 
quotations  of  an  authoritative  character  which  Fr.  Flanagan 
has  made  in  his  letter. 

THOMAS  LIVIUS,  C.SS.R. 
(To  le  continued.) 


THE  FIRST  CHRISTMAS  LESSON. 

7T1HE  first  lesson,  "  Primo  tempore,"  of  the  Christmas  Matins, 
•L  is  taken  from  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  chapter  of 
Isaias.  As  we  should  naturally  expect,  the  entire  passage 
in  our  Breviary  foretells  the  coming  of  the  Divine  Redeemer. 
It  is  proposed  to  give  some  explanation  of  it  in  a  few  pages, 
which  may  be  interesting,  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  the 


The  First  Christmas  Lesson.  4& 

prophecy  in  itself,  and  also  of  its  being  selected  as  part  of 
the  Divine  Office. 

It  has  at  all  times  been  held  for  certain  that  Our  Lord  is 
spoken  of  in  this  passage.  In  its  first  verse,  Isaias  predicts 
the  future  glory  of  the  land  of  Zabulon  and  of  Nepthali,  the 
country  by  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  St.  Matthew  says  that  the 
words  of  the  prophet  were  fulfilled  by  Our  Lord's  dwelling 
in  Capharnaum,  a  city  on  the  sea-coast,  situated  in  the 
borders  belonging  to  these  two  tribes.  As  Nazareth  was  the 
home  of  His  childhood  and  hidden  life,  so  was  Capharnaum 
the  centre  of  His  public  mission. 

Again  St.  Matthew  gives  an  account  of  Christ's  healing  the 
paralytic,  and  says  that  the  miracle  took  place  "  in  His  own 
city  "  (ix.  1)  ;  while  St.  Mark  in  his  account  mentions  that 
the  miracle  took  place  in  Capharnaum  (ii.  1)  and  shews, 
moreover,  that  this  was  His  usual  abode  by  adding,  "  And  it 
was  heard  that  He  was  in  the  house,  "  or  at  home,"  as  we 
should  say,  for  the  latter  conveys  the  true  meaning  of  the 
Evangelist's  expression,  ev  OLKCO  (v.  1)  being  equivalent  to 
"  domi,"  not  to  "  in  domo."1  Thus  Capharnaum  alone  can 
lay  claim  to  the  glory  of  having  been  the  home  of  the  Sou 
of  God  during  that  period  of  His  life  which  He  devoted  to 
the  active  work  of  preaching  and  teaching. 

Turning  now  to  the  prophecy  itself,  in  order  to  see  its 
drift  clearly,  it  will  be  well  here  to  remark  that  Isaias  foretells 
in  his  eighth  chapter  the  calamities  which  were  to  fall  on  the 
unbelievers,  and  also  the  deliverance  and  future  happiness  of 
the  faithfuL  He  alludes  to  the  latter  for  instance  in  the  9th, 
10th,  17th,  and  18th  verses,  but  the  main  subject  of  the 
chapter  is  the  denunciation  of  the  wicked.  In  the  ninth 
chapter,  the  prophet  returns  to  his  prediction  of  the  future 
deliverance.  Here  the  full  song  of  hope  and  gladness  bursts 
forth,  it  is  no  longer  a  passing  allusion,  but  a  complete 
description.  The  bright  future  shines  before  the  prophet's 
mind  in  all  its  glory. 

The  very  first  words  of  the  chapter  show  the  contrast 

i  There  is  a  various  reading  here.  It  does  not,  however,  affect  the 
present  question,  whether  we  read  eio-  OIKOZ/,  or  ev  OIKW.  The  latter  is 
preferred  in  a  note,  p.  516,  of  Moulton's  Winer,  3rd  edition,  which 
contains  some  good  remarks  on  the  verse.  The  Vulgate  renders  fv  ot/co> 
bj  "  domi "  in  1  Cor.  xi.  34,  xiv.  35, 


45  The  First  Christmas  Lesson. 

between  the  mournful  present  and  the  joyful  future.  Here  it 
is  to  be  observed  that  in  this  place  the  division  of  the  chapters 
adopted  in.  the  original  text  does  not  correspond,  as  it 
generally  does,  with  that  in  our  Vulgate,  or  in  our  Douay 
Bibles.  The  first  words  of  the  ninth  chapter  in  the  former 
.are  the  last  words  of  the  eighth  in  the  latter.  Moreover,  our 
translation  seems  to  be  inaccurate,  if  following  the  guidance 
•of  some  Catholic  scholars,  one  may  so  speak.  We  have, 
u  And  they  cannot  fly  away  from  their  distress,"  but  the 
Hebrew  means  "  Nevertheless  darkness  will  not  remain  over 
'her  that  was  oppressed,"  or  as  the  Revised  version  (Anglican) 
has  it,  "But  there  shall  be  no  gloom  to  her  that  was  in  anguish." 
A  translation  from  the  Hebrew  of  the  six  verses  which 
form  the  first  lesson  for  Christmas  will  help  us  to  understand 
them  batter,  the  more  so  if  we  compare  it  with  the  Douay 

version. 

I&aia*  ix.    1-7. 

1.  (Nevertheless  darkness   will  not  rymain    over   her  tli.it  was 
oppressed  ;)  as  in  former  times   the  land  of  Zabulon   and  Nepthali 
was  made  little  of,  so,  in  the  latter  days,  shall  the  land  by  the  sea. 
by  the  Jordan,  Gallilee  of  the  Gentiles,  be  made  much  of. 

2.  The  people  that  walked  in  darkness  have  seen  a  great  light, 
to  them  that  dwelt  in  the  shadow^  of  death,  light  is  risen. 

3.  Thou  multipliest  the  nation   (to  which)   Thou  didst  (not)  give 
gieat  happiness,  it  rejoices  before  Thee,  as  men  rejoice  in  the  harvest, 
as  they  rejoice  when  they  divide  the  spoil. 

4.  For  Thou  breakest  the  yoke  of  its  burden,  and  the  rod  of  its 
back,  the  rod  of  the  overseers  as  on  the  day  of  Madian. 

5.  Then  all  the  arms  of  war  put  on  with  noise,  and  the  cloak 
covered  with  blood  shall  he  for  burning,  for  the  food  of  the  fire. 

G.  For  unto  us  a  Child  is  born,  unto  us  a  Son  is  given,  and  the 
royal  power  is  on  his  shoulder,  and  they  shall  call  His  name — Wonderful 
Counsellor,  God  Almighty,  Everhisting  Father,  Prince  of  Pence. 

EXPLANATION. 

The  Hebrew  verbs  ^pn  and  7>2pn  which  are  respectively 
rendered  "alleviata  est"  and  agravata  est"  in  the  Vulgate, 
literally  signify, no  doubt,  "was  made  light"  and  "will  be  made 
heavy,"  but  their  meaning  here  is  "was  despised''  and 
"  will  be  esteemed."  1  They  will  be  better  understood  by  com- 

1  Both  words  are  used  metaphorically ;  if  we  take  them  literally,  they 
become  unintelligible.  The  inhabitants  of  a  place  cannot  be  made  heavy 
or  light,  but  they  may  be  ill  or  well  treated,  they  may  suffer  or  they  may 
rejoice.  Of  course,  a  metaphor  which  was  full  of  force  and  expression 
among  the  Israelites  of  old,  when  bodily  thrust  into  another  language,  may 
fall  dead  and  meaningless  on  modern  ears. 


The  First  Christmas  Lesson.  47 

-parisoii  with  "millius  facere  "  and  "plurimi  facere"  in  Latin, 
to  which  they  correspond  in  some  measure:  or  with  the  English 
.expressions  "to  make  little  of"  and  to  "make  much  of." 
As  in  the  Vulgate,  the  verbs  have  been  translated  by  passives, 
while  in  Hebrew  they  are  both  active :  "  He  (God)  made 
despicable,"  "  He  made  glorious." 

Galilee  was  the  despised  province  of  Palestine  for  several 
reasons.  Heathens  were  numerous  there  (Galilee  of  the 
Gentiles.)  We  read  that  the  tribe  of  Zabulon  did  not  destroy 
them  (Jud.  i.  30.)  :  neither  did  the  tribe  of  Nepthali  (Zfcirf.v.33.) 
Moreover,  we  find  that  Solomon  gave  twenty  cities  in  Galilee 
to  the  King  of  Tyre  (3  Kings  ix.  11.)  Judging  from  Jewish 
history,  a  general  corruption  of  morals  would  seem  to  be  the 
consequence.  We  know  that  great  calamities  befell  the 
inhabitants  of  this  region.  They  suffered  severely  from 
Beiiadad  II.,  King  of  Syria,  and  were  subsequently  led  captive 
into  Assyria,  in  Isaias'  own  time.  Thus  he  could  say  with 
truth,  that  the  Galileans  were  despicable  and  unfortunate ; 
-and  that  this  opinion  of  them  was  held,  for  whatever  reasons, 
£it  a  much  later  period,  is  quite  evident  from  the  following 
expressions  :  "  Search  the  Scriptures  and  see  that  110  prophet 
•cometh  out  of  Galilee,"  and  "  can  any  good  come  out  of 
Nazareth."  Nevertheless,  He  w^ho  came  to  call  sinners  to 
repentance  chose  Galilee  for  his  abode,  and  the  love  of 
humiliation  which  led  him  to  select  the  manger  of  Bethlehem 
as  His  birth-place,  led  him  also  to  select  first  Nazareth,  and 
then  Capharnaum  as  His  home.  Christ  made  Galilee  glorious  by 
His  miracles,  for  most  of  those  recorded  in  the  Gospel  were 
wrought  there ;  and  by  His  teaching,  for  it  was  there  that  He 
went  about  teaching  in  the  synagogues.  His  Apostles  were 
•called  "  men  of  Galilee,"  and  He  himself,  "  the  Galilean." 

Before  passing  on  we  may  pause  for  a  moment  to  consider 
the  exquisite  parallelism  of  this  verse. 

(2)  The  next  one  expresses  the  greatness  of  the  blessings 
Lestowed  by  our  Divine  Redeemer.  It  refers  to  the  Galileans 
in  a  special  manner,  since  they  alone  are  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  verse,  not,  however,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  other  parts  of  Palestine,  to  whom  in  their  measure 
the  same  blessings  were  vouchsafed.  They  also  heard  our 
Lord's  words,  and  witnessed  His  wonderful  works.  In  this 


48  The  First  Christmas  Lesson. 

verse,  He  is  regarded  as  the  bringer  of  every  blessing.  This 
is  evident  from  the  antithesis  between  "light "  and  "  darkness" 
— darkness  is  here  taken  figuratively  to  mean  misery,  mis- 
fortune, especially  as  the  consequence  of  the  greatest  of  all 
misfortunes,  sin — and  thus,  light  signifies  every  blessing 
and  happiness  attendant  on  forgiveness  and  sanctification. 
Both  words  are  found  so  frequently  in  this  metaphorical 
sense,  that  instances  will  readily  occur.  One  reference,  how- 
ever, may  be  made  to  the  Benedictus,  "  Illuminare  his  qui  in 
tenebris  et  in  umbra  mortis  sedent,  ad  dirigendos  pedes 
nostros  in  viam  pacis."  Some  difficulty  may  be  felt  in  reading 
this  verse,  on  account  of  the  past  or  perfect  tense,  e.g.  "  vidit>r 
and"orta  est"  in  Vulgate,  being  used  to  describe  a  future 
event.  But  we  must  remember  that  in  Hebrew  the  perfect  is 
not  a  past  tense,  and  has  no  connection  with  the  order  of 
time ;  it  denotes  an  action  as  complete,  irrespectively  of  its 
occurring  in  past,  present,  or  future.  In  this  verse,  as  well  as 
elsewhere,  it  seems  to  be  what  is  called  "  the  prophetic  per- 
fect," or  the  "perfect  of  certitude."  Thus,  by  its  use,  Isaias 
would  express,  that  he  is  as  certain  of  what  he  is  saying  as  if 
he  saw  it  with  his  own  eyes,  or  as  if  it  were  already  ac- 
complished. 

3.  The  prophet,  though  speaking  primarily  of  his  own 
race,  chooses  the  Hebrew  word  'i-:i  which  usually  means 
Gentile,  as  distinguished  from  Jew  (magnificasti  gentem). 
The  Catholic  Reinke  says,  p.  148,  vol  i.,  of  his  excellent  work 
"Die  messianischen  Weissagungen,"  to  which  the  present 
writer  is  greatly  indebted,  that  probably  the  reason  of  the 
selection  is  that  the  same  word  is  found  in  the  great  promise, 
Gen.  xii.  2,  "  Faciamque  te  in  gentem  magnam,"  which  he 
considers  a  parallel  passage.  On  this  supposition,  it  is 
evident  that  this  prophecy  of  Isaias  is  the  fuller  and  more 
explicit  repetition  of  the  promise  made  to  Abraham.  We  are- 
reminded  here  of  St.  Ambrose's  advice  to  his  convert, 
Augustine,  "At  ille  jussit  Isaiam  prophetam,  quod  prae 
caeteris,  Evangelii,  vocationisque  Gentium  sit  praenuntiator 
apertior."  To  return — both  texts  refer  primarily  to  the  Jews ; 
for  to  them  were  the  promises  given,  but  in  its  spiritual 
sense  the  promise  made  to  Abraham  includes  us  Gentiles,  and 
the  revelation  of  the  future  made  to  Isaias,  as  it  regards  only 


The  First  Christmas  Lesson.  49 

supernatural  blessings,  places  us  011  an  equality  with  the 
chosen  people.  There  is  a  marked  difference  of  opinion 
between  translators  about  the  beginning  of  this  verse,  on 
account  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  Hebrew;  N!?  is  properly 
negative  (no,  not),  \b  is  the  usual  form  of  the  preposition  "  to," 
compounded  with  the  pronoun,  "him,"  "it."  The  pronun- 
ciation of  both  words  is  the  same,  "  lo,"  and  indeed  K  and  1 
are  often  interchanged.  In  some  places  #b  means  "  to  it," 
which  is  the  meaning  given  to  it  here  by  the  Syriac,  Chaldee, 
and  Arabic  versions,  1^  which  can  only  signify  "  to  it,"  is 
found  in  about  twenty  Hebrew  MSS.  (De  Rossi,  Var.  Lect., 
vol.  iii.,  p.  10,  ad  loc.)  Reinke  retaining  the  peculiar  meaning 
of  xb  holds  that  there  is  an  antithesis  in  this  verse  also,  and 
moreover  a  word  '  Td'K '  =  "  to  which "  here  understood 
"  Thou  hast  multiplied  the  nation  (to  which)  Thou  didst  not 
give  great  joy."  Symmachus  (eVA^um?  TO  Wvos  o  ov/c* 
€/jieyd\vvas)  and  St.  Jerome  (Vulg.)  agree  in  translating  «^ 
"  not," 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  words  of  the  Angel  to  the 
shepherds,  "  Behold  I  bring  you  tidings  of  great  joy," 
St.  Luke,  ii.  10,  have  some  connection  with  our  verse.  The 
harvest  time  was  one  of  great  rejoicing,  the  happiest  season 
of  the  year.  See  Leviticus,  xxiii.  40,  41.  Deut.  xvi.  15. 
Ps.  iv.  8  (heb.).  Then  they  feasted  "  before  the  Lord,"  Deut. 
xii.  7,  12,  18. 

4.  This  verse    expresses  the   reason   of  the    great  joy,1 

1  There  may  be  in  this  verse  an  immediate  reference  to  another  deliver- 
ance, which  probably  happened  soon  after  this  prophecy  was  spoken,  and 
which  was  also  a  type  of  our  Itedemption.  The  Assyrians  were  the  most 
formidable  enemy  of  the  Israelites  when  Isaias  lived,  and  he  apparently 
foretells  the  destruction  of  the  Assyrian  army  under  Sennacherib.  In  the 
beginning  of  this  verse,  reference  appears  to  be  made  to  the  bondage  of 
Egypt  in  the  words  "  the  rod  of  the  overseers,"  and  the  purpose  of  this 
allusion  needs  no  comment,  for  the  typical  character  of  the  bondage  itself, 
and  of  the  deliverance  from  it,  are  well  known. 

Strange  as  it  seems,  there  appears,  however,  to  be  a  connection  between 
some  of  the  Pharaohs  of  Egypt  and  the  Assyrians.  Certain  Egyptiologists 
are  of  opinion  that  the  Hyksos,  or  Shepherd  Kings,  after  they  had  been 
expelled  from  Egypt,  became  powerful  again  in  countries  further  east — the 
llutennu  on  the  Assyrian  monuments,  distinguished  by  their  red  beards 
(Edomites),  probably  are  the  same  people — and  Isaias  himself  writes,  Iii.  4, 
"  For  thus  saith  the  Lord  God  :  My  people  went  down  into  Egypt  at  the 
beginning  to  sojourn  there  :  and  the  Assyrian  hath  oppressed  them  without 
any  cause  at  all." 

If  there  was  such  a  connection,  and  if  we  understand  rightly  this  last 
quo  tation   of    Scripture,  then  we  are  in  a  position  to  see  how  the  two 
VOL.  VII.  D 


50  The  First  Christmas  Lesson. 

namely,  that  God  had  granted  them  a  deliverance  as 
wonderful  as  that  achieved  by  Gideon's  victory  over  the 
Madianites.  It  mil  be  remembered  that  the  Israelites  suffered 
grievously  at  the  hands  of  the  Madianites  and  of  other 
invaders  "  who  like  locusts  filled  all  places,  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  men,  and  of  camels,  wasting  whatsoever  they 
touched,"  Jud.  vii.  12,  till  at  length  on  account  of  their 
repentance  God  delivered  His  people  by  the  miracles  He 
wrought  through  Gideon.  Few  events  would  be  better 
remembered,  and  few  would  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  still 
greater  deliverance  in  the  future,  which  all  types  foreshadowed 
and  to  which  all  prophecy  was  directed. 

5.  A  time  was  to  come  when  the  horrors  of  war  should 
cease,  and  warlike  preparations  should  be  no  longer  made. 
This  is  the  meaning  of  the  verse,  which  indicates  the  effect  of 
our  Redeemer's  coming,  who  was  born,  as  we  know,  in  a  time 
of  universal  peace,  and  who  is  called  "  Rex  Pacificus."     So 
far   all  is  clear,  but  one  obscure  word,   pND   in   this    verse, 
which  is  found  only  here,  has  been  a  puzzle  to  commentators, 
ancient    and    modern.      They    search    Syriac,    Arabic    and 
Ethiopie  in  order  to  discover  some  word  which  will  giAre  them 
a  clue  to  its  meaning.     Without  entangling  ourselves  in  the 
•maze  of  words,  we  may  listen  to  what  scholars  have  to  say. 
Reinke,  and  the  rationalist  Hitzgig,  maintain  that  the  mean- 
ing of  the  term  is   "  the  arms  of  war."     On  the  other  hand, 
Rosenmuller,  Gesenius,  in  his  commentary  (and  Thes.  Ling. 
Hebr.   p.  932),    Ewald    and    Hengsteiiberg    say    the    word 
signifies  "  a  soldier's  boot."  Rosenmuller  explains  the  passage 
in  this  way :  "  Nos  igitur  hebrasa   sic  vertimus ;  nam  omne 
calceamentum   calceantis,    i.e.     militis     calceos    iiiduentis,    sc. 
calceati,  cum  slrepitu.,  qua  addita  dictione  proprius  designatur 
.calceamentum    militare.''     In    his    great    commentary,    the 
Dominican    Foreira    had   long   before    ascribed    the    same 
meaning  to  pNp.      The    "  cloak  "    is   the   "  simla,"  the  outer 
garment  of  Eastern  nations :  see  Gen.  ix.   23 ;  Jud.  viii.   25 

allusions  to  Egypt  at  the  time  of  Moses,  to  Assyria  in  the  time  of  Isaias,  to 
the  Exodus  and  to  the  defeat  of  Sennacherib's  army,  events  so  far  apart  in 
point  of  time  and  place,  could  be  brought  within  the  limits  of  a  single 
verse. 

Brugsch  and  Movers  held  that  the  Hyksos  were  Edomites.  Chabas 
considered  this  improbable.  Egyptiologists  generally  are  agreed  that  they 
were  Semitics. 


The  First  Christmas  Lesson.  51 

("once  used  specifically  of  the  warrior's  cloak;"  v.  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.  art.  Dress)  =  chlamys,  sagum.  In  the  Hebrew  text 
"  blood  "  is  in  the  plural,  which  number  is  employed  to  denote 
blood  that  has  been  shed ;  "  cruor"  (metoii).  Hence  our  Vulgate 
preserves  the  plural  in  certain  passages,  in  conformity  to  the 
original.  For  instance,  "  Libera  me  de  sanguinibus  "  means 
"Forgive  me  the  murder"  .(of  Urias,  &c.)  ;  again,  "Vir 
sanguinum,"  Ps.  v.  7 ;  Iv.  24,  is  simply  "  a  murderer  "  or  "  a 
bloodthirsty  man." 

6.  The  use  of  the  past  tense  "  is  born,"  "  is  given,"  in  this 
verse  to  describe  a  future  event,  is  another  instance  of  what 
we  saw  above,  p.  4.  The  prophetic  perfect  "  confers  upon 
descriptions  of  the  future  a  most  forcible  and  expressive 
touch  of  reality,  and  imparts  in  a  most  vivid  manner  a  sense 
of  the  certainty  with  which  the  occurrence  of  a  yet  future 
event  is  contemplated  by  the  speaker." — Driver  s  Hebrew 
lenses,  2nd  ed.  p.  22.  It  is  obvious  that  Isaias  speaks  of  Him 
who  was  to  come,  whose  birth  brings  us  every  blessing.  The 
phrase,  "  on  His  shoulders,"  simply  means  that  He  is  invested 
with  royalty,  or  is  a  King.  Reinke  gives  (p.  174)  the  similar 
expressions:  "  Quum  abunde  expertus  pater,  quam  bene 
humeris  tuis  sederet  imperium." — Pliny's  Panegyric  of  Trajan. 
"  Rempublicam  vos  universam  in  hoc  loco  vestris  humeris, 
vestris,  inquam,  humeris  sustiiietis." — Cicero  Or.  pro  Flaceo. 
Christ,  the  Son  of  David,  is  often  called  a  King,  and  the  Key 
of  David  is  to  be  laid  on  his  shoulder  (7>.  xxii.  22 ;  see  also 
Apoc.  iii.  7).  The  names  by  which  the  Child  or  Son  is  to  be 
called  simply  signify  in  like  manner  the  qualities  or  attributes 
He  will  possess.  We  shall  readily  understand  this  figure  of 
speech,  if  we  reflect  on  that  other  prophecy,  "  They  shall  call 
His  name  Emmanuel,"  which  certainly  does  not  mean  that 
Emmanuel  was  to  be  His  name  instead  of  Jesus  Christ,  but 
only  that  He  was  to  be  Emmanuel,  or  "  God  with  us." 

Before  we  consider  these  names  separately,  it  must  be  laid 
down  that  there  are  neither  more  nor  less  than  four ;  the 
eight  words  are  not  so  many  distinct  appellations,  but  every 
two  in  order  go  to  make  up  one  name.  There  are  four  pair 
of  words.  For  instance,  "  Princeps  pacis."  Indeed  this  is  so 
evident  here  that  it  would  seem  superfluous  to  call  attention 
to  it,  but  the  fourth  name  is  adduced  in  order  to  guide  us  in 


52  The  First  Christmas  Lesson. 

reading  the  former  ones,  where  the  truth  of  the  remark  is  not 
BO  obvious. 

The  first  name  then  is,  "  Wonderful  Counsellor,"  literally 
"wonder  of  counsel,"  precisely  as  we  say,  "a  prodigy  of 
wisdom."  The  spirit  of  counsel,  one  of  the  seven  gifts,  is 
attributed  also  to  our  Lord,  Is.  xi.  2.  The  meaning  of  our 
passage  is  that  He  possesses  it  in  a  wonderful  manner,  and  of 
course  the  word  "  wonder  "  is  to  be  taken  in  an  unlimited 
sense,  because  it  is  parallel  to  "  God"  and  to  ("  eternity")  in 
the  following  names  or  titles.  The  Angel's  answer  to  Mamie, 
Samson's  father,  bears  a  resemblance  to  this  mode  of 
expression — "  Why  do  you  ask  my  name?  It  is  wonderful,  i.e., 
incomprehensible  to  man. 

The  second  name,  "]12U  bx  may  be  translated  "Almighty 
God."  Aquila  and  Symmachus  have  la-^ypo^^vvarG^,  and 
Theodotion  lo-^vpos,  Swaa-Tr}?  (Migne,  Hexapla  Or.  p.  2a, 
p.  1668) ;  Eusebius  has  0eo?  io-%vpos'  (Perhaps  "  agios 
ischyros"  comes  from  this).  The  Alexandrine  version, 
which  is  full  of  mistakes  in  the  entire  passage,  has  in  this 
place,  MeyaX.ys  {3ov\7J<;  ayye\or  The  translator  appears  to 
have  been  of  opinion  that  the  name  "  Almighty  God,"  or,  as 
some  prefer  it,  "  God-hero,"  would  be  unsuitable  to  the  child 
who  was  to  be  born,  and  in  consequence  he  gives  it  quite  a 
different  sense,  effected  as  we  shall  now  see  by  transposition  of 
the  two  words.  Instead  of  "jiBii  bvt  he  reads  ^JO"UJ  (Gabriel 
one  of  the  best  known  of  the  Angels).1  This  is  the  origin  of 
"Angel  of  great  council,  "Angelus  magni  consilii,"  The 
Alexandrine  translator  may  have  done  this  unwittingly,  there 
may  have  been  no  deliberate  manipulation,  but,  at  all  events, 
St.  Jerome  thinks  that  the  alteration  was  intentionally  made.. 
"  Qua  nominum  majestate  perterritos  LXX  reor  11011  ausos  de 
puero  dicere,  quod  aperte  deus  appellandus  sit,  &c.,  sed  pro 
his  sex  nominibus  posuisse  quodiii  Hebreo  non  habetur,  magni 
consilii  angelum,  &c."  Whatever  was  the  "  animus  "  of  the 
translator,  his  translation  will  bear  an  orthodox  sense,  for  in 
tho  Introit  of  the  third  Mass  for  Christmas  Day,  we  read 
"  vocabitur  nomeii  ejus  magni  consilii  angelus "  from  the 
Itala,  which  is,  as  we  know,  a  version  of  the  Alexandrine ;  in 

1  Gab-ri-el  instead  of  El-gibbor. 


The  First  Christmas  Lesson.  53 

that  of  the  second  Mass  we  have  St.  Jerome's  translation, 
•"  Et  vocabitur  admirabilis,  deus,  &c." 

The  parallelism  between  the  first  and  second  names  is 
evident ;  as  Jesus  Christ  is  all- wise,  so  is  he  all-powerful.  In 
Is.  xi.  2,  to  which  reference  has  been  already  made,  the  spirit 
of  fortitude  is  said  to  be  His.  The  third  name,  literally, 
"  Father  of  eternity,"  has  been  variously  understood.  Some 
would  explain  "  Father  "  as  "  possessor,"  because  in  Arabic, 
for  instance,  such  expressions  as  the  following  are  common. 
"  Father  of  consolation  "  —  consoler,  one  who  possesses  the  gift 
of  consoling  the  afflicted,  and  so  on  ;  even  a  sweet-smelling  tree 
is  called  "  father  of  sweetness,"  and  a  many-tinted  bird  "  father 
of  colours."  A  similar  formation  is  found  in  some  proper  names 
in  Hebrew,  e.g.,  Abiud — father  of  majesty — majestic.  Thus, 
the  third  name  would  simply  mean  "  Eternal."  A  second  and 
better  explanation  is  "  Everlasting  Father,"  i.e.,  one  who 
always  loves  and  protects.  The  two  preceding  names  do  not 
signify  what  God  is  in  Himself,  but  rather  what  He  is  in 
relation  to  us,  consequently  merely  "  Eternal "  or  "  Ever- 
lasting "  does  not  give  the  full  import,  and  only  "  Everlasting 
Father "  can  be  the  true  sense  of  this  name.  Hence  the 
parallelism  is  continued — the  wisdom,  power,  and  goodness  of 
God. 

The  fourth  name,  "  Prince  of  peace,"  is  given  to  Our  Lord 
to  denote  the  effects  of  His  wisdom,  power,  and  goodness. 
His  kingdom  of  peace  is  described  (Is.  ix.  6,  10).  Our  Lord 
Himself  says :  "  My  peace  I  leave  you,  my  peace  I  give  you  ;  " 
and  St.  Paul  writes  of  Him,  "  He  is  our  peace." 

One  more  remark  may  be  allowed  before  concluding.  It 
need  not  occasion  surprise  that  Christ  is  called  "  Prince " 
.rather  than  "  King ;  "  no  stress  is  to  be  laid  on  the  difference 
we  ordinarily  make  between  the  two  titles.  On  the  contrary, 
in  ancient  times,  "  prince  "  was  occasionally  the  nobler  name ; 
for  instance,  on  some  of  the  Assyrian  monuments  the  highest 
title  of  the  monarch  is  "  prince  "  (Sar)  Assyrian  and  Hebrew. 
St.  Michael  is  called  Prince  of  the  Heavenly  Host,  "  the  great 
prince "  (Dan,  xii.  1),  and  it  is  said  that  Sarah  = "  the 
princess,"  was  more  honoured  by  this  designation  than  if  she 
were  called  "  Malcha  "  =  the  queen. 

REGINALD  WALSH,  O.P. 


ON  THE  TELEPHONE  IN  RELATION  TO  THE 
SACRAMENT  OF  PENANCE. 

IT  is  with  much  disinclination  that  I  come  forward  as  a 
principal  in  this  controversy.  I  do  so  simply  to  protect 
my  professional  reputation  by  disavowing  the  views  attributed 
to  me  in  your  issue  of  this  month  [November]  by  Fr.  O'Dwyer. 
My  part  has  been  hitherto  merely  to  reply  to  the  letters  of 
Fr.  Livius,  and  to  answer  his  questions  on  scientific  points. 
I  was  obliged  by  mere  courtesy  to  do  this  much.  I  have  no 
personal  interest  in  the  matter,  having  never  seen  any  of  the 
persons  who  take  part  in  the  discussion,  nor  even  a  copy  of 
the  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD  before  this  month. 

I  wish,  at  the  outset,  to  distinctly  disavow  the  intention 
of  imputing  premeditated  unfairness  to  Fr.  O'Dwyer  in  this 
article.  I  may  be  compelled  to  use  such  words  as  misquo- 
tation and  misrepresentation  to  set  forth  facts,  while  I  regret 
.that  these  words  are  usually  associated  with  a  suggestion  of 
malice.  I  wish  to  use  them  in  their  proper  colourless  sense. 
It  may  appear  remarkable  that  all  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  mistakes  are 
on  one  side ;  this,  however,  will  not  astonish  a  physicist.  It 
is  well  known  that  in  certain  astronomical  measurements, 
each  observer  tends  to  err  in  a  particular  direction ;  and  hence 
the  necessity  of  correcting  his  readings  by  means  of  a  "  per- 
sonal equation,"  calculated  for  himself  specially.  If  some 
reader  of  the  RECORD,  with  more  time  on  his  hands  than  I 
have,  would  work  out  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  "personal  equation," 
perhaps  most  of  the  aberrations  I  am  about  to  complain  of 
might  be  accounted  for. 

Throughout  his  article,  Fr.  O'Dwyer  has  revised  my 
views ;  occasionally,  he  has  altered  my  words ;  sometimes,  he 
has  even  modified  my  spelling.  He  has,  with  considerable 
imagination  and  tact,  created  an  unreal  opponent,  with  views 
which  lend  themselves  more  readily  than  mine  to  his  play  of 
humour  and  resource  of  argument. 

To  begin  with  the  cases  in  which  he  has  misquoted  me  : — • 

1°.  On  page  702,  he  states  that  I  advised  Fr.  Livius  to 
abandon  "technical  science  and  go  by  philosophy."  The 
part  in  inverted  commas  is  most  certainly  attributed  to  me, 


On  the  'Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     55 

though  I  did  not  write  it.  The  sttitement  that  I  gave  the 
above  advice  is  as  inaccurate  as  the  quotation  itself. 

2°.  Presently  he  quotes  more :  "  If  you  go  by  technical 
science,  the  opponents  will  tell  you,"  &c.  Here  he  leaves 
out  a  qualifying  word  of  vital  importance,  and  changes 
another  of  little  moment.  My  words  were  :  "  If  you  go  by 
merely  technical  science,  the  exponents  will  tell  you,"  &c. 

3°.  On  page  709  he  quotes  me  freely,  and,  amongst  other 
sentences  in  inverted  commas,  he  has  "  energy  in  general." 
I  did  not  use  these  words. 

I  will  now  take  these,  sentences  and  deal  with  them. 

1°.  I  drew  a  distinction  not  between  Philosophy  and 
Science,  but  between  Philosophy  and  "merely  technical 
science"  By  technical  science  I  meant  the  kind  of  knowledge 
of  a  subject  possessed  by  practical  men  in  any  department ; 
the  knowledge  that  is  necessary  or  useful  in  any  particular 
profession. 

The  higher  science  which  investigates  causes,  and  goes  to 
the  root  of  things,  I  would  call  Philosophy,  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  technical  or  utilitarian  science. 

Technical  scientists  may  be  well  informed  jin  their  own 
branch,  but  they  are  apt  to  draw  a  hard  and  fast  line  between 
their  science  and  that  of  their  neighbour.  One  studies  Heat 
in  the  text-books,  another  Optics,  and  another  Electricity,  and 
they  nearly  all  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  divisions  are 
divisions  not  of  a  Nature  but  of  our  knowledge.  Doubtless 
most  of  them  would  say  with  Fr.  O'Dwyer,  "  I  know  that 
heat,  as  such,  is  not  light,"  though  few  of  them  might  be 
aware  that  radiant  heat  is  objectively  identical  with  light. 

My  advice  to  Fr.  Livius  was,  that  he  should  not  be  satisfied 
solely  with  this,  but  that  he  should  "  proceed  by  philosophy." 
I  said  nothing  about  abandoning  any  part  or  kind  of  science, 
for  philosophy  must  necessarily  take  cognizance  of  every 
item  of  human  knowledge. 

I  now  come  to  the  third  misquotation.  The  words, 
"  energy  in  general,"  are  not  mine.  I  do  not  express  any 
opinion  for  or  against  the  words.  I  simply  deny  having  used 
them.  They  were,  no  doubt,  necessary  for  the  introduction 
of  his  tenuiter  prolalilis  joke  about  "  Smith  in  general." 

This  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  method  of  Fr.   O'Dwyer's 


56      On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

article.  After  setting  up  the  expression,  "  energy  in  general," 
lie  tells  us,  in  the  words  of  the  old  professor,  "  there  is  no 
such  thing."  If  there  is  110  such  thing,  "  I  really  do  not  know 
why  the  point  has  been  raised,"  nor  why  Fr.  O'Dwyer  himself 
should  have,  at  page  707,  alluded  to  that  which  has  no 
existence.  At  the  same  time,  I  would  ask  him,  since  he  con- 
siders the  words  "  Smith  "  and  "  energy  "  as  comparables, 
what  he  would  understand  by  the  conservation  of  Smith,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  dissipation  of  Smith  ? 

Having  treated  of  the  misquotations,  I  will  how  give  a 
short  selection  of  incorrect  statements  of  my  vieAvs. 

1°.  On  page  704,  he  writes — 

"  .  .  .  .  Father  Livius  and  Professor  Ryan,  who  undertake 
to  show  that  these  phenomena  are  quite  analogous  to  the  well- 
ascertained  facts  in  the  science  of  sound." 

This  is  not  the  case,  and  the  quotation  which  follows  gives 
the  statement  no  countenance. 

2°.  On  page  705  he  endeavours  to  fix  upon  me  what  he 
terms  "  the  modified  idealism  of  Herbert  Spencer,"  and,  in 
pious  horror  at  the  monster  of  his  own  creation,  threatens  me 
with  the  cessation  of  his  argument.  The  readers  of  the 
RECORD  would  have  missed  much  modified  technical  teaching 
had  he  carried  out  his  threat ;  but,  for  my  own  part,  I  would 
have  been  profoundly  grateful.  The  fact  that  he  still  con- 
tinues to  argue  with  me,  or  rather  with  his  modified  ideal  of 
me,  might  almost  lead  one  to  think  that  the  allusion  to 
Spencerism  is  only  a  little  ruse  de  guerre. 

On  page  707  he  attributes  two  propositions  to  me.  With- 
out endorsing  the  first,  I  object  to  the  second,  which  reads 
thus : — 

"  That  in  the  loose  and  popular  language  which  may  be  admissible, 
that  perfect  similarity  is  sufficient  to  constitute  identity." 

I  said  distinctly,  and  he  quotes  the  words,  011  the  page 
before  mentioned,  "for  my  part,  I  consider  the  word  identical 
inapplicable  in  both  cases." 

On  page  708  he  says  : — 

"To  my  mind,  the  distinction  between  identity  and  similarity  is 
neither  c  arbitrary'  nor  '  unreal,'  but  most  obvious." 

This  can  only  mean  that  I  maintained  the  contrary.     The 


On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     57 

words  "  arbitrary  "  and  "  unreal "  are  put  in  inverted  commas, 
.as  if  used  by  me  in  this  connection.  I  only  used  one  of  them, 
and  it  was  thus : — 

"I  must  say  that  Fr.  O'Dwyer  draws  a  distinction  between 
identity  and  similarity  in  sound-waves,  which  seems  somewhat 
arbitrary." 

This  sentence  did  not  imply  that  I  considered  the  words 
equivalent,  but  that  he  had  manipulated  them  without  due 
regard  to  their  proper  meaning.  I  justified  this  statement  by 
quotations. 

The  apparent  object  of  this  second  proposition  is  to  justify 
two  appeals  to  that  "  common  sense,"  which  he  has  described 
*as  being,  in  such  cases,  ".common  ignorance."  The  first 
reads  thus : — 

"On  Professor  Ryan's  theory,  a  good  mimic,  a  well-trained 
parrot,  or  any  other  contrivance  that  could  produce  a  sound  perfectly 
similar  to  that  of  the  sound  imitated,  would  be  as  much  and  as  little 
entitled  to  be  called  identical  with  it,"  &c. 

I  agree  with  [him,  "  It  is  a  strange  philosophy  that  leads 
to  such  a  conclusion  "  as  that  a  well-trained  parrot  may  be 
said  to  be  identical  with  a  sound ;  but  it  is  none  of  mine. 

He  goes  on  to  illustrate  "  the  distinction  between  identity 
and  similarity,"  which  is  neither  "  arbitrary  nor  unreal,  but 
most  obvious  "  to  him.  In  imagination  he  strikes  a  tuning- 
fork,  which  produces  sound.  He  proceeds  : — 

u  If  I  strike  the  same  tuning-fork  in  perfectly  similar  circum- 
stances, and  in  the  same  way,  to-morrow,  I  will  get  what  I  call  an 
exactly  similar  sound,  ....  &c.,  but  not  the  same  physical 
thing  that  constituted  the  sound  of  the  day  before.  The  two  sounds 
tire  identical  in  value,  but  not  in  being." 

A  gentleman  whom  I  have  assumed  throughout  to 
be  identical  with  the  writer  of  the  above  words,  wrote  an 
article  which  appeard  in  the  RECORD  of  March,  1883,  in  which 
Tie  touches  on  this  very  point.  He  there  says : — 

"  And  that  identical  sound  can  be  heard  again,  only  on  condition 
that  the  vibration  of  the  elastic  body,  which  caused  it,  is  set  in 
motion  again." 

The  difference  between  these  two  quotations  suggests 
that  he  must  have  been  under  the  impression  here,  as  in 
.another  place,  that  he  had  "  a  double  argument  to  maintain." 


58      On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

It  was  originally  my  intention  to  have  supplemented  the 
list  of  misquotations  arid  inaccurate  representations  of  my 
views  by  a  further  list  of  statements  which  were  not  wholly 
untrue,  but  were  nevertheless  unfair  and  misleading,  but 
having  already  quoted  much  of  Father  O'Dwyer's  article,  and 
not  wishing  to  reproduce  the  whole  of  it,  I  gave  up  my 
original  plan. 

It  appears  to  me  that  in  the  course  of  his  somewhat 
lengthy  article  Fr.  O'Dwyer  has  made  but  one  point  against 
me,  legitimately.  This  is  on  page  711.  Even  here  he- 
laboured  under  a  misconceptioiv  but  the  fault  is  partly  mine, 
owing  to  my  having  supposed  too  much  knowledge  on  the 
part  of  my  critic.  He  supposes  that  I  meant  to  argue  that 
because  the  time  which  elapses  between  the  disturbances  at 
the  ends  of  the  telephonic  circuit  is  very  short,  that  therefore 
it  may  be  neglected  in  the  discussion  about  hearing  the  human 
voice.  This  was  far  from  being  my  intention.  I  gathered 
that  the  question  of  moral  presence  was  the  main  one,  and  that 
the  problem  of  "  hearing  the  human  voice  "  was  only  introduced 
to  settle  this  point.  Not  being  a  theologian  I  considered  that 
the  intelligible  verbal  communication  between  the  two  parties 
would  constitute  moral  presence,  even  supposing  it  might  be 
said  technically  that  the  human  voice  is  not  heard  in  the  case  of 
the  Telephone.  Fr.  O'Dwyer  alluded  to  this  further  question 
at  the  end  of  his  first  article,  and  it  therefore  seemed  necessary 
that  I  should  indicate  to  Fr.  Livius  any  point  which  would  be 
of  importance  in  case  it  should  be  discussed.  For  this  reason 
I  pointed  out  that  the  time  occupied'  by  the  energy  in  transit 
in  the  Telephone  was  inappreciable.  I  understood  that  time  is 
an  essential  consideration  here.  If  the  Telephone  took  any 
considerable  time  to  transmit  its  message  it  would  be  useless; 
for  the  purposes  of  confession  I  imagine.  I  emphasised  this 
point  particularly,  to  bring  out  the  closeness  of  the  intercourse 
as  far  as  time  is  concerned,  and  because  I  thought  it  was  not 
generally  appreciated.  If,  however,  his  mistake  on  this  head 
was  pardonable  the  following  sentence  is  not  excusable : 
"  Either  the  change  into  electrical  energy  takes  place  or  it 
does  not."  This  is  dramatic,  but  unfair,  as  I  clearly 
stated  the  fact  more  than  once.  One  of  these  statements 
he  must  have  read,  as  he  quotes  two  words  out  of  it. 


On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     59 

Fr.  O'Dwyer  expatiates  further  on  the  time  question. 
"  He  tells  us  that  "  the  electrical  current  in  its  passage 
substitutes  for  the  rate  at  which  sound  passes  through  such 
a  wire,  the  velocity  of  light."  Is  it  so  stated  in  Tyiidall? 
or  is  Fr.  O'Dwyer  mixing  up  the  fact  that  the  ratio  of  the 
electromagnetic  unit  of  quantity  to  the  electrostatic  unit  is 
considered  to  be  equal  to  the  velocity  of  light?  If  he  is 
satisfied  with  the  correctness  of  his  idea  he  should  communicate 
it  without  delay  to  the  Royal  Society.  It  may  serve  to 
relieve  the  monotony  of  their  proceedings. 

Fr.  O'Dwyer  insists  on  "  accuracy  of  definition,  or  at  least 
of  description,"  "if  we  are  to  avoid  perpetual  ignorantia 
clenchi."  Does  this  mean  that  I  am  to  be  accurate,  and  that 
he  is  de  facto  dispensed  from  accuracy;  for,  on  page  705, 
he  says  :— 

i6  And  as  far  as  I  understand  the  controversy,  the  sole  point  in 
dispute  is  whether  the  force  or  energy •,  or  ivhafever  else  it  is  that  is 
called  the  human  voice,  ceases  to  be  a  sound  by  passing  into  the 
inaudible  electrical  stage  in  the  wire." — [The  italics  are  mine.] 

Thisj-ather  vague  statement  does  not  argue  more  than  an 
abstract  faith  in  "  accuracy  of  definition  "  on  the  part  of  the 
writer ;  for  force  is  not  energy,  nor  is  either  of  these  any- 
thing else. 

Force  is  of  one  dimension  in  mass,  one  in  length,  and  minus 
two  in  £/w£,'while  energy  differs  by  being  of  two  dimensions 
in  length ;  but  it  is  immaterial  to  Fr.  O'Dwyer  whether  the 
human  voice  be  force  or  energy,  or  both  together,  so  long  as 
it  takes  that  fatal  plunge  into  the  dark  recesses  of  the  "  electric 
wire,"  that  disqualifies  it  as  a  sound.  A  more  cautious  writer 
would  have  paused  to  ascertain  what  the  nature  of  voice 
really  is,  ^before  announcing  the  verdict  of  science  with 
regard  to  the  possibility  of  its  being  perceived  by  means  of 
the  Telephone. 

Much  of  the  haze  which  surrounds  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  scientific 
expositioii[is  due  to  this  "  ignorantia  elenchi"  Let  us  try  and 
make  out  what  he  understands  by  the  Avorcl  "  sound  !  " 

On  the  very  page  (705)  where  he  stipulates  for  accuracy, 
he  uses  the  word  (1)  as  the  title  of  a  science;  he  speaks  of 
(2)  "sound  heard;"  (3)  "sound  spoken;"  (4)  he  speaks  of 
"  force  or  energy,  or  whatever  else  it  is,  that  is  called  the 


60     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

human  voice,"  ceasing  to  be  a  sound;  (5)  he  uses  it  as 
synonymous  with  voice. 

On  page  707,  this  "  sound  "  is  capable  of  being  passed  on 
mysteriously  to  the  brain ;  (6)  it  is  a  series  of  phenomena ; 
(7)  it  is  "  special  form "  of  "  energy  in  general "  (which, 
page  708,  does  not  exist). 

On  page  708  (8)  a  sound  "  is  identical  with  the  vibra- 
tions of  the  air  particles ;"  (9)  it  is  possessed  of  "  being ;" 
(10)  "  the  sound  of  the  same  voice  "  (voice  and  sound  were 
previously  used  as  equivalent). 

On  page  709  (11)  "energy  differentiated  as  sound." 

These  are  enough  to  show  that  Fr.  O'Dwyer  attaches 
several  different  meanings  to  the  word  "sound,"  and  I  think 
no  one  would  now  dispute  what  he  says,  on  page  709,  "  I  may 
hot  know  what  sound  is  in  itself,"  any  more  than  they  would 
question  his  summing  up  that  "  sound  is  not  light." 

In  describing  the  Telephone,  Fr.  O'Dwyer  indicates  an 
instrument  which  will  enable  its  inventor  to  evade  the  patent 
rights  of  the  United  Telephone  Company.  No  previous 
instrument  had  its  terminals  connected  by  "  an  ordinary 
electric  wire."  Most  of  them  are  fitted  up  with  wires  made 
of  the  inert  copper  of  which  kettles  are  often  composed. 

Fr.  O'Dwyer  described  the  Telephone  once  before ;  he 
was  much  clearer  in  the  former  account.  In  that  he  evidently 
contemplated  a  simple  form  of  the  Bell  Magneto-Electric 
Telephone.  It  is  true  there  were  a  few  minor  discrepancies* 
He  generated  "  a  series  of  electrical  currents  "  by  the  "  inter- 
rupted touching s  of  the  metal  plate  and  magnet."  Furthermore, 
these  currents,  developed  in  this  novel  manner,  instead  of 
travelling  like  ordinary  currents,  require  to  be  carried  all  the 
way — in  fact,  "  conveyed  from  one  end  of  the  coil,  by  a  wire, 
to  the  point  with  which  it  is  desired  to  communicate."  When 
they  are  deposited  by  the  wire  at  the  further  end,  they 
ignore  the  magnet,  and  cause  the  "  thin  metal  plate "  to 
vibrate.  Whether  they  ever  return  to  their  birth-place  is 
not  stated,  but  no  conveyance  is  provided.  Notwithstanding 
these  peculiarities,  the  Bell  Telephone  is  undoubtedly  indi- 
cated. I  presume  Fr.  O'Dwyer  had  a  reason  for  choosing 
this  particular  instrument.  He  probably  thought  the  simplest 
form  of  the  Telephone  would  be  the  best  to  consider,  in  order 


~0n  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     61 

to  fix  our  ideas,  and  avoid  the  objectionable  "  ignorantia 
eleiichi."  I  have  followed  his  lead  in  this  particular,  and 
have  based  my  arguments  on,  and  formed  all  my  conclusions 
with  regard  to,  the  Magneto-Electric  Telephone.  In  his 
present  article,  however,  he  is  rather  vague,  and  seems  to 
contemplate  distantly  other  forms.  This  could  only  be  at 
the  sacrifice  df  that  lucidity  which  marked  his  wiiting  when 
his  mind  was  unhampered  by  any  thought  of  these.  For  my 
own  part,  1  avoid  any  consideration  of  Battery  Telephones 
till  we  come  to  some  understanding  respecting  the  speech- 
carrying  capacity  of  the  type  which  he  himself  chose  to  fix 
our  ideas  with. 

Time  and  space  would  fail  me  if  I  attempted  to  deal  with 
all  his  points.  I  will  take  one  to  which  he  attaches  con- 
siderable value : — 

"  There  is  no  sound  that  can  be  detected  between  tli3  extremes  of 
the  Telephone ;  and  this  fact,  of  itself,  is  sufficient,  in  my  opinion,  to 
destroy  the  whole  reasoning  in  Professor  Kyan's  essay." 

I  am  not  aware  of  any  sentence  in  either  of  my  letters 
which  relied  for  its  accuracy  on  any  such  assumption.  It  is 
not,  therefore,  to  defend  anything  that  I  examine  his  state- 
ment about  this  continuity,  which  seems  to  him  of  vital 
importance : — 

"Bring  your  ear  to  any  point  along  a  string  Telephone,  and 
you  get  the  true  sonorous  vibration ;  so,  also,  with  a  beam  of 
timber." 

In  the  case  of  the  string,  he  is  certainly  not  correct ;  and 
in  that  of  the  timber,  his  statement  requires  modification. 
His  crucial  test,  however,  is  utterly  discredited  by  the  fact 
that  sound-waves  can  be  transmitted  across  a  room,  so  as  to 
excite  an  auditory  nerve,  and  yet  not  be  audible  at  intermediate 
points.  This  can  be  done  by  concentrating  the  energy  at  the 
focus  of  a  lens.  Or  it  can  be  done  by  the  use  of  two  parabolic 
reflectors.  Place  a  watch  in  the  focus  of  one  ;  then,  if  the 
reflectors  are  arranged  directly  opposite  each  other,  the 
ticking  of  the  watch  can  be  heard  at  the.  focus  of  the  other, 
but  not  elsewhere,  except  close  to  the  watch  itself.  This  can 
be  done  at  distances  much  greater  than  those  at  which  con- 
versation can  be  heard.  The  whispering  gallery  of  St.  Paul's 
affords  another  instance. 


i)2      On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

I  will  now  quote  from  Fr.  O'Dwyer : — 

"  There  is  no  instance  that  I  know,  of  a  sound,  in  transit,  ceasing 
to  be  sonorous.  Why,  it  seems  a  contradiction  in  terms.  You 
might  as  well  talk  of  an  incorporeal  body,  or  an  invisible  colour,  as 

an   inaudible   sound Intercept  it  at  any  stage  of  its 

course,  and  it  is  audible." 

I  may,  therefore,  presume  that,  in  the  experiment  with  the 
watch,  the  sonorous  continuity  is  broken,  and  it  is  not  a  case 
of  the  transmission,  of  sound  at  all.  It  is,  in  fact,  on  the  same 
dubious  footing  as  the  Telephone  :— 

"  There  is  no  sound  that  can  be  detected  between  the  extremes  of 
the  Telephone  ;  and  this  fact,  of  itself,  is  sufficient,  in  my  opinion,  to 
destroy  the  whole  reasoning  in  Professor  Ryan's  essay." 

May  I  not  write  too  : — 

"  There  is  no  sound  that  can  be  detected  between  the  parabolic 
reflectors ;  and  this  fact,  of  itself,  is  sufficient,  in  iny  opinion,  to  destroy 
the  whole  reasoning  in  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  essay." 

Fr,  O'Dwyer  proposes  to  examine  my  arguments,  express- 
ing his  design  "  thus  to  refute  him,  or,  at  least,  to  bring  out 
distinctly  the  substance  of  our  difference."  If  he  has  been 
successful  at  all,  it  must  have  been  in  the  way  of  refutation ; 
for,  like  cuttle-fish,  the  more  ink  he  dispenses,  the  less  distinct 
does  he  make  the  view. 

The  question  is,  as  I  maintained  in  my  first  letter,  a  very 
simple  one,  from  the  scientific  standpoint.  No  one  imagines 
that  a  sound-wave  is  identical  with  a  current  of  electricity. 

I  wrote,  in  1884  : — 

<;  This  merely  means  that  the  mechanism  differs  in  the  two  cases. 
Lord  Rayleigh  said,  '  In  the  one  case,  the  intermediate  mechanism,  is 
mechanical  (so  called),  and  in  the  other,  electrical ;  but  this  difference 
appears  to  me  to  be  not  fundamental.'  " 

In  August,  1884,  I  wound  up  thus  : — 

"  I  have  not  gone  into  your  arguments.  I  believe  the  question, 
scientifically,  is  one  of  very  simple  principle,  tvhich  is  likely  to  be  lost 
sight  of  by  going  into  details.  Such  details  as  I  have  touched  upon, 
/  do  not  consider  as  vital.  I  have  only  used  them  as  extra  arguments, 
The  one  principle  and  argument  /  rel//  upon  is,  that  the  mechanisms 
are  of  the  same  nature" 

Fr.  O'Dwyer  has  managed  to  give  the  scientific  position, 
as  clearly  defined  .by"  Lord  Rayleigh,  and  as  set  forth  in  the 
above  paragraph  of  mine,  a  wide  berth  in  the  ten  and  a-half 


On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.     63 

pages  of  genteel  science  and  popular  philosophy  which  he 
has  provided  for  the  instruction  of  the  readers  of  the  IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD.  He  quietly  re-arranges  us  in 
situations  more  convenient  for  his  game : — 

"  I  have  then  a  double  argument  to  maintain.  One  against 
Fr.  Liviua,  supported  as  he  is  by  Lord  Rayleigh  and  other  high 
authorities  in  the  view  that  the  principles  and  definitions  of  the 
science  of  Sound  and  Acoustics  need  to  be  enlarged  so  as  to  include 
the  phenomena  of  the  Telephone.  The  other,  against  Fr.  Livius  and 
Professor  Byan,  \vlio  undertake  to  show  that  these  phenomena  are 
quite  analogous  to  the  well-ascertained  facts  in  the  science  of 
sound,"  &c. 

Doubtless  he  would  think  me  a  perfect  Vandal  if  I  pointed 
out  that  this  artistic  arrangement  is  unreal.  From  the  stand- 
point of  the  controversialist,  it  is  inimitable.  The  two 
arguments  are  similar,  if  not  identical.  Knock  down  one,  and 
the  other  goes  too.  It  is  beautifully  simple ;  and  is  there  not 
a  maxim  that  "  error  is  better  than  obscurity?  "  No  less  than 
four  times  in  his  essay,  Fr.  O'Dwyer  tries  to  father  upon  me 
the  same  line  of  argument. 

With  reluctance  I  direct  attention  back  to  the  dull  prosaic 
facts.  Now  the  only  "  analogy  "  I  attempted  to  establish, 
was  one  to  show  the  absurdity  of  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  own  argu- 
ment. I  pointed  out  that  the  reasoning  he  adopted  necessarily 
leads  to  the  conclusion  "  that  we  never  hear  the  human  voice 
in  any  case."  For,  if  a  partition  or  door  separates  us  from 
the  speaker,  we  only  hear  the  vibrations,  or  the  voice  of  the 
door  or  partition.  And,  even  if  there  be  nothing  but  air 
intervening,  "the  sound  which  falls  on  the  ear  of  the  listener" 
is  as  truly  caused  by  the  vibrations  of  the  intermediate  air- 
particles,  in  this  case,  as  by  the  plate  of  the  Telephone  in  the 
other.  On  the  slender  foundation  of  this  reductio  ad  alsurdum 
he  constructs  the  imaginary  argument  which  he  combats,  and 
to  which  he  so  frequently  refers. 

I  have  very  little  to  add  to  what  I  wrote  last  year.  The 
expressions,  "  I  hear  a  voice,"  "  I  see  a  face,"  are  distinctly 
unscientific.  They  date  from  the  pre-scientific  times,  when 
light  was  supposed  to  emanate  from  our  eyes.  The  verbs 
are  active.  The  expressions  imply  activity ;  whereas  the 
agent  is  distinctly  passive.  We  hear  and  see  because  external 
influences  act  upon  our  senses.  Again,  "  voice  "  is  not  pro- 


64     On  the  Telephone  in  relation  to  the  Sacrament  of  Penance. 

perly  a  scientific  term,  and  requires  to  be  defined.  I  take  it 
to  mean  a  particular  cause  of  the  phenomena  of  sound,  or  of 
the  sensation  of  hearing.  For  these  reasons,  I  say  the 
expression,  "  hearing  a  voice,"  is  unscientific,  and  requires 
definition ;  but  for  this,  Fr.  O'Dwyer  charges  me  with  the 
modified  idealism  of  Herbert  Spencer. 

As  far  as  the  question  about  hearing  the  "  human  voice,"1 
by  means  of  the  Telephone,  is  concerned,  I  pointed  out  before 
that  the  answer  depends  entirely  on  the  definition  of  the 
non-scientific  term,  "  hearing  the  human  voice."  If  you 
define  it  as  Fr.  O'Dwyer  appears  to  do,  as  hearing  by  means 
of  the  collisions  of  material  particles,  and  expressly 
exclude  everything  else  in  your  definition,  then  you  do  not 
"  hear  the  human  voice  "  by  means  of  the  Telephone  ;  for  it 
is  excluded  from  the  definition,  unless  indeed  an  electrical 
current  is  of  the  nature  specified  therein. 

Must  the  definition  of  the  expression  contain  a  reference 
to,  and  stipulate  for,  a  particular  mechanism?  I  see  no 
reason  why  it  should,  but  am  content  to  leave  it  to 
the  judgment  of  the  readers  of  the  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL 
<BECORD. 

At  all  events,  the  argument  must  centre  on  the  definition 
of  the  words,  as  I  indicated  in  1884,  and  all  Fr.  O'Dwyer's 
lengthy  exposition — the  object  of  which  is  to  show,  what  I 
myself  stated,  "  that  there  is  a  physical  difference  between  a 
sound-wave  and  an  electrical  current " — is  so  much  wasted 
"  sweetness  and  light." 

For  theological  applications,  proofs,  to  be  thoroughly  satis- 
factory and  convincing,  should  be  independent  of  the  present 
state  of  science,  and  not  based  on  uncertain  distinctions 
between  subdivisions  of  our  knowledge,  or  rather  of  our 
ignorance. 

Much  of  Fr.  O'Dwyer's  reasoning  would  indeed  satisfy 
the  former  condition  ;  but  he  accepts  the  figurative  expositions 
of  popular  lectures  with  childlike  confidence,  and  applies 
them  in  a  way  which  reminds  one  of  the  un discriminating 
credulity  of  the  boy  who  said  that  the  atom  of  oxygen  was  a 
red  cube,  and  the  atom  of  hydrogen  a  green  one,  or  that  of 
the  lady  who  wondered  at  astronomers  being  able  to  find  out 
'  the  names  of  the  stars. 


Theological  Questions.  65 

Fr.  OThvyer  concludes  his  article  thus : — 

"  At  present  I  will  only  say,  that  if  my  argument,  as  given,  is 
substantially  valid,  I  have  disposed,  not  only  of  Professor  Ryan's 
theories,  but  also  of  the  scientific  basis  without  which,  Fr.  Livius 
himself  admits  that,  his  philosophy  is  '  arbitrary  theorizing/  " 

Possibly  I  may  have  unhinged  the  confidence  of  any 
guileless  believer  in  the  validity  of  his  arguments;  but  if  it 
should  be  held  to  be  intact,  they  are  not  my  theories  which 
have  suffered,  but  his  own  creations  wrongly  labelled.  As 
for  scientific  bases,  he  has  indeed  upset  these  011  more  than 
one  occasion. 

J.  RYAN. 


THEOLOGICAL  QUESTIONS. 

DIOCESAN  REGULATION  IN  REFERENCE  TO  THE  SAYING  OF  MASSES 
FOR  DECEASED  PRIESTS. 

"  Not  many  months  ago,  at  a  Conference,  at  which  I  was  present* 
the  Bishop,  reminded  by  the  recent  death  of  one  of  the  priests,  took 
occasion  to  tell  tl.ose  who  were  present,  that  they  were  bound  to 
celebrate  three  Masses  for,  every  deceased  fellow-priest.  This  has 
been  the  understanding,  at  least  among  the  body  of  the  priests  of  the 
diocese,  for  a  number  of  years. 

"  Before  that  time,  but  within  the  memory  of  some  of  the  senior 
priests,  one  Mass  only  was  of  obligation,  and  some  of  them  I  have 
been  told,  maintain  that  even  yet,  one  only  is  of  obligation. 

"  Now  as  this  difference  of  opinion  regards  a  matter  of  manifestly 
practical  importance,  I  should  like  to  hear  the  RECORD'S  authoritative 
voice  on  the  matter.  Personally  I  have  no  doubt  that  we  are  all 
bound  to  say  three  Masses,  but,  as  I  should  not  command  a  hearing 
when  the  RECORD  is  sure  to  be  implicitly  obeyed,  I  shall  trouble  its 
courteous  Editor  to  exercise  a  strict  censorship  over  the  views, 
which,  with  his  permission,  I  shall  now  state. 

"I  hold  that  there  is  an  obligation  in  st  riot  justice,  the  violation 
of  which  entails  restitution,  to  say  three  Masses.  This  obligation 
arises,  not  from  the  announcement  of  the  Bishop,  but  from  the, 
consent  of  the  priests,  expressed  by  that  announcement,  and  adopted; 
by  all  present  who  did  not  openly  express  their  dissent.  Internal 
dissent  on  the  part  of  an  individual,  will,  of  course,  exonerate^hini 
VOL.  VH.  E 


66  Theological  Questions. 

from  the  contract,  but,  so  long  as  he  does  not  give  the  body  of  the 
priests  an  opportunity  of  knowing  his  dissent,  he  is  bound  to 
do  for  the  body  what  the  body  have  consented  to  do 
for  him.  This  obligation,  howevel^  arises  not  from  the  contract^ 
which  dffectu  consensus  inter ni  does  not  exist,  but  1o  prevent  the 
injustice  which  would  otherwise  follow.  When  the  Bishop  makes 
the  announcement,  that  three  Masses  are  of  obligation,  and  the  priests 
by  silence  acquiesce,  they  by  the  fact,  enter  into  this  mutual  contract, 
and  if  any  one  only  intemally  dissents,  he  deceitfully  allows  the  body 
to  bind  itself  to  do  conditionally  a  certain  thing  for  him,  believing 
that  he  has  bound  himself  similarly  to  the  body — a  deceit  which  can 
be  ( remedied  only  by  giving  the  consent  which  invalidated  the 
contractor  at  least  doing  what  the  contract  would  impose. — A.  B.  C.'* 

If  our  argument  be  different,  the  conclusion  at  which  we 
arrive  is  almost  the  same  as  that  of  our  respected  corre- 
spondent. There  is,  as  he  states,  a  grave  obligation  of  applying 
three  Masses  for  every  priest  of  the  diocese  or  deanery,  as 
the  case  may  be,  within  a  reasonable  or  appointed  period 
after  death.  But  it  does  not  by  any  means  appear  certain 
that  neglect  would  in  every  instance  involve  a  violation  of 
commutative  justice,  so  that  the  heirs  of  one  who  was  known 
to  have  failed  in  this  duty,  should  be  bound  in  justice  to 
have  it  discharged  out  of  the  assets  of  deceased.  For,  in  the 
absence  of  evidence  to  the  contrary,  it  seems  perfectly  free 
to  interpret  the  regulation  as  imposing,  in  the  first  place, 
a  purely  personal  obligation,  and  in  the  second  as  enforcing 
that  duty,  not  by  the  command  of  justice,  but  under  the 
ordinary  sanction  of  the  Bishop's  binding  powers  as  a 
legislator.  / 

No  doubt  priests  can  agree  to  be  bound  to  one  another  in 
justice  in  the  application  of  Masses.  But,  we  think,  they  did 
not  so  agree  on  the  occasion  above  described,  and  in  any 
case  such  contracts  among  priests  will  not  account  for  the 
general  force  of  the  regulation  announced  by  the  Bishop. 
For,  first,  it  is  much  more  likely  the  assembled  clergy  felt 
they  were  listening  to  an  authoritative  interpretation  of 
diocesan  law,  than  contracting  on  every  side  with  one 
another,  whether  expressly  or  implicitly,  so  many  debts  of 
justice.  Secondly,  as  the  rule  is  considered  equitable  and 
good,  there  may  have  been  room  for  discussion,  but  there 


TJieologicdl  Questions.  67 

was  none  for  lasting  dissent,  which  in  the  case  was  not  open 
as  to  freely  contracting  parties,  but  was  on  the  contrary 
prohibited  by  the  obedience  due  to  diocesan  authority. 
Thirdly,  no  contract,  however  express,  011  the  part  of  the 
priests,  could  bind  those  who  should  come  after  them  on 
the  mission,  independently  of  the  Bishop,  because  it  is  his  right, 
not  theirs,  to  make  conditions  with  persons  offering  for  the 
ministry  in  his  diocese. 

To  sum  up,  then,  we  look  upon  the  Bishop's  pronounce- 
ment as  definitely  settling  the  interpretation  of  this 
traditional  law.  And,  accordingly,  three  Masses  thenceforth 
at  least  were  obligatory  under  the  authority  of  diocesan 
legislation.  But,  as  the  Church  is  slow  to  interfere  in  the 
matter  of  applying  Masses,  generally  preferring  to  define  and 
enforce  the  natural  and  divine  law  in  reference  to  this  subject 
rather  than  impose  obligations  which  do  not  spring  already  in 
substance  from  pastoral  care  or  acceptance  of  stipends,  we 
are  of  opinion  that  a  diocesan,  regulation  of  this  kind,  so  fair 
all  round,  and  so  useful,  binds  gravely  in  obedience,  like  other 
laws,  on  matters  of  moment,  and  perhaps  also  in  honor  and  tacit 
fidelity,  but  not  necessarily  in  justice,  at  least  until  this  too 
is  declared.  It  may  be  worth  adding  that  in  large  dioceses 
it  is  usual  and  proper  to  confine  the  obligation  to  a  deanery,  or 
not  to  require  so  many  Masses  as  three,  lest  clergymen  should 
be  considerably  inconvenienced  by  having  to  apply  Mass 
so  often  without  the  usual  honoraria.  We  have  assumed 
throughout  that  the  Bishop  stated  what  the  law  ivas,  and  not 
merely  what  he  thouglit  it  to  be. 


SAYING  TWO  MASSES  IN  A  STRANGE  DIOCESE  ON  THE  SAME  DAY. 

"  May  I  trouble  you  with  this  case  of  binating  ?  A  priest,  who  is 
at  the  Cathedral  in  an  Episcopal  city  for  a  special  object,  and  is  not  a 
priest  of  the  diocese,  but  a  member  of  a  community,  was  told  bv  the 
Bishop  to  binate  under  these  circumstances  :  — There  are  four  Masses 
on  Sunday.  The  Bishop,  the  Rector  of  the  Cathedral,  and  the  stranger 
are  present.  The  Masses  are  at  6  o'clock  at  an  institution,  7  o'clock, 
9  o'clock,  and  Missa  Cantata  at  10.30.  The  stranger  is  told  to  ta'^e  the 
last  two.  Can  the  Bishop  lawfully  do  this  ?  Is  the  stranger  bound 
to  obey?  I.  hold  the  Bishop  has  no  right  to  give  such  an  order 


68  Liturgical  Questions. 

on  the  ground  that  the  stranger  has  no  responsibility.  The  stranger 
might  say  no  Mass  if  he  pleased,  and  would  incur  no  guilt.  The 
priest  in  question  did  as  he  was  told,  but  is  now  asking  for  light. 

"  AMERICAN." 

As  the  Bishop  ordered  the  celebration  of  two  Masses  by 
the  same  person  on  the  same  day,  the  priest  could  easily  make 
lip  his  mind  that  there  was  sufficient  cause  for  his  offering  up 
the  Holy  Sacrifice  more  than  once.  Accordingly,  it  was  right 
to  comply  with  his  Lordship's  wishes.  But  a  refusal  in  the 
circumstances,  although  it  might  be  sinful,  would  not  amount 
to  a  breach  of  ecclesiastical  law,  unless  the  Bishop  was 
armed  with  a  special  indult  to  press  peregrini  into  his  service  . 


LITURGICAL  QUESTIONS. 


WHAT  EEVERENCE  is  TO  BE  MADE  TO  THE  CROSS  OF  THE 

SACRISTY  ? 

"I.  In  the  Directorium  Sacerdotale, by Fr.  Benedict  Valuy,  S.J.y 
page  261,  there  is  a  decree  of  S.R.C.  quoted,  dated  12th  November, 
1831,  saying,  '  iuclinationem  profundam  capitis  non  corporis  cruci 
faciendam,'  by  a  piiest  in  the  Sacristy  when  going  to  say  Mass. 

"  (a)  Is  this  decree  antiquated  ? 

"  (b)  If  it  is  not  antiquated,  does  it  bind  us  in  Ireland  ? 

"  II.  Please  tell  us  what  sort  of  a  bow  a  priest  should  make  to- 
the  Cross  when  leaving  the  Sacristy  ? 

"  III.  Should  a  priest  when  saying  the  three  Hail  Mary's  and 
Salve,  &c.,  flexis  genibus  after  Mass  bow  the  head  at  the  Holy  Name  of 
Jesus  ?  Does  not  the  kneeling  posture,  which  is  a  greater  act  of 
reverence,  include  the  minor,  which  is  a  mere  bow  of  the  head  ? — • 

''  J.  C,,  A  SUBSCRIBER." 

1.  There  is  no  such  decree  in  Gardellini's  collection  under 
the  date  mentioned,  nor,  we  believe,  under  any  other.  The- 
question  and  answer  of  the  12th  November,  1831,  are  : 

Quaer. — "  Quum  Rubrica  clare  non  loquitur,  quaeritur  quando  in 
Missa  facienda  sit  reverentia  simplex,  quando  mediocris,  et  quando 
profunda,  tain  in  Sacristia,  quam  in  Altari  ?  " 

RcB. — "  Patebit  ex  Rubricarum  collatione." 


Liturgical  Questions.  69 

The  Congregation  does  not  then  decide  the  point,  but  refers 
us  to  the  Rubric  ;  and  the  Rubric  of  the  Missal  (Tit.  ii.  n.  1,) 
merely  enjoins  in  general  a  reverence  "  facta  reverentia  cruci 
vel  imagini,  quae  in  sacristia  erit." 

The  Rubricists  also  are  divided  as  to  the  character  of  this 
reverence.  Some1  tell  us  to  make  a  "  profound  inclination ;" 
while  De  Herdt  and  others  give  the  following  minute  directions : 
"  Facit  reverentiam  capitis  cruci  vel  imagini  sacristiae,  scilicet 
profundam  si  fiat  cruci,  medium  si  non  adsit  crux  sed  imago 
B.M.V.,  et  parvam  tantum  si  solummodo  habeatur  imago 
patroni  vel  altering  sancti."2 

II.  Our  correspondent  will  see  from  what  we  have  just 
said  that  by  making  a  reverence  to  the  Cross  or  Image  in  the 
Sacristy,  he  will  comply  with  the  rubric  on  this  point. 

III.  We  think  he  should  bow  his  head  at  the  Holy  Name, 
even  though  he  is  on  his  knees.      The  one  reverence  is  not 
included  in  the  other,  and  they  are  quite  compatible  at  the 
same  time. 

THE  NUMBER  OF  CANDLES  AT  Low  MASS. 

"  I  offer  up  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  at  a  Convent  every 
morning,  and  the  Sisters,  on  Sundays  and  other  Feasts,  light  six 
candles,  and  they  say  they  have  permission  for  so  doing,  either  from 
.a  decree  or  from  custom.  Are  they  allowed  so  to  act? — D.  W." 

Yes ;  ratione  solemnitatis.  Only  two  candles,  one  on 
each  side  of  the  Cross,  are  allowed  at  the  private  Mass  of  a 
priest,  unless  the  occasion  is  a  solemn  one,  as,  for  instance,  at 
a  Congregational  Mass  on  a  day  of  obligation  in  a  parish  or 
.community  (S.R.C.,  12  Sept.,  1857,  n.  5251). 

WHEN  THE  DIRECTORY  PRESCRIBES  THE  PRAYER  "  CONCEDE  " 

IN  THE  MASS,  WHAT    ORATIO  IS  MEANT  ? 

"The  following  very  obvious  source  of  perplexity  has  fre- 
quently exercised  the  judgment  and  ingenuity  of  many  young  priests, 
and,  though  it  is  a  very  practical  problem,  it  is  much  to  be  feared 
that  there  are  individuals  not  a  few,  like  your  present  correspon- 
dent, who  have  failed  to  satisfy  themselves  that  the  solutions 
offered  and  the  reasoning  by  which  they  are  sought  to  be  sustained 
are  quite  unobjectionable.  On  certain  Semidoubles,  we  are  reminded  by 

1  Levavaseur,  S.  Alphonsus,  &c.        2  Praxis  Liturgica,  Tom.  i.,  n.  200. 


70  Liiturgical  Questions. 

our  authorised  Directoiy  that  the  Third  Collect  is  to  be  the  prayer 
'  Concede.'  Naturally  we  look  out  in  the  Missal  among  the 
4  Prationes  Diversae '  for  the  Collect  opening  with  the  word 
*  Concede.'  We  find  it  is  the  very  first  in  that  collection  of  the 
various  Prayers  prescribed  by  the  Church  for  such  days,  and  we  are 
confirmed  in  our  belief  that  this  is  the  one  to  be  read,  by  observing 
that  it  is  of  kindred  import  with  the  Collect 4  A  Cunctis,'  about  which 
when  appointed,  there  is  no  ambigui^ .  On  the  other  hand,  where 
there  occurs  an  instruction  in  the  Missal  that  we  are  to  recite  the 
Collect  '  Concede,'  as  for  instance  in  Masses  de  Oct.  Sti.  Laurentii 
(Aug.  10),  we  are  explicitly  directed  to  use  not  the  prayer  above 
referred  to,  but  4  Concede  nos  famulos  tuos,'  &c. 

"  Is  it  then  the  same  Collect  that  is  prescribed  in  our  Directory 
for  the  4th  July,  17th  October,  &c.  (1885),  and  in  Missals  during 
the  Octave  of  St.  Laurence,  and  at  other  such  times?  A  full 
and  satisfactory  answer  to  this  query  will  not  be  unacceptable  to 
many  of  your  readers,  and  especially  to 

"  ONE  WHO  is  PUZZLED." 

1.  The  prayer  Concede  ordered  on  the  4th  of  July,  the 
17th  October,  &c.  (1885),  is  the  same  as  within  the  Octave  of 
St.    Laurence,   namely,   Hie   prayer   to   the   Blessed   Virgin, 
Concede  nos  famulos  tuos. 

2.  Whenever   the   prayer    Concede   is   ordered   on    Semi- 
doubles,  Simples,  Ferias,  infra  Octavas,  &c.,  it  is  this  prayer 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  Concede  nos  famulos  tuos,  that  is  meant, 
and  not  the  Concede,  quaesumus,  omnipotens  Dem,  which  is  first 
among  the  Oratioiies  Diversae,  and  which  is  addressed  to  all 
the  Saints. 

The  Rubrics  regarding  this  point  are  found  in  Tit.  ix., 
n,  6,  9,  12. 

(1)  According  to  the  directions  given  there,  the  prayer  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin  Concede  nos,  is  said  in  the  second  place  011 
Semidoubles,  Simples,  and  Ferias  from  the  Octave  of  Easter 
to  Ascension  Day  (nn.  6,  12). 

(2)  Private  Votive  Masses  within  the  same  period  follow 
the  same  rule. 

(3)  The  Concede  nos  is  also  prescribed  for  "  infra  Octavas," 
except  the  Octaves   of  Easter,   Pentecost,   All   Saints,   and 
Blessed  Virgin.     It  is  in  compliance  with  this  rule  that  it  was 
ordered  011  the  4th  July  and  17th  October  (1885),  as  those 


Liturgical  Questions.  71 

days  were  Semidoubles  infra  Octavas,  namely,  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul,  and  the  Dedication  of  Churches. 

(4)  It  is  also  said  on.  Vigils  which  are  fasting  days,  except 
those  of  Christmas,  Pentecost  and  All  Saints. 

(5)  It  is  said  at  a  Votive  Mass  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul 
instead  of  the  A  Cunctis,  when  the  season  of  the  year  would 
require  the  latter  prayer.     This  is  done  to  avoid  the  repetition 
of  the  invocation  of  those  Apostles,  first  in  their  proper  prayer, 
and  again  in  the  A  Cunctis. 

CERTAIN  DIRECTIONS  IN  THE  ORDO.    ARE  THEY  CORRECT? 

"  Li  the  Divine  Office  for  Saturday,  the  28  ult.  (Nov.),  a  Com- 
memoration of  St.  Satnrninus  is  enjoined  in  Vesp.  both  in  the 
General  Ordo,  and  in  the  particular  directions  for  the  dioceses  of 
Dublin  and  Down,  and  all  mention  of  this  Saint  is  omitted  on  the 
following  day — the  1st  Sunday  of  Advent. 

"  In  the  General  Ordo,  the  2nd  and  3rd  Orations  are  prescribed 
4  ut  ibi  (in  Missali)  notantur* 

"  In  the  particular  dioceses  of  Dublin  and  Down  the  directions 
are: — Com.  S.  Didaci  tan  turn.  3  Orat.  Deus  qui  de  B.M.V. 

"Is  the  omission  in  the  General  Ordo  of  the  Commemoration  of 
S.  Saturuinus  on  the  Sunday  correct  ?  and  if  so,  why  ? 

"Are  the  directions  for  Dublin  and  Down  correct?  Explain 
*  tantum ;'  seeing  that  a  third  prayer  is  prescribed  by  the  Ordo. 

"  SACERDOS." 

The  omission  of  the  Commemoration  of  St.  Saturninus  on 
the  Sunday  is,  I  believe,  incorrect.  The  rule  is  that  a  Simple 
Feast  occurring  with  a  Dominical  Office  is  commemorated  in 
1st  Vespers,  Lauds,  and  Mass,  except  on  Palm  Sunday,  when 
the  Commemoration  is  omitted  in  private  Mass. 

The  directions  for  the  dioceses  of  Dublin,  Armagh,  and 
Down  (in  which  the  29th  of  November  is  the  dies  fixa  for 
St.  Didacus),  seem  to  be  also  incorrect.  In  these  dioceses  the 
prayers  should  be,  I  think,  la  de  Dom. ;  2a  S.  Didaci ; 
3tia  S.  Saturnini. 

The  word  "tantum  "  printed  in  the  Ordo  for  the  dioceses 
of  Dublin  and  Down  is  manifestly  out  of  place.  It  was  intended 
in  other  circumstances  for  the  diocese  of  Cloyne,  which  is 
celebrating  an  Octave  at  this  time.] 


DOCUMENTS. 

ENCYCLICAL  LETTER  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII.  ON  THE  CONSTITUTION 

AND  GOVERNMENT  OF  STATES. 

VENERABILIBUS  FRATRIBUS  PATRIARCHIS  PRIMATIBUS  ARCHIE- 
PISCOPIS  ET  EPISCOPIS  CATHOLICI  ORBIS  UNIVERSIS  GRATIAM 
ET  COMMUNIONEM  CUM  APOSTOLICA  SEDE  HABENTIBUS. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 

VENERABILES  FRATRES 

SALUTEM    ET  APOSTOLICAM   BENEDICTIONEM. 

BENEFICENT  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  CHURCH  ON  SOCIETY. 

Immortale  Dei  miserentis  op  as,  quod  cst  Ecclesia,  quamquam  per 
se  et  natura  sua  salutem  spectat  animorum  adipiscendamque  in 
caelis  felicitatem,  tamen  in  ipso  etiam  rerum  mortalium  genere  tot  ac 
tantas  ultro  parit  utilitates,  lit  plures  maioresve  non  posset,  si  in 
primis  et  maxime  esset  ad  tuendam  hums  vitae,  quae  in  ierris  asitur, 
prosperitatem  institutum.  Revera  quacumque  Ecclesia  vestigium 
posuit,  continuo  rerurn  faciem  immutavit,  popularesque  mores  sicut 
virtutibus  antea  iguotis,  ita  et  nova  urbanitate  imbuit :  quam  quot- 
quot  accepere  populi,  mansuetudme,  aequitate,  rerum  gestarum  gloria 
excelluerunt. 

CALUMNIES  DIRECTED  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH  IN  ITS  RELATION  TO 

THE  STATE. 

Seel  vetus  tamen  ilia  est  atque  antiqua  vituperatio,  quod 
Ecclesiam  aiunt  esse  cum  rationibus  reipublicae  dissidentem,  nee 
quicquam  posse  ad  ea  vel  commoda  vel  ornamenta  conferre,  quae  suo 
iure  suaque  sponte  omnis  bene  constituta  ci vitas  appetit.  Sub 
ipsis  Ecclesiae  primordiis  non  dissimili  opinionis  iniquitate  agitari 
cbristianos,  et  in  odium  invidiamque  vocari  solitos  hac  etiam  de  caussa 
accepimus,  quod  hostes  imperil  dicerentur:  quo  tempore  malorum 
culpam,  quibus  esset  perculsa  respublica,  vulgo  libebat  in  christianum 
conferre  nomen,  cum  revera  ultor  scelerum  Deus  poeuas  a  sontibus 
iustas  exigeret.  Eius  atrocitas  calumniae  non  sine  caussa  ingenium 
armavh  stilumque  acuit  Augustini :  qui  praesertim  in  Civitate  Dei 
virtutem  christianae  sapientiae,  qua  parte  necessitudinem  habet  cum 
re  publica,  tanto  in  lumine  collocavit,  ut  non  tarn  pro  christianis  sui 
temporis  dixisse  caussam,  quam  de  criminibus  falsis  perpetuum 
triumphum  egisse  videatur.  Similium  tamen  querelarum  atque  insi- 
mulationum  funesta  libido  non  quievit,  ac  permultis  sane  placuit 


Documents.  73 

•civilem  vivcndi  disciplinam  aliunde  petere,  quam  ex  doctrinis,  quas 
Ecclesia  catholica  probat.  Immo  postremo  hoc  tempore  novum,  ut 
appellant,  ius,  quod  inquiunt  esse  velut  quoddam  adulti  iam  saeculi 
incvementum,  progrediente  libertate  partum,  valere  ac  dominari  passim 
•coepit.  Sed  quant umvis  multa  multi  periclitati  sunt,  constat,  repertam 
numquarn  esse  praestantiorem  constituendae  temperandaeque  civitatis 
rationem,  quam  quae  ab  evangelica  doctrina  sponte  efflorescit. 
Maximi  igitur  momenti  atque  admodum  mimeri  Nostro  apostolico 
consentaneum  esse  arbitramur,  novas  de  re  publica  opiniones  cum 
doctrina  Christiana  conferre  :  quo  modo  erroris  dubitationisque 
caussas  ereptum  iri,  emergente  veritate,  confidimus,  ita  ut  videre 
quisque  facile  queat  summa  ilia  praecepta  vivendi,  quae  sequi  et 
quibus  parere  debeat. 

llAN  HAS  A  XATURAL  INSTINCT  FOR  ClVIL  SOCIETY — THE  FORMS 
OF  LAWFUL  GOVERNMENT  ARE  VARIOUS,  BUT  ALL  SUPREME 
POWER  COMES  FROM  GOD. 

Non  est  magni  negotii  statuere,  qualem  sit  speciem  formamque 
habitura  civitas,  gubernante  Christiana  philosophia  rom  publicam4 
Insitum  homini  natura  est,  ut  in  civili  societate  vivat :  is  enim  neces- 
•sarium  vitae  cultum  et  paratum,  itemque  ingenii  abque  animi  per- 
fectionem  cum  ia  solitudiue  adipisci  non  possit,  provisum  divinitus 
•est,  ut  ad  coniunctionem  congregaiionemque  hominum  nasceretur 
turn  domesticam,  turn  etiam  civilem,  quae  suppeditare  vitae  sufficieniiam 
perfectam  sola  potest.  Quoniam  vero  non  potest  societas  ulla  con- 
sistere,  nisi  si  aliquis  omnibus  praesit,  efficaci  similique  movens 
singulos  ad  commune  propositum  impulsione,  efficitur,  civili  hominum 
•communitati  necessanam  esse  auctoritatem,  qua  regatur :  quae, 
noil  secus  ac  societas,  a  natura  proptereaque  a  Deo  ipso  oriatur 
auctore.  Ex  quo  illud  consequitur,  potestatem  publicam  per  se  ipsam 
non  esse  nisi  a  Deo.  Solus  enim  Deus  est  verissimus  maximusque 
rerum  dominus,  cui  subesse  et  servire  omriia,  quaecumque  sunt, 
wecesse  est :  ita  ut  quicumque  ius  imperandi  habent,  non  id  aliunde 
accipiant,  nisi  ab  illo  summo  omnium  principe  Deo.  Non  est  potestas 
nisi  a  Deo.1  Ius  autem  impcrii  per  se  non  est  cum  ulla  reipublicae 
forma  necessario  copulatum  :  aliam  sibi  vel  aliam  assumere  recte  potest, 
modo  utilitatis  bonique  communis  reapse  efficientem.  Sed  in  quolibet 
genere  reipublicae  omnino  principes  debent  summum  mundi  guberna- 
torem  Deum  intueri,  eumque  sibimetipsis  in  administranda  civitate 
tamquam  exemplum  legemque  proponere.  Deus  enim,  sicut  in  rebus, 
quae  sunt  quaeque  cernuntur,  caussas  genuit  secundarias,  in  quibus 

.  xiii.  1. 


74  Documents. 

perspici  aliqria  ratione  posset  natnra  actioque  divina,  quaeque  ad  euni 
fincm,  quo  haec  rerun  spectat  universitas,  conclucerent :  ita  in 
societate  civili  voluit  esse  principatum,  quern  qui  gererent,  ii  imaginem 
quamdam  divinae  in  genus  humanum  potestatis  diviuaeque  provi- 
dentiae  referreut. 

THE  PURPOSE  OF  SUPREME  POWER  is  TO  SERVE  THE  PUBLIC 
GOOD — UNJUST  RULERS  SEVERELY  PUNISHED  BY  GOD- 
OBLIGATION  OF  RULERS  TO  MAKE  JUST  LAWS,  AND  OF 
SUBJECTS  TO  OBEY  THEIR  RULERS. 

Debet  igitur  imperium  iustnn  esse  neque  herile,  sed  quasi 
pat.ernun,  quia  Dei  instissina  in  homines  potestas  est  et  cum 
paterna  bonitate  coniuncta :  gerendum  vero  est  ad  utilitatem 
civium,  quia  qui  praesunt  ceteris,  liac  una  de  caussa  praesunt,  ut 
civitatis  utilitatem  tueantur.  Neque  ullo  pacto  cornmittendum,  uuius- 
ut,  vel  paucorum  conmodo  scrviat  civilis  auctoritas,  cum  ad  com- 
mune omnium  bonum  constitute  sit.  Quod  si,  qui  praesunt,  delabantur 
in  dominatum  iniustum,  si  importunitate  superbiave  peccaverint,  si 
male  populo  consuluerint,  sciant  sibi  rationem  aliquando  Deo  esse 
reddendam,  idque  tanto  severius,  quanto  vel  sanctiore  in  munere 
versati  sint,  vel  gradum  dignitatis  altiorem  obtinuerint.  Potentes 
potenter  tormenta  patientur*  Jta  sane  maiestatem  imperii  reverentia 
civium  honesta  et  libens  comitabitur.  Etenim  cum  semel  in  animum 
induxerint,  pollere,  qui  imperant,  auctoritate  a  Deo  data,  ilia  quideni 
officia  iusta  ac  debita  esse  sentient,  dicto  audientes  esse  principibus,. 
eisdemque  obsequium  ac  fidem  praestare  cum  quadam  similitudine 
pietatis,  quae  liberorum  est  erga  parentes.  Omnis  anima  potestaiibus 
sublimioribus  subdita  sit?  Spernere  quippe  potestatem  legitimam,. 
quavis  earn  in  persona  esse  constiterit,  non  magis  licet,  quam  divinae 
voluntati  resistcre  :  cui  si  qui  resistant,  in  interitum  ruunt  voluutanum. 
Qui  resistit  potestati,  Dei  ordinationi  resistit  ;  qui  aiitem  resist unt,  ipsis 
sibi  damnationem  acquirunt.3  Quapropter  obedientiani  abiicere,  et,. 
per  vim  multitudinis,  rem  ad  seditionem  vocare  est  crimen  maiestatis, 
ueque  humanae  tantum,  sed  etiam  divinae. 

OBLIGATION  OF  Socn:TY  TO  PROFESS,  PRACTISE,  AND  ENCOURAGE 

RELIGION. 

Hac  ratione  constitutam  civitatem,  perspicuum  est,  omnino  debcre 
plurirnis  maximisque  officiis,  quae  ipsam  iungunt  Deo,  religione  publica 
satisfacere.  Natura  et  ratio,  quae  iubet  singulos  sancte  religioseque 
Deum  colere,  quod  in  eius  potestate  sumus,  et  quod  ab  eo  profecti  ad 

1  Sap.  vi.  7.  2  Horn.  xiii.  1.  3  Ibid.  ?.  2. 


Documents.  75 

cumdcm  rcvcrti  dcbernus,  eadem  legeadstringit  civilern  communitatcm. 
Homines  enim  communi  societate  coniuncti  nihilo  stint  minus  in  Dei 
potestate,  quam  singuli :  neque  minorem,  quani  singuli,  gratiam  Deo 
societas  clebet,  quo  auctore  coaluit,  cuius  nutu  conservatur,  cuius 
beuencio  innumerabilem  bonorum,  quibus  affluit,  copiam  accepit. 
Quapropter  sicut  nemini  licet  sua  adversus  Denin  officia  negligere, 
oificiumque  est  maximum  amplecti  et  animo  et  moribus  religionemr 
nee  quam  quisque  maluerit,  sed  quam  Deus  iusscrit,  qnamque  certis 
minimeque  dubitandis  indiciis  unam  ex  omnibus  veram  esse  constiterit : 
eadem  modo  civitates  non  possunt,  citra  scelus,  gerere  se  tamquam  si 
Deus  omnino  non  esset,  atit  curam  religionis  velut  alienum  nihilque 
jrofuturam  abiicere,  aut  asciscere  de  pluribus  generibus  indiffercnter 
quod  libeat :  omninoque  debent  eum  in  ?olendo  numine  in  ore  m 
usurpare  modumque,  quo  coli  se  Deus  ipse  demonstravit  velle.  Sanctum 
igitur  oportet  apud  priacipes  esse  Dei  nomec ;  por.eudumque  in 
praecipuis  illornm  officiis  rcligionem  gratia  complecti,  benevolentia 
tueri,  auctoritate  nutuque  leguin  tegere,  nee  quippiam  instituere  aut 
decernere,  quod  sit  eius  incolumitati  contrarium.  Jd  et  civibus  debent, 
quibus  praesuut.  Nati  enim  susceptique  omnes  homines  sumus  ad 
summum  quoddam  et  ultimum  bonorum,  quo  sunt  omnia  consilia 
referenda  extra  hauc  fragilitatem  brevitatemque  vitae  in  caelis  coilo- 
catnm.  Quoniam  an  tern  hinc  pendet  hominum  undique  expleta  ac 
perfecta  felicitas,  idcirco  assequi  eum,  qui  commcmoratua  est,  fmem 
tanti  interest  singulorum,  ut  pluris  interesse  non  possit.  Civilem 
igitur  soeietatem,  communi  utilitati  natam,  in  tuenda  prosperitate 
reipublicae  Decease  est  sic  consulere  civibus,  ut  obtinendoadipiscendoque 
£ummo  illi  atque  incommutabili  bono  quod  sponte  appetunt,  non  modo 
jiihil  importet  unquam  incommodi,  sed  omnes  quascumque  possit, 
opportunitates  afferat.  Quarum  praecipua  est,  ut  detur  opera  re- 
ligioni  sancte  inviolateque  servandue,  cnius  otlicia  liominem  Deo 
coniungunt. 

DIVINE  ORIGIN  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CHURCH — AUTHORITY 
OF  THE  CHURCH  SUPREME  IN  ITS  OWN  ORDER — THE  CHURCH, 
AND  NOT  THE  STATE,  IS  MEN'S  GUIDE  TO  HEAVEN. 

Vera  autem  religio  quae  sit,  non  difficulter  videt  qui  iudicium 
prudens  sincerumque  adhibuerit :  argumentis  enim  permultis  atque 
illustribus,  veritate  nimirum  vaticiuiorum,  prodigiorum  frequentia, 
celerrima  fidei  vel  per  medios  hostes  ac  maxima  impedimenta  propaga- 
tione,  martyrum  testimonio,  aliisque  similibus  liquet,  earn  esse  unice 
veram,  quam  lesns  Cbristus  et  instituit  ipsemet  et  Ecclesiae  suae 
tuendam  propagandamque  demandavit. 

Nam  unigenitus  Dei  filius  soeietatem  in  terns  constituit,  quae 


76  Documents. 

Ecclesia  dicitur,  cui  excelsum  divinumque  munus  in  omnes  saeculorum 
aetates  continuandum  transinisit,  quod  ipse  a  Patre  acceperat.  Sicut 
misit  me  Pater,  et  ego  mitto  vos.1  Ecce  ego  vobiscum  sum  omnibus  diebus 
usque  ad consummationem saecuti*  Jgitur  sicut  lesus  Christus  in  terras 
venit  ut  homines  vitam  Jiabeant  et  abundantius  habeant*  eodem  modo 
Ecclesia  propositum  habet,  tamquam  finem,  salutem  animorum  sem- 
piternam :  ob  eamque  rem  talis  est  natura  sua.  ut  porrigat  sese  ad 
totius  complexum  gentis  humacae,  nullis  nee  locorum  nee  temporum 
limitibus  circumscripta.  Praedicate  Evangelium  omni  creaturae.4* 
Tarn  ingenti  hominum  multitudiui  Deus  ipse  magistratus  assignavit, 
qui  cum  potestate  praeessent :  unumque  omnium  principem,  et  maxi- 
mum certissimumque  veritatis  magistrum  esse  voluit,  cui  claves  regni 
caelorurn  commisit.  Tibi  dabo  claves  regni  caelorum.^  Pasce  agnos.... 
pasce  oves.6  Ego  rogavi  pro  te,  utnon  deficiat  fides  tuaj  Haec  societas, 
quamvis  ex  hominibus  constet,  non  secus  ac  civilis  communitas,  tamen 
proptcr  fmem  sibi  constitutum,  atque  instrumenta,  quibus  ad  finem 
contendit,  supernaturalis  est  et  spirituals  :  atque  idcirco  distinguitur 
ac  differt  a  societate  civili :  et,  quod  plurimum  interest,  societas  est 
gene  re  et  iure  perfecta,  cum  adiumenta  ad  mcolumitatem  actionemque 
suam  necessaria,  voluntate  beneficioque  conditoris  sui,  omnia  in  se  et 
per  se  ipsa  possideat.  Sicut  finis,  quo  tendit  Ecclesia,  longe  nobilis- 
simus  est,  ita  eius  potestas  est  omnium  praestantissima,  neque  imperio 
civili  potest  haberi  inferior,  aut  eidem  esse  ullo  modo  obnoxia.  Revara 
lesus  Christus  Apostolis  suis  libera  mandata  dedit  in  sacra,  adiuncta 
turn  ferendarum  legum  veri  nominis  facultate,  turn  gernina,  quae  hinc 
consequitur,  iudicandi  puniendique  potestate.  Data  est  mihi  onmis 
potestas  in  caelo  et  in  terra :  euntes  ergo  docete  omnes  gentes.  .  .  • 
docentes  eos  servare  omnia  quaecumque  mandavi  volis.  s  Et  alibi : 
Si  non  audierit  eos,  die  Ecclesia.9  Atque  iterum  :  In  promptu  habentes 
ulcisci  omnem  inobedientiam.10  Rursus  :  durius  agam  secundum  potestatem, 
quam  Dominus  dedit  mihi  in  aedificationem  et  non  in  destructionem.11 
Itaque  dux  hominibus  esse  ad  caelestia,  non  civitas  sed  Ecclesia 
debet:  eidemque  hoc  est  munus  assignatum  a  Deo,  ut  de  iis,  quae 
religionem  attingunt,  videat  ipsa  et  statuat :  ut  doceat  omnes  gentes : 
ut  christiani  nominis  fines,  quoad  potest,  late  proferat ;  brevi,  ut  rem 
christianam  libere  expediteque  iudicio  suo  administret.  Hanc  vero 
auctoritatem  in  se  ipsa  absolutam  planeque  sui  iuris,  quae  ab  assenta- 
trice  principum  philosophia  iamdiu  oppugnatur,  Ecclesia  sibi  asserere 
itemque  publice  exercere  numquam  desiit,  primis  omnium  pro  ea 

1  Ion.  xx.  21.  2  Matth.  xxviii.  20.  3  loan  x.  10. 

4  Marc.  xvi.  15.  5  Matth.  xvi.  19.  G  loan  xxi.  16-17. 

7  Luc.  xxii.  32.        8  Matth.  xxviii.  18-19-20.        9  Matth.  xviii.  17. 
10  2  Cor.  x.  6.  n  Ibid.  xiii.  10. 


Documents.  77 

propugnantibus  Apostolis,  qui  cum  disseminare  Evangelium  a  princi- 
pibus  Synagogue  prohibereiitur,  constanter  respondebant,  oledire 
oportet  Deo  mayis  quani  kominibus?  Eamdem  sancti  Ecclesiae  Patres 
rationum  moraentis  tueri  pro  opportunitate  studuerunt :  romanique 
Pontifices  invicta  animi  constantia  adversus  oppugnatores  vindicare 
numquam  praetermiserunt.  Quin  etiam  et  opinione  et  re  eamdem 
probarunt  ipsi  viri  principes  rerumque  publicarum  gubernatores,  ut 
qui  paciscendo,  transigendis  negotiis,  mittendis  vicissimque  accipiendis 
legatis,  atque  aliorum  mutatione  officiorum,  agere  cum  Ecclesia  tam- 
quam  cum  suprema  potestate  legitima  consueverunt.  Neque  profecto 
sine  singular!  providentis  Dei  consilio  factum  esse  consendum  est,  ut 
haec  ipsa  potestas  principatu  civili,  velut  optima  libertatis  suae 
tutela,  muniretur. 

THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  STATE — EACH 

SUPREME  IN  ITS  OWN  ORDER,  THE  FORMER  IN  ALL  THAT 
CONCERNS  MAN'S  SALVATION,  THE  LATTER  IN  PURELY  CIVIL 
MATTERS. 

Itaque  Deus  humani  generis  procurationem  inter  duas  potestates 
partitus  est,  scilicet  ecclesiasticam  et  civilem,  alteram  quidem  divinis, 
alteram  liumanis  rebus  praepositam.  Utraque  est  in  auo  genere 
maxima  :  habet  utraque  certos,  quibus  contineatur,  terminos,  eosque 
sua  cuiusque  natura  caussaque  proxima  defiuitos ;  uncle  aliquis  velut 
orbis  circumscribitur,  in  quo  sua  cuiusque  actio  iure  proprio  versetur. 
Sed  quia  utriusque  imperium  est  in  eosdem,  cum  usuvenire  possit,  ut 
res  una  atque  eadem,  quamquam  aliter  atque  aliter,  sed  tamen  eadem 
res  ad  utriusque  ius  iudiciumque  pertineat,  debet  providentissimus 
Deus,  a  quo  sunt  ambae  constitutae,  utriusque  itinera  recte  atque 
ordine  composuisse.  Quae  auteni  sunt  a  Deo  ordinatae  sunt?  Quod 
ni  ita  esset,  funestarum  saepe  contentionum  concertationumque 
caussae  nascerentur ;  nee  raro  sollicitus  animi,  velut  in  via  ancipiti, 
haerere  homo  deberet,  anxius  quid  facto  opus  esset,  contraria  iubenti- 
bus  binis  potestatibus,  quarum  recusare  imperium,  salvo  officio,  non 
polest.  Atqui  maxime  istud  repugnat  de  sapientia  cogitare  et 
bonitate  Dei,  qui  vel  in  rebus  phisicis,  quamquam  sunt  longe 
inferioris  ordinis,  tamen  naturales  vires  caussasque  invicem  con- 
ciliavit  moderata  ratione  et  quodam  velut  concentu  mirabili,  ita  ut 
nulla  earum  impediat  ceteras,  cunctaeque  simul  illuc.  quo  mundus 
spectat,  convenienter  aptissimeque  conspirent. — Itaque  inter  utramque 
potestatem  quaedam  intercedat  necesse  est  ordinata  colligatio  :  quae 
c[uidem  coniunctioni  non  immerito  comparatur,  per  quam  anima  et 

1  Act.  v,  29,  2  Roin.  xiii.  1. 


78  Documents. 

corpus  in  homine  copulantur.  Qualis  autem  et  quanta  ea  sit,  aliter 
iudicarinon  potest,  nisi  respicieudo,  uti  diximus,  ad  utriusque  naturam 
habendaque  ratione  excellentiae  et  nobilitatis  caussarum  ;  cum  alteii 
proxime  raaximeque  propositum  sit  rerum  mortalium  curare  commoda, 
alter!  caelestia  ac  sempiterna  bona  comparare.  Quidquid  igitur  est 
in  rebus  humairis  quoquo  modo  sacrarn,  quidquid  ad  salutem  animo- 
rum  cultumve  Dei  pertmet,  sive  tale  illud  sit  natura  sua,  sive  rursus 
tale  intelligatur  propter  caussam  ad  quam  refertur,  id  est  oinnc  in 
potestate  arbitrioque  Ecelesiae :  cetera  vero,  quae  civile  et  politicum 
genus  complectitur.  rectum  est  civili  auctoritati  csse  subiecta,  cum 
Jesus  Cliristus  iusserit,  quae  Cacsaris  siut,  reddi  Caesari,  quae  Dai, 
Deo.  Incidunt  aufem  quandoque  tempora,  cum  alius  quoque 
•concordiae  modus  ad  tranqtiillam  libertatem  valet,  nimirum  si  qui 
principes  rerum  publicarum  et  Pontifex  romanns  de  re  aliqua 
separata  in  idem  placitum  cousenserint.  Quibus  Kcclesia  tcmporibus 
matcrnac  pietatis  eximia  documenta  praebet,  cum  facilitatis  indul- 
gentiaeqne  tantum  adhibere  S'..»lcat,  quantum  maximc  potest. 

Eiusmodi  est,  quam  summatirn  attigimus,  civilis  hominum 
societatis  Christiana  tcmpcratio,  et  haec  non  temere  ueque  ad  libidinem 
ficta,  sed  ex  maximis  ducta  verissimisque  principiis,  quae  ipsa 
naturali  ratione  confirmantur. 

NO  COLLISION  BETWEEN  THESE  TWO  INDEPENDENT  POWERS,  IF 
EACH  KEEPS  TO  ITS  OWN  DOMAIN — HOW  SUBMISSION  TO  THE. 
LAWS  AND  TEACHING  OF  THE  CHURCH  IS  THE  BEST  HELP 
TO  THE  §TATE. 

Talis  autem  conformatio  reipublicae  niliil  habct,  quod  possit  aut 
minus  videri  dignum  amplitudiae  principum,  aut  parum  decorum  : 
tantumque  abest,  ut  iura  maiestatis  imminuat,  ut  potius  stabiliora 
atque  augustiora  faciat.  Immo,  si  altius  considcretur,  habet  ilia 
conformatio  perfectiouem  quamdam  niagnam,  qua  carent  ceteri  rerum 
publicarum  modi :  ex  eaque  fructus  essent  sane  excellentes  et  varii 
consecuturi,  si  modo  suum  partes  singulae  gradum  tcnereut,  atque 
illud  integre  efficerent,  cui  unaquaeque  praeposita  est,  officium  et 
munus.  Eevera  in  ea,  quam  aute  diximus,  constitutione  reipublicae 
sunt  quidem  divina  atque  humaua  convenienti  ordine  partita : 
incolumia  civium  iura,  eadernque  divinarum,  naturalium,  humanarnm- 
quc  legum  patrocinio  defensa  :  officiorum  singulorum  cum  sapienter 
constituta  descriptio,  turn  opportune  sancita  custodia.  Singuli 
homines  in  hoc  ad  sempiternam  illam  civitatcm  dubio  laboriosoque 
curriculo  sibi  sciunt  praesto  esse,  quos  tuto  sequantur  ad  ingrediendum 
duces,  ad  perveniendurn  adiutores :  pariterque  intelligunt,  sibi  alios 
esse  ad  securitatem,  ad  fortunas,  ad  commoda  cetera,  quibus  com- 


Documents.  79 

munis  haec  vita  constat,  vel  parienda  vel  conservanda  datos.    Societas 
domestica   cam,   quam   par   est,   firmitudinem    aclipiscitur    ex   unins 
atquc    individui   sanctitate    coniugii ;    iurn  officiaque  inter  coniuges 
sapienti  iustitia  et  aequitate  reguutur  :  debitum   conservatur  niulieri 
decus  :  auctoritas  viri  ad  exemplum  est  auctoritatis  Dei  conformata  : 
tempciMta   patria   potestns    convenienter  dignitati  uxoris  prolisque : 
dcniquc  liberorum  tuitioni,  commodis,  institutioni  optime  consulitur. 
In  genere  rerum  politico  et  civili,  leges  spectant  commune  boiium, 
uequc  voluntate  iudicioqne  fallaci  multitudinis,  sed  veritate  iustitia- 
qne  diriguntur  :   auctoritas  principum  sauctitudinem  quamdam  induit 
humana  maiorem,  contineturque  ne  decline!  a  iustitia,  neu  niodum  in 
imperando  transilint :  obedientia    civium    habet  honestatern  dignita- 
temque   comitem,  quia  non  est   hominis   ad  hominem   servitus,  sed 
obtempcratio  voluntati  Dei,   regnum  per  homines  exercenti?'.       Quo 
•eognito  ac  persuaso,  omniuo  ad  iustitiam  pertinere  ilia  intellignntur, 
vereri  maicstatem  principum,  subesse  constanter  et  fideliter  potestati 
publicae,  nihil  seditiose  faccre,  sanctam  servare  discipl'inarn  civitatis. 
Similiter  ponitur  in  officiis  caritas  mutua,  benignitas,  liberalitas  :  non 
distrahitur  in  contrarias  partes,  pugnantibus  inter  se  praeceptis,  civis 
idem   et    Christianas :  denique    amplissima   boua,   quibus   mortaleni 
quoque  hominum  vitam  Christiana   religio   sua  sponte  explet,  com- 
munitati  societatique   civili  orunia  quaeruutur  :  ita  ut  illud  appareat 
verissime  dictum.  "  pendet  a  religione,  qua  Deus  colitur,  rci  publicae 
status:  multaque  inter  hunc  et  illam  cognatio  et  familiaritas  inter- 
^edit."1      Eornm  vim  bonorum  mirabiliter,  uti  solet,  persecutus  est 
Augustinus   plnribus  Iccis,  maxime  vero   ubi  Ecclesiam  catholicarn 
*ippellat  iis   verbis  :  "  Tu  pneriliter   pueros,  fortiter  iuvenes,  quiete 
senes,  prout  cuiusqne  non  corporis  tantum,  sed  et   animi   aetas  est, 
-exerccs  ac  doces.     Tu  feminas  viris  anis  non  a,d  cxpleudam  libidinem, 
sed  ad  propagandam  prolem,  et  ad  rei  familiaris  societatem,  easta  et 
fideli  obedientia  subiicis.     Tu   viros  coniugibus,  non  ad  illiulendum 
imbecilliorem    sexum,     sed   sinceri    amoris   legibus     praeficis.      Tu 
parentibus    filios  libera  quadam    servitute    subiungis,  parentes    tiliis 

pia  dominatione  praeponis Tu  cives  civibus,  tu  gentes  gentibus, 

•et  prorsus  homines  primorum  parentum  recordatione,  non  societate 
tantum,  sed  quadam  etiam  frateruitate  coniungis.  Doces  reges  prospi- 
•cere  populis,  mones  populos  se  subdere  regibus.  Quibus  honor 
debeatur,  quibus  affectus,  quibus  reverentia,  quibus  timor,  quibus 
consolatio,  quibus  admonitio,  quibus  cohortatio,  quibus  disciplina,  qui- 

1  Saor.   Imp.  ad  Cyrillum  Alexand.  et  Episcopos  metrop.     Cfr.  Lab- 
be  urn  Collect.  Cone.  T.  III. 


80  Documents. 

bus  obiurgatio,  quibns  suppliciurn,  sedulo  doces ;  ostendens  quemad- 
modum  et  non  omnibus  omnia,  et  omnibus  caritas,  et  nulli  debeatur 
iniuria."  ]  Idercque  alio  loco  male  sapientes  reprehendens  politicos 
philosophos  :  "  Qui  doctrinam  Chris ti  adversam,  dicunt  esse  reipublicae,. 
dent  exercitum  talem,  quales  doctrina  Christi  esse  milites  iussit,  deut 
tales  provinciales,  tales  maritos,  tales  coniuges,  tales  parentes,  tale& 
filios,  tales  dominos,  tales  servos,  tales  reges,  tales  iudices,  tales  denique 
debitorum  ipsius  fisci  redditores  et  exactores,  quales  esse  praecipit 
doctrina  Christiana,  et  audeant  earn  dicere  adversam  esse  reipublicae, 
immo  vero  non  dubitent  earn  confiteri  magnam,  si  obtemperetur, 
salutem  esse  reipublicae."  2 

Fuit  aliquando  tempus,  cum  evangelica  philosopliia  gubernaret 
civitates  :  quo  tempore  christianae  sapientiae  vis  ilia  et  divina  virtus 
in  leges,  instituta,  mores  populorum,  in  omncs  reipublicae  ordines- 
rationesque  penetraverat :  cum  religio  per  Jesum  Christum  instituta 
in  eo,  quo  aequum  erat,  dignitatis  gradu  firmiter  collocata,  gratia 
principum  legitimaque  magistratuum  tutela  ubique  floreret :  cum 
sacerdotium  atque  imperium  concordia  et  arnica  officiorum  vicissitude 
auspicato  coniungeret.  Eoque  modo  composita  civitas  f  rnctus  tulit 
omni  opinione  maiores,  quorum  viget  memoria  et  vigebit  innume- 
rabilibus  rerum  gestarum  consignata  monumentis,  quae  nulla  adver- 
sariorum  arte  corrumpi  aut  obscurari  possunt.  Quod  Europa 
Christiana  barbaras  gentes  edomuit,  easque  a  ieritate  ad  mansue- 
tudinem,  a  superstitione  ad  veritatem  traduxit : — quod  Maomethan- 
orum  incursiones  victrix  propulsavit :  quod  civilis  cultus  principatum 
retinuit,  et  ad  omne  decus  humanitatis  ducem  se  magistramque 
praebere  ceteris  consuevit :  quod  germanam  libertatem  eamque 
multiplicem  gratificata  populis  est  :  quod  complura  ad  miseriarum 
solatium  sapientissime  instituit,  sine  controversia  magnam  debet 
gratiam  religioni,  quam  ad  tantas  res  suscipiendas  habuit  auspicem^ 
ad  perficiendas  adiutricem.  Mansfssent  profecto  eadem  bona, .  si 
utriusque  potestatis  concordia  mansisset:  maioraque  expectari  iure 
poterant,  si  auctoritati,  si  magisterio,  si  consiliis  Ecclesiae  maiore 
esset  cum  fide  preservantiaque  obtemperatum.  Illud  enim  perpetuae 
legis  instar  habendum  est,  quod  Ivo  Carnutensis,  ad  Paschalem  II 
Pontificem  maximum  perscripsit,  "  cum  regnum  et  sacerdotium  inter 
se  conveniunt,  bene  regitur  mundus,  floret  et  fructificat  Ecclesia 
Cum  vero  inter  se  discordant,  non  tantum  parvae  res  non  crescunt, 
sed  etiam  magnae  res  miserabiliter  dilabuntur."3 

1  De  moribus  Eccl.  cath.,  cap.  xxx,  n.  63. 

2  Epist.  cxxxviii  (al.  5.)  ad  Marcellinum,  cap.  ii.  n.  15. 

3  Ep.  ccx^xviii. 


Documents.  81 

MODERN  ERRORS  REGARDING  THE  CIVIL  POWER  AND  SOCIETY — 
FALSE  PRINCIPLES  OF  UNIVERSAL  EQUALITY  AND  INDEPEN- 
DENCE— ERRONEOUS  TEACHING  REGARDING  THE  ORIGIN  OP 
SUPREME  CIVIL  POWER — REFUSAL  TO  RECOGNISE  THE 
SUPREME  AUTHORITY  OF  GOD  IN  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF 
STATES. 

Sed  perniciosa  ilia  ac  .cleploranda  rertim  novarum  studia,  quae 
saecnlo  xvi  excitata  sunt,  cum  primum  religionem  christianam  mis- 
cuissent,  mox  natural!  quodam  itinere  ad  philosophiam,  a  philosophia 
ad  omnes  civilis  communitatis  ordines  pervenerunt.  Ex  hoc  velut 
fonte  repelenda  ilia  recentiora  effrenatae  libertatis  capita,  nimirum  in 
maximis  perturbationibus  superiore  saeculo  excogitata  in  medioqne 
proposita,  perinde  ac  principia  et  fundamenta  novi  inris,  quod  et  fuit 
antea  iguotum,  et  a  iure  non  solum  cliristiano,  sed  etiara  natural! 
plus  una  ex  parte  discrepat.  Eorum  principiorum  illud  est  maximum, 
omnes  homines,  quemadmodum  genere  naturaque  similes  intelliguntur, 
ita  reapse  esse  in  actione  vitae  inter  se  pares  :  unumquemque  ita  esse 
sui  iuris,  ut  nullo  modo  sit  alterius  auctoritati  obnoxius  :  cogitare  de- 
re  qualibet  quae  velit,  agere  quod  lubeat,  libere  posse  :  imperancli 
aliis  ius  esse  in  nemine.  His  informata  disciplinis  societate,  princi- 
patus  non  est  nisi  populi  voluntas,  qui,  ut  in  sui  ipsius  unice  est 
potestate,  ita  sibirnetipsi  solus  imperat :  deligit  autem,  quibus  se 
committat,  ita  tamen  ut  imperii  non  tarn  ius,  quam  mnnus  in  eos 
trausferat,  idque  suo  nomine  exercendum.  In  silentio  iacet  dominatio 
divina,  non  secus  ac  vel  Deus  aut  nullus  esset,  aut  humani  generis 
societatem  nih.il  curaret ;  vel  homines  sive  singuli  sive  sociati  nihil 
Deo  deberent,  vel  principatus  cogitari  posset  ullus,  cuius  non  in  Deo 
ipso  caussa  et  vis  et  auctoritas  tota  resideat.  Quo  modo,  ut  perspicitur, 
est  respublica  nihil  aliud  nisi  magistra  et  gubernatrix  sui  multitudo  : 
cumque  populus  omnium  iurium  omnisque  potestatis  fontem  in  se 
ipse  continere  dicatur,  consequens  erit,  ut  nulla  ratione  officii  obligatam 
Deo  se  civitas  putet :  ut  religionem  publice  profiteatur  nullam ;  nee 
debeat  ex  pluribus  quae  vera  sola  sit,  quaerere,  nee  unam  quamdam 
ceteris  anteponere,  nee  uni  maxime  favere,  sed  singulis  generibus 
aequabilitatem  iuris  tribuere  ad  eum  fmem,  dum  disciplina  reipublicae 
ne  quid  ab  illis  detrimenti  eapiat.  Consentaneum  erit,  iudicio 
singulorum  permittere  omnem  de  religione  quaestionem  ;  licere  cuique 
aut  sequi  quam  ipse  malit,  aut  oinnino  nullam,  si  nullam  probet. 
Hinc  profecto  ilia  nascuntur ;  exlex  uniuscuiusque  conscientiae 
indicium  ;  liberrimae  de  Deo  colendo,  de  non  colendo,  sententiae ; 
infiniia  turn  cogitandi,  turn  cogitata  publicandi  licentia. 

VOL.  VII.  F 


82  Documents. 

THE  CIVIL  POWER  ENCROACHES  ON  THE  DOMAIN  OF  THE  CHURCH 
TO  THE  RUIN  OF  SOCIETY  BY  DEALING  WITH  MATTERS  WHICH 
FALL  UNDER  HER  SPIRITUAL  JURISDICTION — EFFORTS  TO 

DESTROY  THE  CHURCH  AS  AN  INDEPENDENT  INSTITUTION. 

His  autem  positis,  quae  maxime  probantur  hoc  tempore,  fnnda- 
mentis  reipublicae,  facile  apparet,  quern  in  locum  qiiamque  iniquum 
compellatur  Ecclesia.  Nam  ubi  cum  eiusmodi  doctrinis  actio  rerum 
consentiat,  nomini  catholico  par  cum  societatibus  ab  eo  alienis  vel 
etiam  inferior  locus  in  civitate  tribuitur  :  legum  ecclesiasticarum 
nulla  habetur  ratio;  Ecclesia,  quae  inssu  mandatoque  lesu  Christi 
docere  ornnes  gentes  debet,  publicam  populi  institutionem  iubetur 
nihil  attingere.  De  ipsis  rebus,  quae  sunt  mixti  iuris,  per  se  statuunt 
gubernatores  rei  civilis  arbitratu  stio,  in  eoque  genere  sanctissimas 
Ecclesiae  leges  superbe  contemnunt.  Quare  ad  iurisdictionem 
suam  trahunt  matrimonia  christianorum,  decernendo  etiam  de 
maritali  vinculo,  de  unitate,  de  stabilitate  coningii :  movent  posses- 
siones  clericorum,  quod  res  suas  Ecclesiam  tenere  posse  negant.  Ad 
summam,  sic  agunt  cum  Ecclesia,  ut  societatis  perfectae  genere  et 
iuribus  opinione  detractis,  plane  similem  habeant  ceterarurn  com- 
munitatum,  quas  respublica  continet :  ob  eamque  rem  si  quid  ilia  iuris, 
si  quid  possidet  facultatis  ad  agendum  legitimae,  possidere  dicitur 
concessu  beneficioque  principum  civitatis.  Si  qua  vero  in  republica 
suum  Ecclesia  ius,  ipsis  civilibus  legibus  probantibus,  teneat,  publiceque 
inter  utramque  potestatem  pactio  ahqua  facta  sit,  principio  clamant, 
dissociari  Ecclesiae  rationes  a  reipublicae  rationibus  oportere  ;  idque 
eo  consilio,  ut  facere  contra  interpositam  fidern  impune  liceat, 
oinniumque  rerum  habere,  reinotis  impedimentis,  arbitrium.  Id  vero 
cum  patienter  ferre  Ecclesia  non  possit,  neque  enim  potest  officia 
deserere  sanctissima  et  maxima,  omninoque  postulet,  ut  obligata  sibi 
fides  integre  religioseque  solvatur,  saepe  sacram  inter  ac  civilem 
potestatem  dimicationes  nascuntur,  quarum  ille  ferme  est  exitus, 
alteram,  ut  quae  minus  est  opibus  humanis  valida,  alter!  ut  valicliori 
succumbere. 

Ita  Ecclesiam,  in  hoc  rerum  publicarum  statu,  qui  nunc  a  plerisque 
adamatur,  mos  et  voluntas  est,  aut  prorsus  de  medio  pellere,  aut 
vinctam  adstrictamque  imperio  tenere.  Quae  publice  aguntur,  eo 
consilio  magnam  partem  aguntur.  Leges,  administratio  civitatum, 
expers  religionis  adolescentium  institutio,  spoliatio  excidiumque 
ordinum  religiosorum,  eversio  principatus  civilis  Pontificum  roman- 
orum,  hue  spectant  omnia,  incidere  uervos  institutorum  christianorum, 
Ecclesiaeque  catholicae  et  libertatem  in  angustum  deducere,  et  iura 
cetera  comminuere. 


Documents.  83 

THE  ERROR  OF  THOSE  WHO  BELIEVE  THAT  THE  SUPREME  ClVIL 
POWER  HAS  ITS  AUTHORITY  FROM  THE  WILL  OF  THE  PEOPLE, 
TO  THE  EXCLUSION  OF  GOD — PERNICIOUS  RESULTS. 

Eiusmodi  de  regenda  civitate  sententias  ipsa  naturalis  ratio  con- 
vincit,  a  veritate  dissidere  plurimum.  Quidquid  enim  potestatis 
usquam  est,  a  Deo  tamquam  maximo  augustissimoque  fonte  proficisci, 
ipsa  natura  testatur.  Imperium  autem  populare,  quod,  nullo  ad 
Deum  respectu,  in  multitudine  inesse  natura  dicitur,  si  praeclare  ad 
suppeditandum  valet  blandimenta  et  flaramas  multarum  cupiditatum, 
nulla  quidem  nititur  ratione  probabili,  neque  satis  habere  viriuni 
potest  ad  securitatem  publicam  quietamqne  ordinis  constantiam. 
Revera  his  doctrinis  res  inclinavere  usque  eo,  ut  haec  a  pluribus 
tamquam  lex  in  civili  prudentia  sanciatur,  seditiones  posse  iure 
conflari.  Valet  enim  opinio,  nihilo  principes  pluris  esse,  quani 
delectos  quosdam,  qui  voluntatem  popularem  exequantur  :  ex  quo  fit, 
quod  necesse  est,  ut  omnia  sint  pariter  cum  populi  arbitrio  mutabilia, 
et  timor  aliquis  turbarnm  semper  impendeat. 

CERTAIN  FALSE  PRINCIPLES  POINTED  OUT. 

De  religione  autem  putare,  nihil  inter  formas  dispares  et  con- 
trarias  interesse,  hunc  plane  habet  exitum,  nolle  ullam  probare  iudicio, 
nolle  usu.  Atqui  istud  ab  atheismo,  si  nomine  aliquid  differt,  re  nihil 
differt.  Quibus  enim  Deum  esse  persuasum  est,  ii,  modo  constare 
sibi  nee  esse  perabsurdi  velint,  necessario  intelligunt,  usitatas  in 
cultu  divino  rationes,  quarum  tanta  est  differentia  maximisque  etiam 
de  rebus  dissimilitude)  et  pugna,  aeque  probabiles,  aeque  bonas,  aeqite 
Deo  acceptas  esse  ornnes  non  posse. 

Sic  ilia  quidlibet  sentiendi  litterarumque  formis  quidlibet  expri- 
mendi  facultas,  omni  moderatione  posthabita,  non  quoddam  est 
propria  vi  sua  bonurn,  quo  societas  humana  iure  laetetur :  sed 
multorum  malorum  fons  et  origo.  Libertas,  ut  quae  virtus  est 
hominem  perficiens,  debet  in  eo  quod  verum  sit,  quodque  bonum, 
versari :  boni  autem  verique  ratio  mutari  ad  hominis  arbitriuin  non 
potest,  sed  rnanet  semper  eadem,  neque  minus  est,  quam  ipsa  rerum 
natura,  incomrnutabilis.  Si  mens  adsentiatur  opinionibus  falsis,  si 
inalum  voluntas  adsumat  et  ad  id  se  applicet,  perfectionem  sui  neutra 
consequitur,  sed  excidunt  dignitate  natural!  et  in  corruptelam  ambae 
delabuntur.  Quaecumque  sunt  igitur  virtuti  veritatique  contraria, 
ea  in  luce  atque  oculis  hominuff  ponere  non  est  aequum :  gratia 
tutelave  legum  defendere,  multo  minus.  Sola  bene  acta  vita  via  est 
in  caelum,  quo  tendimus  universi :  ob  eamque  rem  aberrat  civitas  a 
regula  et  praescriptione  naturae,  si  licentiam  opinionum  praveque 


84  Documents. 

factor nm  in  tantum  lascivire  sinat,  ut  impunc  liceat  mentes  a  veritatev 
animos  a  virtute  deducere.  Ecclesia-m  vero,  quam  Deus  ipse 
constituit,  ab  actione  vitae  excludere,  a  legibus,  ab  institutione 
adolcscentium,  a  societate  domestica,  magnus  et  perniciosus  est  error. 
Bene  morata  civitas  esse,  sublata  religione,  non  potest  :  iamque  plus 
fortasse,  quam  oporteret,  est  coguitum,  qualis  in  se  sit  et  quorsuin 
pertineat  ilia  de  vita  et  moribus  philosophia,  quam  civilem  nominant. 
Vera  est  magistra  virtutis  et  custos  morum  Ecclesia  Christ! :  ea  est, 
quae  incolumia  tuetur  principia,  unde  officia  ducuntur,  propositisque 
caussis  ad  honeste  vivendura  efficacissirnis,  iubet  non  solum  fugere 
prare  facta,  sed  regere  motus  animi  rationi  contraries  etiam  sine 
effectu,  Ecclesiam  vero  in  suorum  officiorum  munere  potestati  civili 
velle  esse  subiectam,  magna  quidem  iniuria,  magna  temeritas  est. 
Hoc  facto  perturbatur  ordo,  quia  quae  naturalia  sunt  praeponuntur 
iis,  quae  sunt  supra  naturam  :  tollitur  aut  certe  magnopere  minuitur 
frequentia  bonorum,  quibus,  si  nulla  re  itnpediretur,  comrauneni 
vitam  Ecclesia  compleret :  praetereaque  via  ad  inimicitias  munitur  et 
certamina,  quae  quantam  utrique  reipublicae  perniciem  afferant, 
nimis  saepe  eventus  demonstravit. 

Huiusmodi  doctrinas,  quae  nee  humanae  rationi  probantur, 
et  plurimum  habent  in  civilem  disciplinam  momenti,  roraani 
Pontifices  decessores  Nostri,  cum  probe  intelligerent  quid  a  se 
postularet  apostolicum  munus,  impune  abire  nequaquam  passi 
sunt.  Sic  Gregorius  XVI.  per  Encyclicas  litteras  hoc  initio 
Mirari  vos  die  XV  Augusti  anno  MDCCCXXXII.  magna  senten- 
tiarum  gravitate  ea  perculit,  quae  iam  praedicabantur,  in  cultu 
diviiio  nullum  adhibere  delectum  oportere  :  integrum  singulis  esse, 
quod  malint,  de  religione  iudicare :  solam  cuique  suam  esse  con- 
scientiam  iudicem  :  praeterea  edere  quae  quisqne  senserit,  itemque 
res  moliri  novas  in  civitate  licere.  De  rationibus  rei  sacrae 
reique  civilis  distrahendis  sic  idem  Pontifex  :  "  Neque  laetiora  et 
religioni  et  principatui  ominari  possemus  ex  eorum  votis,  qui 
Ecclesiam  a  regno  separari,  mutuamque  imperil  cum  sacerdotio 
concordiam  abrumpi  discupiunt.  Constat  quippc,  pertimesci  ab 
impudentissimae  libertatis  amatoribus  concordiam  illam,  quae  semper 
rei  et  sacrae  et  civili  fausta  extitit  et  salutaris."  Non  absimili  modo 
Pius  IX.  ut  sese  opportunitas  dedit,  ex  opinionibus  falsis,  quae 
maxiinc  valere  coepissent,  plures  notavit,  easdernque  posiea  in  unuin 
cogi  iussit,  ut  scilicet  in  tanta  errorum  colluvione  haberent  catbolici 
homines,  quod  sine  offensione  sequereutur.1 

1  Earuin  nonnullas  indicare  sufficiat. 

PROP.  xix. — Ecclesia  non  est  vera  perfectaque  societas  plane  libera, 
iiec  pollet  suis  propriis  et  constantibus  iuribus  sibi  a  divino  suo  Fundatore 


Documents.  85 

Ex  iis  autem.  Pontificum  praescriptis  ilia  omnino  intelligi  necesse 
est,  ortura  publicae  potestatis  a  Deo  ipso,  non  a  multitudine  repeti 
oportere  :  seditionum  licentiam  cum  ratione  pugnare  :  officia  religionis 
nullo  loco  numerare,  vel  uno  modo  esse  in  disparibus  generibus 
affectos,  nefas  esse  privatis  hominibus,  nefas  civitatibus :  immoderatam 
sentiendi  sensusque  palam  iactandi  potestatem  non  esse  in  civium 
iuribus  neque  in  rebus  gratia  patrocinioque  dignis  ulla  ratione 
pouendam.  Similiter  intell'gi  debet,  Ecclesiam  societatem  esse,  non 
noil  minus  quam  ipsam  civitatem,  genere  et  iure  perfectam  :  neque 
debere,  qui  summam  imperil  teneant,  committere  ut  sibi  servire  aut 
subesse  Ecclesiam  cogant,  aut  minus  esse  sinant  ad  suas  res  agendas 
liberam,  aut  quicquam  cle  ceteris  iuribus  detrahant,  quae  in  ipsam  a 
lesu  Christo  collata  sunt.  In  negotiis  autem  mixti  iuris,  maxime 
esse  secundum  naturain  itemqne  secundum  Dei  consilia  non 
'secessionem  alterius  potestatis  ab  altera,  multoque  minus  conteu- 
tionem,  sed  plane  concordiam,  eamque  cum  caussis  proximis 
con^ruentem,  quae  caussae  utramque  societatem  genuerunt. 

Haec  quidem  sunt,  quae  de  constituendis  temperandisque  civitati- 
bus ab  Ecclesia  catholica  praecipiuntur.  Quibus  tamen  dictis 
•decretisque  si  recte  diiudicari  velit,  nulla  per  se  repreheuditur  ex 
"variis  reipublicae  formis,  ut  quae  nihil  habent,  quod  doctrinae 
•catholicae  repugnet,  eaedemque  possunt,  si  sapienter  adhibeantur  et 
iuste,  in  optimo  statu  tueri  civitatem.  Immo  neque  illud  per  se 
reprehenditur,  participem  plus  minus  esse  populum  rei  publicae  : 
quod  ipsum  certis  in  temporibus  certisque  legibus  potest  non  solum  ad 
utilitatem,  sed  etiam  ad  officium  pertinere  civium.  Insuper  neque 
caussa  iusta  nascitur,  cur  Ecclesiam  quisquam  criminetur,  aut  esse  in 
lenitate  facilitateque  plus  aequo  restrictam,  aut  ei,  quae  germana  et 
legitima  sit,  libertati  inimicam.  Revera  si  divini  cultus  varia 
geoera  eodem  iure  esse^quo  veram  religionem,  Ecclesia  iudicat  non 
licere,  non  .ideo  tamen  eos  darnnat  rerum  publicarum  moderatores, 
qui,  magni  alicuius  aut  adipiscendi  boni,  aut  prohibendi  causSa  mali, 
moribus  atque  usu  patienter  ferunt,  ut  ea  habeant  singula  in  civitate 
locum.  Atque  illud  quoque  magnopere  cavere  Ecclesia  solet  ut  ad 

collatis,  sed  civilis  potestatis  est  definire  quae  sint  Ecclesiae  iura  ac  limites, 
intra  quos  cadem  iura  exercere  queat. 

PROP,  xxxix. — Reipublicae  status,  utpote  omnium  iurium  origo  et  fons, 
iure  quodam  pollet  nullis  circumscripto  limitibus. 

PROP.  LV. — Ecclesia  a  Statu,  Statusque  ab  Ecclesia  semngendus  est. 

PROP.  LXXIX. — falsum  est,  civilem  cuiusque  cultus 

libertatem,  iteiuque  plenam  potestatem  omnibus  attributam  quaslibet 
opiniones  cogitationesque  palam  publiceque  manifestandi,  conducere  ad 
populorum  mores  animosque  facilius  corrumpendos,  ac  indifferentismi  pestem 
propagandam. 


86  Documents. 

amplexandam   fidcm   catholicam   nemo   invitus  cogatur,  quia,   quod 
sapienter  Augustinus  monet,  credere  non  %)otest  homo  nisi  volens.1 

THE  CHURCH  CONDEMNS  LICENCE,  BUT  ALWAYS  ENCOURAGES- 

LIBERTY. 

Sim  Mi  ratione  nee  potest  Ecclesia  libertatem  probare  earn,  quae 
fastidium  gignat  sanctissimarum  Dei  legum,  debitarnque  potestati 
legitimae  obedientiam  exuat.  Est  enim  licentia  verius,  quam  libertas  ; 
rectissimeque  ab  Augustino  libertas  perdition-is*  a  Petro  Apostolo, 
velamen  malitiae3  appellatur :  immo,  cum  sit  praeter  rationem  vera 
servitus  est :  qui,  enim,  facit  peccatuin,  servus  est  peccati.*  Contra  ilia 
germana  est  atque  expetenda  libertas,  quae  si  privatim  spectetur, 
ciToribus  et  cupiditatibus,  teterrimis  dominis,  hominem  servire  non 
sinit :  si  publice,  civibus  sapienter  praeest,  facultatem  augendorum 
commodorum  large  ministrat :  remque  publicam  ab  alieno  arbitrio 
defendit.  Atqui  honestam  hanc  et  homine  dignam  libertatem,  Ecclesia 
probat  omnium  maxime,  eamque  ut  tueretur  in  populis  firmam  atque 
integram,  eniti  et  contendere  numquam  destitit.  Revera  quae  res  in 
civitate  plurimum  ad  communem  salutem  possunt :  quae  sunt  contra 
licentiam  principum  populo  male  consulentium  utiliter  institutae ; 
quae  summam  rempublicam  vetant  in  municipalem,  vel  domesticam 
rem  importunius  invadere  :  quae  valent  ad  decus.  ad  personam  hominis, 
ad  aequabilitatem  iuris  in  singulis  civibus  conservandam,  earum 
rerum  omnium  Ecclesiam  catholicam  vel  inventricem,  vel  auspicem, 
vel  custodem  semper  f  uisse,  superiorum  aetatum  monumenta  testantur. 
Sibi  igitur  perpetuo  consentiens,  si  ex  altera  parte  libertatem  respuit 
immodicam,  quae  et  privatis  et  populis  in  licentiam  vel  in  servitutem 
cadit,  ex  altera  volens  et  libens  ampleclitur  res  meliores,  quas  dies 
afferat,  si  vere  prosperitatem  contineant  huius  vitae,  quae  quoddam 
est,  velut  stadium  ad  alteram  eamque  perpetuo  mansuram.  Ergo 
quod  inquiunt,  Ecclesiam  recentiori  civitatum  invidere  disciplinae,  et 
quaecumque  [horum  temporum  ingenium  peperit,  omnia  promiscue 
repudiare,  inanis  est  et  ieiuna  calumnia-  Insaniam  quidem  repudiat 
opinionum  :  improbat  nefaria  seditionum  studia,  illumque  nominatim 
habitum  animorum,  in  quo  initia  perspiciuntur  voluntarii  discessus  a 
Deo :  sed  quia  omne,  quod  verum  est,  a  Deo  proficisci  necesse  est, 
quidquid,  indagando,  veri  attingatur,  agnoscit  Ecclesia  velut  quoddam 
divinae  mentis  vestigium.  Cumque  nihil  sit  in  rerum  natura  veri, 
quod  doctrinis  divinitus  traditis  fidem  abroget,  multa  quae  adrogent, 
omnisque  possit  inventio  veri  ad  Deum  ipsum  vel  cognoscendum  vel 

1  Tract,  xxvi.  in  loan.,  n.  2. 

2  Epist.  cv.,  ad  donastistas  cap.  ii.,  n.  9. 

3  1  Petr.  ii.,  16.  « loan,  viii.,  34. 


Documents.  87 

laudandum  impellere,  idcirco  quidquid  accedat  ad  scientiarum  fines 
proferendos,  gaudente  et  libente  Ecclesia  semper  accedet :  eademque 
studiose,  ut  solet,  sicut  alias  disciplinas,  ita  illas  etiam  fovebit  ac 
provehet,  quae  positae  sunt  in  explicatione  naturae.  Quibus  in 
studiis,  non  adversatur  Ecclesia  si  quid  mens  repererit  novi :  non 
repugnat  quin  [plura  quaerantur  ad  decus  commoditatemque  vitae : 
immo  inertiae  desidiaeque  inimica,  magnopere  vult  ut  hominum 
ingenia  uberes  ferant  exercitatione  et  cultura  fructus :  incitaraenta 
praebet  ad  omnc  genus  artium  atque  operum  ;  omniaque  harum  rerum 
studia  ad  honestatem  salutemque  virtute  sua  dirigens,  impedire  nititur, 
quominus  a  Deo  bonisque  caelestibus  sua  hominem  intelligentia  atque 
industria  deflectat. 

Sed  haec,  tametsi  plena  rationis  et  consilii,  minus  probantur  hoc 
tempore,  cum  civitates  non  modo  recusant  sese  ad  christianae  sapi- 
eniiae  referre  formam,  sed  etiam  videntur  quotidie  longius  ab  ea  velle 
discedere.  Nihilominus  quia  in  lucem  prolata  veritas  solet  sua  sponte 
late  fluere,  hominumqne  mentes  sensim  pervadere,  idcirco  Nos  cons- 
cientia  maximi  sanctissimique  officii,  hoc  est  Apostolica,  qua  f  ungimur 
ad  gentes  universas,  legatione  permoti,  ea  quae  vera  sunt,  libere,  ut 
debemus,  elcquimur ;  non  quod  non  perspectam  habeamus  rationem 
temporum,  aut  repudianda  aetatis  nostrae  honesta  atque  utilia  incre- 
menta  putemus,  sed  quod  rerum  publicarum  tutiora  ab  offensionibus 
itiuera  ac  firmiora  fundamenta  vellenms  :  idque  iucolumi  populorum 
germana  libertate  ;  in  hominibus  enim  mater  et  custos  optima  libertatis 
veritas  est :  veritas  liberabit  vos.1 

Itaque  in  tarn  difficili  rerum  cursu,  catholici  homines,  si  Nos,  ut 
oportet,  audierint,  facile  videbunt  quae  sua  cuiusque  sint  tarn  in 
OpinionibitS)  quam  in  factis  officia.  Et  in  opinando  quidem,  quae- 
cumque  Pontifices  romani  tradiderint  vel  tradituri  sunt,  singula 
necesse  est  et  tenere  iudicio  stabili  comprehensa,  et  palam,  quoties  res 
postulaverit,  profited.  Ac  nominatim  de  iis,  quas  liber  fates  vocant 
novissimo  tempore  quaesitas,  oportet  Apostolicae  Sedis  stare  iudicio, 
ef  quod  ipsa  senserit,  idem  sentire  singulos.  Cavendum,  ne  quern 
fallat  honesta  illarum  species  :  cogitandumque  quibus  ortae  initiis,  et 
quibus  passim  sustententur  atque  alantur  studiis.  Satis  iam  est 
experiendo  cognitum,  quarum  illae  rerum  effectrices  sint  in  civitate : 
eos  quippe  passim  genuere  fructus,  quorum  probos  viros  et  sapientes 
iure  poeniteat.  Si  talis  alicubi  aut  reapse  sit,  aut  fingatur  cogitatione 
civitas,  quae  christianum  nomen  insectetur  proterve  et  tyrannice, 
cum  eaque  conferatur  genus  id  reipublicae  recens,  de  quo  loquimur 
poterit  hoc  videri  tolerabilius.  Principia  tamen,  quibus  nititur,  sunt 

1  loan.,  viii.,  32. 


88  Documents. 

profecto  eiusmodi,  sicut  ante  diximus,  ut  per  se  ipsa  probari  nemini 
debeant. 

THE  DUTIES  OF  CATHOLICS  AS  INDIVIDUALS,  AND  AS  MEMBERS  OF 

THE  STATE. 

Potest  tamen  aut  in  privatis  domesticisque  rebus,  aut  in  publicis 
actio  versari.  Privatim  quidem  primum  officium  est,  praeceptis 
evangelicis  diligentissime  conformare  vitam  et  mores,  nee  recusare  si 
quid  Christiana  virtus  exigat  ad  patiendum  tolerandumque  paulo 
difficilius.  Debent  praeterea  singuli  Ecclesiam  sic  diligere,  ut 
comniunem  matrem  :  eiusque  et  servare  obedienter  leges,  et  honori 
servire,  et  iura  salva  velle  ;  conarique,  ut  ab  iis,  in  quos  quisque 
aliquid  auctoritate  potest,  pari  pietate  colatur  atque  ametur.  Illud 
etiam  publicae  salutis  interest,  ad  rerum  urbanarum  administrationem 
conferre  sapienter  operam  ;  in  eaque  studere  maxime  et  efficere,  ut 
adolescentibus  ad  religionem,  adprobos  mores  informandis  ea  ratione, 
qua  eequum  est  christianis,  publice  consul  turn  sit  :  quibus  ex  rebus 
magnopere  pendet  singularum  salus  civitatum.  Item  catliolicorum 
hominum  operam  ex  hoc  tamquam  angustiore  campo  longius  excurrere, 
ipsamque  summam  rempublicam  complecti,  generatim  utile  est  atque 
honestum.  Generatim  eo  dicimus,  quia  haec  praecepta  Nostra  gentes 
universas  attingunt.  Ceterum  potest  alicubi  accidere,  ut,  maximis 
iustissimisque  de  caussis,  rempublicam  capessere,  in  muneribusque 
politicis  versari,  nequaquam  expediat.  Sed  generatim,  ut  diximus, 
n ul lam  velle  rerum  publicarum  partem  attingere  tarn  esset  in  vitio, 
quam  nihil  ad  communem  utilitatem  afferre  studii,  nihil  operac  :  eo 
vel  magis  quod  catholici  homines  ipsius,  quam  profitentur,  admoni- 
tione  doctrinae'  ad  rem  integre  et  ex  fide  gerendam  impelluntur. 
Contra,  ipsis  otiosis,  facile  habenas  accepturi  sunt  ii,  quorum  opiniones 
spera  salutis  haud  sane  magnam  afferant.  Idque  esset  etiam  cum  per- 
nicie  coniunctum  christiani  nominis  :  propterea  quod  plurimum  possent 
qui  maL11,  essent  in  iLcclesiam  animati  ;  minimum,  qui  bene.  Quamo- 
brem  perspicuum  est,  ad  rempublicam  adeundi  caussam  esse  iustam 
catholicis  :  non  enim  adeunt,  neque  adire  debent  ob  earn  caussam,  ut 
probent  quod  est  hoc  tempore  in  rerum  publicarum  rationibus  non 
honestum  ;  sed  ut  has  ipsas  rationes,  quoad  fieri  potest,  in  bonum 
publicum  transferant  sincerum  atque  verum.  destinatum  ammo 
habentes,  sapientiam  virtutemque  catholicae  religionis,  tamquam 
saluberrimum  succum  ac  sanguinem,  in  omnes  reipublicae  venas 
inducere.  Haud  aliter  actum  in  primis  Ecclesiae  aetatibus.  Mores 
enim  et  studia  ethnicorum  quam  longissime  a  studiis  abhorrebant 
moribusque  evangelicis  :  christianos  tameii  cernere  erat  in  media 
superstitioue  incorruptos  semperque  sui  similes  animose,  quacumque 


Documents.  89 

claret ur  aditus,  iuferre  sese.  Fideles  in  exemplum  principibus, 
obedientesque,  quoad  fas  esset,  imperio  legum,  fundebant  mirificum 
splendorem  sanctitatis  usquequaque  ;  prodesse  studebant  fratribus, 
vocare  ceteros  ad  sapientiam  Christi,  cedere  tamen  loco  atque  emori 
fortiter  parati,  si  honores,  si  niagistratus,  si  imperia  retinere,  incolumi 
virtute,  nequivissent.  Qua  ratione  celeriter  instituta  Christiana  non 
modo  in  privatas  domes,  sed  in  castra,  in  curiam,  in  ipsam  regiam, 
invexere.  "  Hesterni  sumus,  et  vestra  omnia  implevimus,  urbes 
insulas,  castella,  municipia,  conciliabula,  castra  ipsa,  tribus,  decurias, 
palatium,  senatnm,  forum  :'n  ita  ut  fides  Christiana,  cum  Evangelium 
publice  profiteri  lege  licuit,  non  in  cunis  vagiens,  sed  adulta  et  iam 
satis  fir  ma  in  magna  civitatuni  parte  apparuerit. 

lamvero  his  ternporibus  consentaneum  est,  haec  maiorum  exempla 
renovari.  Catholicos  quidem,  quotquot  dignisunt  eo  nomine,  primum 
omnium  necesse  est  amantissimos  Ecclesiae  filios  et  esse  et  videri 
velle  :  quae  res  nequeant  cum  hac  laude  consistere,  eas  sine  cunctatione 
respuere :  institutis  populorum,  quantum  honesie  fieri  potest,  ad 
veritatis  iustitiaeque  patrocinium  uti:  elaborare,  ut  constitutum 
naturae  Deique  lege  modum  libertas  agendi  ne  transiliat :  dare 
operam  ut  ad  earn,  quam  diximus,  christiariam  similitudinem  et 
formam  omnis  respublica  traducatur.  Harum  rerum  adipiscendarum 
ratio  constitui  uno  certoque  modo  haud  commode  potest,  cum  debeat 
singulis  locis  temporibusque,  quae  sunt  multum  inter  se  disparia, 
convenire.  Nihilominus  conservanda  in  primis  est  voluntatum  con- 
cordia,  quaerendaque  agendorum  similitudo.  Atque  optime  utrumque 
impetrabitur,  si  praescripta  Sedis  Apostolicae  legem  vitae  singuli 
putent,  atque  Episcopis  obtemperent  quos  Spiritus  sanctus  posuit  regere 
Ecclesiam  Dei.2  Defensio  quidem  catholici  nominis  necessario 
postulat  ut  in  profitendis  doctrinis,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  traduntur,  una 
sit  omnium  sententia,  et  summa  constantia,  et  hac  ex  parte  cavendum 
ne  quis  opinionibus  falsis  aut  ullo  modo  conniveat,  aut  mollius 
resistat,  quam  veritas  patiatur.  De  iis  quae  sunt  opinabilia,  licebit 
cum  modeuatione  studioque  indagandae  veritatis  disputare,  procul 
tamen  suspicionibus  iniuriosis,  criminationibusque  mutuis.  Quam  ad 
rem,  ne  animorum  coniunctio  criminandi  temeritate  dirimatur,  sic 
intelligant  universi  ;  integritatem  professionis  catholicae  consistere 
nequaquarn  posse  cum  opinionibus  ad  naturalismum  vel  rationalismum 
accedentibus,  quarum  summa  est  tollere  funditus  instituta  Christiana 
hominisque  stabilire  in  societate  principatum,  posthabito  Deo.  Pariter 
non  licere  aliam  officii  formam  privatum  sequi,  aliarn  publice,  ita 
scilicet  ut  Ecclesiae  auctoritas  in  vita  privata  observetur,  in  publica 

1  Tertull.  Apol.  n.  .37.  2  Act.  xx.  28. 


90  Documents. 

respuatur.  Hoc  enim  esset  honesta  etturpia  coniungere,  hominemque 
secum  facere  digladiantern,  cum  contra  debeat  sibi  semper  constare, 
neque  ulla  in  re  ullove  in  genere  vitae  a  virtute  Christiana  deficere, 
Verum  si  quaeratur  de  rationibus  mere  politicis,  de  optimo  genere 
reipublicae,  de  ordinandis  alia  vel  alia  ratione  civitatibus,  utique  de 
his  rebus  potest  honesta  esse  dissensio.  Quorum  igitur  cognita 
ceteroqui  pietas  est,  animusque  decreta  Sedis  Apostolicae  obedienter 
accipere  paratus,  iis  vitio  verti  dissentaneam  de  rebus,  quas  diximns 
sententiam,  iustitia  non  patitur :  multoque  est  maior  iniuria,  si  in 
crimen  violatae  suspectaeve  fidei  catholicae,  quod  non  semel  factum 
dolemus,  adducantur.  Omninoque  istud  praeceptum  teneant  qui 
cogitationes  suas  solent  mandare  litteris,  maximeque  ephemeridum 
auctores.  In  hac  quidem  de  rebus  maximis  contentione  nihil  est 
intestinis  concertationibiis,  vel  partium  studiis  relinquendum  loci,  sed 
conspirantibus  animis  studiisque  id  debent  universi  contendere,  quod 
est  commune  omnium  propositum,  religionem  remque  publicam 
conservare.  Si  quid  igitur  dissidiorum  antea  fuit,  oportet  voluntaria 
quadam  oblivione  conterere ;  si  quid  temere,  si  quid  iniuria  actum, 
ad  quoscumque  deraum  ea  culpa  pertineat,  compensandum  est 
caritate  mutua,  et  praecipuo  quodam  omnium  in  Apostolicam  Sedem 
obsequio  redimendum.  Hac  via  duas  res  praeclarissimas  catholici 
consecuturi  sunt,  alteram,  ut  adiutores  sese  impertia,nt  Ecclesiae  in 
conservanda  propagandaque  sapientia  Christiana:  alteram  ut  beneficio- 
maximo  afficiant  societatem  civilem,  cuius,  malarum  doctrinarum 
cupiditatumque  caussa,  inagnopere  periclitatur  salus. 

Haec  quidem,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  habuimus,  quae  universis 
catholici  orbis  gentibus  traderemus  de  civitatum  cons  titu  done 
Christiana,  officiisque  civium  singulorum. 

Ceterum  implorare  summis  precibus  oportet  caeleste  praesidium, 
orandusque  Deus,  ut  haec,  quae  ad  ipsius  gloriam  communemque 
humani  generis  salutem  cupimus  et  conamur,  optatos  ad  exitus  idem 
Ipse  perducat,  cuius  est  illustrare  horniuum  nientes,  permovere 
voluntates.  Divinorum  autem  beneficiorum  auspicem,  «t  paternae 
benevolentiae  Nostrae  testem  vobis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  et  Clero 
populoque  universo  vestrae  fidei  vigilantiaeque  commisso  Apostolicam 
Benedictionem  peramanter  in  Domino  impertimus. 

Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Petrum  die  1  Nov.  an.  MDCCCLXXXV. 
Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno  octavo. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 


Documents.  91 

RECONSECRATION  OF  ALTAR  STONES. 

SUMMARY. 

Indult  granted  by  Leo  XIII.  to  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  MacCormack, 
Bishop  of  Achonry,  allowing  him  to  consecrate  at  his  convenience 
the  altars  of  his  diocese  which  may  need  reconsecration,  and  to  use 
for  this  purpose  the  short  form  prescribed  for  the  Bishop  of  St. 
Paul's,  Minnesota,  U.S.  America.  He  is  also  privileged  to  delegate  a 
priest  to  perform  this  ceremony. 

EME.  AC  EEVME.  DOME. 

Vellem  demisse  inquirere  utrum  mini  liceret  re-cbnsecrare  Altaria 
Portatilia,  juxta  formam  et  terminos  resjxmsionis  hacce  in  re  Episcopo 
St.  Pauli  Statuum  Foederatorum  a  S.  C.  R.  anno  currente  datae  ; 
nempe  :  "  Signetur  sacro  chrismatc  confessio,  sive  sepulchrum,  et  interim 
dicatur  oratio  :  il  Consecretur  et  sanctiftcetur  ;"  postect  reconditis  reliquiis 
cumtribus  granis  thuris,  et  superposito  operculo  et  firmato  dicatur  alt  era 
oratio  :  '  Dens  qui  ex  omnium  cohabitatione^  d'c.,  et  nihilaliud" 

Eminenentiae  Tuae  addictraus  et  observant1™8  servus. 

*J«  F.    J.    MACCORMACK, 

Ballaghadereen,  Hibernia,  Epus   Achadensis. 

29th  Octobris,  1885. 
Efho.  ac  Revmo.,  Cardinali  SIMEONI, 
S.  Congr.  De  Prop.  Fide  Praefecto,  Romam. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 

Ex    AUDIENTIA.    SSMI.    HABITA    DIE    22    NOVEMBRIS,    1885. 

SSmus.  Dominus  Nbster  Leo  Divina  Providentia  PP.  XIII. 
referente  me  infrascripto  Arehiepiseopo  Tyren,  S.  Congrnis.  de 
Propaganda  Fide  Secretario,  R.  P.  D.  Episcopo  Achadensi  facultatein 
tribueus  utendi  eadem  concessione  quae  jam  Episcopo  Sancti  Pauli 
de  Minnesota  per  S.  Rituum  Congregationem  die  9  mensis  Septembris 
anni  1880  facta  est,  benigne  indulsit  ut  altaria  quae  nova  indigent 
consecratione  sensim  sine  sensu  consecrentur,  prudenter  capta  occa- 
sione,  nullo  temporis  limite  Episcopo  Oratori  prsescripto,  juxta 
breviorem  ritum  in  similibus  casibus  statutum,  nimirum  ut  in  iisdem 
aris  antea  rite  efformato  sepulchro  orator  vel  per  se  vel  per  simplices 
presbyteros,  hoc  tantum  in  casu  Apostolicae  sedis  nomine  delegandos, 
certas  sanctorum  reliquias  in  iisdem  aris  reponat,  iis  solummodo 
ceremoniis  servatis,  quae  in  Pontificali  Romano  praescribuntur  dum 
in  sepulchro  reconduntur  reliquiae  et  superponitur  lapis,  scilicet  ut 
signetur  sacro  chrismate  confessio  seu  sepulchrum,  et  interim  dicatur 
oratio:  Consecretur  et  sanctifi cctar ;  postea  reconditis  reliquiis  cum 


92  Notices  of  Books. 

tribus  granis  tliuris  et  superposito  operculo  ac  firmato  dicatur  altera 
oratio  :  Deus  qui  ex  omnium  cohabitatione  sanctorum — et  nihil  aliud, 
•contrariis  qmbuscumque  minine  obstantibus. 

Datum  Romae  ex  cod.,  dictae  S.  Congr.  die  et  anno  ut  supra. 

D.  AROHIEP.  TYBEX,  Seers. 

Gratis  quocumque  titulo. 

Concordat  cum  original!. 

^   F.    J.    MACCORMACK, 

Epis.  Achadensis. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

COLLECTIONS  —  DIOCESES  OF   KILDARE   AND   LEIGHLIX.     By 

Rev.  M.  Comerford,  M.R.I.A.     Duffy  &  Sons:  Dublin. 

In  the  number  of  the  RECORD  for  November,  1883,  we  introduced 
to  our  readers  the  first  volume  of  the  "  History  of  the  Dioceses  of 
Kildare  and  Leighlin,"  by  the  Very  R'ev.  M.  Comerford,  M.R.I.A. 
"We  have  now  the  great  pleasure  of  announcing  the  appearance  of  the 
second  volume. 

The  immense  quantity  of  materials,  which  unwearied  industry  and 
research  have  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  author,  have  rendered  it 
necessary  to  abandon  the  original  design  of  completing  the  work  in 
two  volumes.  A  third  and  final  volume  will  contain  the  special 
history  of  the  Diocese  of  Leighlin. 

The  work  before  us  gives,  in  ample  detail,  the  ecclesiastical  history 
of  the  twenty-two  parishes  comprised  in  the  Diocese  of  Kildare.  It  is 
appropriately  dedicated  to  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Sydney,  whose 
unequalled  labours  in  the  interests'  of  Irish  Archaeology,  the  Church 
of  Ireland  will  ever  gratefully  remember. 

It  would  be  impossible,  without  numerous  quotations,  to  convey 
an  adequate  idea  of  the  mass  of  information  contained  in  Father 
Comerford's  interesting;  pages.  A  thorough  acquaintance  with  the 
writings  of  the  Irish  Annalists,  the  Four  Masters,  Colgan,  Ware, 
Archdall,  &c.,  and  with  the  many  valuable  MSS.  in  the  Royal  Irish 
Academy,  &c.,  exhaustive  reading  on  general  topics  of  a  cognate 
character,  and  painstaking  personal  examination  of  local  traditions 
and  existing  monuments,  have  contributed  to  make  the  work  we 
notice,  as  comprehensive  and  as  trustworthy  as  the  well-known 
difficulties  of  the  subject-matter  would  allow. 

Father  Comerford  has  done  a  great  service  to  his  native  diocese, 


Notices  of  Booh.  93 

and  to  the  history  of  the  Irish  Church.  "  Not  often  is  a  person  found 
to  devote  himself  unsparingly  to  a  task  involving  much  unpleasant 
labour,  without  any  hope  of  emolument  or  gain.  One  has  only  to 
glance  at  the  pages  of  the  "  Collections,"  to  be  convinced  of  the  study 
and  the  toil,  continued  for  years,  which  has  enabled  the  author  to 
build  up  this  noble  monument  of  devotion  to  his  parent  diocese. 
When  the  third  volume,  which  is  already  in  course  of  preparationy 
shall  have  completed  the  work,  the  venerable  Church  of  Kildare  and 
Leighlin  may  well  rejoice  in  a  truly  splendid  manifestation  of  filial 
piety. 

In  every  generation  there  are,  fortunately,  some  who  find  intense 
delight  in  the  study  of  the  Archaic.  To  such,  a  broken  stone  with  Ogham 
characters  of  no  meaning  to  the  uninitiated  eye,  a  soiled  and  torn  leaf 
of  ancient  MS.,  a  crumbling  ruin,  a  neglected  churchyard,  are  dearer 
and  more  precious  far,  than  the  gold  and  silver  which  appeal  so  power- 
fully to  the  vulgar  mind.  The  keen  pleasure  they  experience  in  their 
favourite  pursuits,  stimulates  them  to  overcome  what  to  others  would 
appear  insuperable  obstacles.  Were  it  not  for  this  providential,  and 
in  itself  most  noble  and  high-souled  taste,  the  past  would  be,  in  many 
cases,  and,  notably,  in  the  case  of  Ireland,  almost  entirely  unknown. 
Though  the  writer  of  this  notice  has  never  felt  the  fascination,  which 
archaeological  study  exercises  over  its  votaries,  he  has,  all  the  same, 
a  genuine  admiration  for  the  devoted  and  unselfish  zeal,  which  seeks 
in  dark  and  sometimes  uninviting  places,  for  every  smallest  item,  of 
information,  and  presents,  as  a  result,  the  history  of  bygone  times,  in  a 
manner  and  style  both  interesting  and  agreeable.  Furthermore,  he 
is  profoundly  convinced  that  the  labours  to  which  he  refers,  prompted 
by  no  sordid  motive,  and  resulting,  as  they  generally  do,  in  important 
and  valuable  additions  to  our  store  of  knowledge,  should  not  be  allowed 
to  go  unrewarded.  Hitherto,  for  reasons  to  which  it  is  needless  to 
allude,  Ancient  Irish  Study  of  any  sort,  and  more  especially  the  study 
of  Ancient  Irish  Ecclesiastical  History,  vainly  expected  help  or 
encouragement  from  official  sources.  And  when,  by  some  happy 
circumstance,  it  happened,  as  in  the  case  of  O'Donovan,  O'Curry, 
O'Hanlon,  Cardinal  Moran,  &c.,  that  distinguished  students  of  our 
Ancient  Literature,  and  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical  History,and  Hagiology, 
were  enabled  to  publish  the  fruits  of  their  labour,  so  narrow  was  the 
circle  of  readers,  who  could  be  expected  to  give  substantial  proof  of 
their  sympathy  and  support,  that,  not  unfrequently,  the  sale  of  the 
works  of  these  illustrious  men  did  not  cover  the  bare  cost  of  produc- 
tion. 

Every  generous  mind  will  deplore  this  state  of  things.  But  there 
is  no  use  of  speculation  and  barren  regret.  Each  one  who  is  con~ 


94  Notices  of  Books. 

cerned  should,  in  his  own  way,  however  slender,  contribute  to  remove 
this  reproach,  if,  indeed,  it  be  a  reproach,  and  not  rather  a  mis- 
fortune. From  the  fact  that  Father  Comerford  published  in  his  first 
volume,  no  such  list  of  subscribers  as  we  now  find  appended  to  the 
second,  I  fear  it  must  be  inferred  that  the  sale  of  the  first  has  not 
been  as  extensive  as  might  be  desired.  However  this  may  be,  it 
appears  to  us,  that  in  pure  self-defence,  a  man  who  would  publish 
books,  no  matter  how  valuable  in  themselves,  on  subjects  of  limited 
interest  should,  beforehand,  secure  himself  against  loss,  by  soliciting 
the  co-operation  of  a  sufficient  number  of  subscribers.  Many  exhibit 
keen  anxiety  for  the  publication  of  works,  of  which,  afterwards,  they 
purchase  never  a  copy.  These  people  show  a  lively  interest  in  the 
author's  venture.  They  depict  vividly  its  certain  success.  Neither 
are  they  altogether  insincere.  If  requested  they  will  readily  enrol 
their  name  on  the  list  of  subscribers.  But  if  this  prudent  precaution 
be  omitted,  these  good-natured  persons  will,  probably,  never  read,  and 
more  probably  still,  will  never  purchase  the  book,  the  importance  and 
usefulness  of  which,  before  publication,  they  had  been  eager  and 
eloquent  to  describe. 

We  cannot  permit  ourselves  to  believe,  that  the  Author  of  the 
''  Collections  "  will  be  at  any  pecuniary  loss,  by  the  publication  of  this 
great  work,  in  the  preparation  of  which,  he  has  spent  all  the  leisure 
hours  of  many  years  of  an  otherwise  active  and  zealous  priestly  life. 
The  history  of  the  ancient  Sees  of  Kildare  and  Leighlin  will  not, 
surely,  remain  unread 'or  unsold.  The  spiritual  children  of  SS.  Conleth 
and  Lazerian,  of  SS.  Bridget  and  Dympna  will  cherish  this  record  of 
their  shrines  and  holy  places,  of  the  sorrows  and  the  joys,  the  clouds 
and  the  glories  of  their  native  dioceses.  We  thank  Father  Comerford 
for  the  evident  filial  love,  which  prompted  him  to  devote  his  great 
energy  and  talents  to  such  unselfish  and  holy  labour.  His  "  Collections" 
will  take  their  legitimate  place  amongst  the  great  works  that  adorn 
and  illustrate  the  history  of  the  Irish  Church. 

Each  of  the  volumes  is  a  splendid  royal  octavo,  printed  and  bound 
in  the  best  style  of  the  well-known  Catholic  publishers,  Duffy  &  Sons. 
The  price  is  moderate.  We  may  observe  that  our  Holy  Father 
Pope  Leo  XIII.  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  accept  a  copy  of  the 
"  Collections,"  and,  in  a  letter  which  he  desired  Dr.  Kirby,  the  Bishop 
of  Lita,  to  write  in  his  name,  he  speaks  with  approval  "  of  that  love 
of  ecclesiastical  studies  which  it  discloses  in  its  learned  author,  and 
which  he  ardently  desires  to  see  imitated,  as  far  as  possible,  by  all 
members  of  the  clergy." — MICHAEL  J.  MURPHY. 


Notices  of  Books.  95 

PRACTICAL  INSTRUCTION  FOR  NEW  CONFESSORS.  By  Fr.  Philip 
M.  Salvatori,  S.J.  Edited  by  Fr.  A.  Ballerini,  S.J. ;  and 
Translated  from  the  Italian  by  Rev.  W.  Hutch,  D.D. 
London  :  Burns  &  Gates. 

As  English-speaking  priests,  we  were  already  deeply  indebted  to 
Dr.  Hutch  for  the  services  he  has  done  us  as  a  translator ;  and  the  present 
valuable  publication  gives  him  an  additional  claim  to  our  thankfulness. 
His  distinguished  name  has  become  of  itself  a  sufficient  guarantee  for 
the  value  of  any  book  to  which  it  is  attached :  we  were  accordingly 
prepared,  even  before  we  had  read  one  line  of  it,  to  find  Fr.  Salvatori  8 
"  Practical  Instruction  for  New  Confessors,"  an  interesting  and  useful 
book. 

Nor  Las  a  careful  persual  of  its  pages  altered  our  anticipations. 
We  recognise  it  as  a  most  helpful  aid  to  New  Confessors,  and  even  to 
those  who  have  grown  old  in  the  tribunal  of  Penance.  The  work, 
which  was  first  published  at  Rome  about  the  opening  of  this  century, 
and  has  since  been  frequently  reprinted,  is  divided  into  two  parts. 

In  the  first  we  have  an  admirable  series  of  considerations  by  which 
sinners  of  every  hue  and  dye  may  be  stirred  to  sentiments  of  sorrow 
and  amendment.  The  author  gives  us  in  simple  and  energetic 
language  the  reflections  which,  after  many  years  of  experience,  he 
found  most  efficacious  in  disposing  penitents  for  absolution.  This 
makes  his  book  specially  valuable  for  New  Confessors,  and  we  might 
say  for  all  Confessors,  who  need  to  have  at  their  control  a  rich  supply 
of  the  inspiring  motives  of  sorrow,  and  a  power  in  using  them* 
Fr.  Salvatori's  exhortations  are  seemingly  irresistible  in  their 
^earnestness,  sweetness,  and  simplicity.  Homely  illustration,  quiet 
reasoning,  and  the  strong  motives  of  faith  and  love,  are  all  made  to 
tell  upon  the  hesitating  and  reluctant  penitent.  The  second  part  of 
Fr.  Salvatori's  work  is  no  less  important  and  practical.  In  it  he 
considers  the  principles  which  are  to  guide  the  Confessor  in  giving  or 
with  holding  absolution.  He  lays  down,  and  defends  with  great 
ability,  the  true  system  to  be  adopted  in  treating  those  penitents,  who 
approach  the  Confessor  with  unsatisfactory  dispositions ;  namely, 
that  such  persons  are  not  to  be  straightway  repelled,  nor  denied 
absolution,  until  the  Confessor  has  in  vain  exhausted  all  the  resources 
of  his  zeal  and  charity  in  an  effort  to  dispose  them.  We  wish  all 
Confessors  would  read  attentively  this  portion  of  Fr.  Salvatori's  book. 
We  are  in  perfect  accord  with  the  doctrine  laid  down  there,  and  join 
with  the  pious  and  learned  author  ins  regretting  that  it  is  not  more 
generally  practised. 

It  is  plain  we  have  nothing  but  welcome  and  approval  for  this 


96  Notices  rf  Booh. 

admirable  little  work.  But  it  has  received  a  higher  testimony  to  its 
worth  than  any  words  of  ours  could  give  it,  in  the  praise  which 
Fr.  Ballerini,  with  other  weighty  authorities,  has  thought  well  to 
bestow  on  it.  In  his  edition  of  Gury,  that  rather  severe  critic  styles 
it  "  opusculum  plane  egregium ;"  and  he  speaks  of  the  author  as  "pins 
et  doctus  et  in  ministerio  audiendi  confessiones  exercitatissimus.'1' 

The  work  of  translation  has  been  performed  with  Dr.  Hutch's 
customary  care  and  recognised  ability.  Nowhere  do  we  detect  the 
characteristic  stiffness  and  poverty  of  a  translation ;  the  style  runs  as 
free  and  harmonious  as  that  of  an  original  composition.  We  have  then 
much  pleasure  in  recommending  this  small  but  valuable  book  to  the 
attention  of  our  fellow-priests.  It  will  form  a  fitting  companion  to 
the  "  Parish  Priest's  "|  Manual,"  and  we  heartily  wish  it  a  ready  and 
extensive  circulation. — M.  F. 

•  EXILED  FROM  ERIN.     By  M.  E.  T.     Dublin:  Duffy  &  Sons. 

"Exiled  from  Erin5'  is  a  simple  and  unpretentious  story  of  Irish 
peasant  life.  The  author's  design  being  merely  to  give  us  an 
unadorned  portrait  of  the  "  peaceful  and  home-loving  Irishman,"  we 
should  not  be  surprised  to  find  it  a  rather  quiet  story,  without  plot, 
without  tragedv,  sensation,  or  romance.  But  though  it  has  neither 
the  charm  nor  literary  excellence  of  "  Knocknagow,"  though  the 
dialogue  is  too  often  dull  and  pointless,  the  narrative  too  detached  and 
unstorylike,  the  facts  too  commonplace,  without  colouring  or  connec- 
tion to  lend  them  a  charm,  though  the  scenes  in  some  instances  are 
feebly  drawn  and  poorly  coloured,  "  Exiled  from  Erin  "  is  rot  without 
merit.  It  illustrates  fairly  well  the  most  endearing  traits  of  the  Irish 
peasant's  character,  his  love  of  home  and  kindred,  his  attachment  to 
country  and  his  country's  faith,  his  simplicity  of  character,  his  bravery, 
his  patience  and  fortitude  under  suffering.  And  where  M.  E.  T.,. 
abstaining  from  dialogue,  treats  us  to  personal  reflections,  the  writing 
is  very  well.  In  descriptions  of  scenery  the  author  is  often  happy ; 
hi]?and  dale,  mountain,  bay,  and  swelling  ocean  are  sketched  with  a 
skilful  and  a  graceful  hand.  M.  F. 


THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


FEBRUARY,  1886. 


ETERNAL   PUNISHMENT. 

IV.— THE  FIRE  OF  HELL. 
/^vN  this  question  Perrone  writes  : 

"  Nullo  Ecclesiae  decreto,  ut  scite  post  Vasquezium  observat 
Petavius,  adhuc  obsignatum  videtur,  neque  ulla  in  synodo 
sancitum  illud  est,  scil.  vel  ignem  esse  corporeum,  vel 
suppliciorum  locum  esse  sub  terra,  ubi  cruciantur 

daemones    et    homines    damnati Profitemur  nos 

adhaerere  sententiae  in  Ecclesia  communiter  receptae 
circa  harum  poenarum,  quae  positivae  dicuntnr,  natnram 
et  qualitatem,  quae  nempe  est  de  igni  corporeo.  Haec 
enim  doctrina  certa  est,  ita  ut  in  dubium  absque 
temeritate  vocari  nequeat." 

I  adopt  these  words,  and  proceed  to  submit  proofs  of  the 
teaching  which  they  convey. 

I. — I  begin  with  the  evidence  from  Scripture.  Every  one 
is  acquainted  with  the  passages  which  are  usually  quoted  to 
prove  that  the  fire  of  hell  is  not  metaphorical  but  material. 
Patuzzi  cites  nearly  fifty  such  texts,  and  says,  what  no  one 
will  deny,  that  many  more  might  be  added.  I  will  content 
myself  with  two,  one  from  the  Old,  the  other  from  the  New 
Testament. 

"  Topheth  is  prepared  from  yesterday,  prepared  by  the  king, 
deep  and  wide.  The  nourishment  thereof  is  fire  and 
much  wood  :  the  breath  of  the  Lord  as  a  torrent  of 
brimstone  kindling  it."  (Is.  xxx.  33.) 

"Depart  from  me,  you  cursed,  into  everlasting  fire   which 
was  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels."  (Matt.  xxv.  41.) 
VOL.  VII.  G 


98  Eternal  Punishment. 

There  can  be  only  one  question  about  texts  like  these  : 
is  the  fire  real,  true,  material  ?  Or  is  it  only  the  bold  imagery, 
the  vivid  metaphor  which  is  so  loved  by  the  people  of  the 
East? 

Before  discussing  this  question,  however,  I  would  remark 
that  the  fire  must  mean  something  more  than  the  loss  of 
heaven,  borne  easily  and  without  any  sense  of  grief.  The 
sentence  of  the  wicked  shall  be  not  merely,  "  Depart  from 
me,"  but,  "Depart  into  everlasting  fire  ;"  they  shall  not  only 
be  separated  from  God,  but  "  the  smoke  of  their  torments 
shall  rise  up  for  ever  and  ever."1  With  such  expressions 
before  one's  eyes,  it  is  not  easy  to  entertain  any  hope  that 
"  the  pain  of  loss,  even  of  endless  loss,  may  be  mitigated  into 
something  like  submissive  contentment."2 

Supposing  then  that  the  fire  is  something  more  than 
mere  exclusion  from  heaven,  we  come  to  the  more  difficult 
question :  what  is  it  ?  Is  it  real,  material  fire  ?  Or  is  it 
rather  that  the  loss  of  God  shall  cause  exquisite  mental 
torture,  which  can  best  be  described  in  figurative 
language  as  "a  weeping  and  gnashing  of  teeth,"  caused 
by  "  the  worm  that  never  dies,  and  the  fire  that  is  never 
extinguished  ?" 

Catholics  contend  that  the  fire  is  material,  not  figurative. 
For  proof  of  this  we  do  not  rely  on  the  mere  use  of  the  terms 
"  fire,"  "  burning,"  &c.  ;  we  acknowledge  freely  that  these 
terms  may  be,  and  often  are,  used  in  a  figurative  sense  even 
by  the  sacred  writers.  "I  am  come  to  cast  fire  on  the  earth," 
says  our  Lord.  "  Who  is  scandalized  and  I  do  not  burn  ?  " 
writes  St.  Paul.  And  every  one  knows  the  passage  in  which 
we  are  exhorted  to.  heap  "  coals  of  fire  "  on  the  heads  of  our 
enemies. 

But  if  the  terms  in  question  may  be  used  metaphorically, 
who  will  deny  that  they  may  also  be  used  in  a  literal  sense  ? 
Accordingly,  of  themselves  they  prove  nothing  for  either 
Catholic  or  Protestant ;  it  is  from  something  outside  the 
mere  terms — from  the  context — that  both  parties  must  draw 
their  proofs. 

1  Apoc.  xiv.  11.     *  Dr.  Farrar's  teaching  :  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  p.  170. 


Eternal  Punishment.  i)i) 

This  has  been  acknowledged  practically  by  the  better 
class  of  Protestant  writers,  who  are  not  content  with  quoting 
other  texts  in  which  the  word  "  fire  "  is  used  figuratively, 
but  undertake  to  assign  reasons  why  the  fire  of  hell  cannot 
be  a  real,  material  fire.  All  such  reasons  that:  I  have  seen 
may  be  reduced  to  two ;  they  say  either  (1)  that  material 
fire  cannot  possibly  affect  lost  spirits ;  or  (2)  that  the 
doctrine  is  unworthy  of  an  all-wise,  omnipotent,  and  all- 
merciful  God. 

*  It  will  be  more  convenient  to  treat  these  arguments  as 
objections,  and  to  answer  them  after  explaining  our  direct 
proof.  And  let  us  remember  what  is  the  precise  point  at 
issue :— Certain  Scriptural  expressions  threatening  sinners  with 
a  punishment  of  fire,  might  of  themselves  be  either  literally 
or  figuratively  understood :  we  contend  that  there  are, 
outside  the  expressions  themselves,  strong  reasons  which 
exclude  the  figurative  interpretation. 

1°.  For  in  the  first  place  consider  our  opponents'  view. 
God  wishes  to  teach  us  that  the  wicked  shall  be  separated 
for  ever  from  Him,  and  that  the  only  punishment  which  they 
shall  suffer,  is  the  anguish  caused  by  the  separation.  This 
doctrine  is  so  important  that  it  is  repeated  over  and  over,  times 
without  number,  and  almost  in  every  page  of  the  Bible.  And 
yet  it  is  never  stated  plainly;  for  not  even  one  text  can  be 
quoted  in  which,  the  torments  of  the  damned  are  plainly 
said  to  be  mere  anguish  of  mind  caused  by  loss  of  God. 
They  are  invariably  ascribed  to  fire  and  other  material 
causes. 

Now  we  can  well  understand  how  metaphorical  language 
may  be  suited  to  certain  occasions  of  excitement  and  passion ; 
but  one  does  not  always  talk  or  write  in  metaphors, 
especially  when  teaching  plain  truths.  Hence,  to  say  the 
least,  it  would  seem  strange,  if  the  fire  which  is  so  often 
threatened,  after  all  should  be  nothing  more  than  mental 
agony. 

2°.  But  it  is  not  in  threats  or  instructions  only  that  fire  is 
mentioned;  it  occurs  in  the  last  sentence  which  shall  be 


100  Eternal  PunisJiment. 

pronounced  on  the  living  and  the  dead.     The  whole  scene  is 
graphically  described  by  our   Lord: 

"  When  the  Son  of  Man  shall  come  in  his  majesty,  and  all  the 
angels  with  him,  then  shall  he  sit  upon  the  seat  of  his 
majesty.  And  all  nations  shall  be  gathered  together 
before  Him,  and  he  shall  separate  them  one  from  another, 
as  the  shepherd  separateth  the  sheep  from  the  goats.  And 
he  shall  set  the  sheep  on  his  right  hand,  but  the  goats  on 
his  left.  Then  shall  the  King  say  to  them  that  shall  be 
on  his  right  hand  :  Come,  ye  blessed  of  my  Father,  .  .  . 
Then  shall  he  say  to  them  also  that  shall  be  on  his  left 
hand  :  Depart  from  me,  you  cursed,  into  everlasting 
fire,  which  was  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels,  .  .  . 
And  these  shall  go  into  everlasting  punishment,  but  the 
just  into  life  everlasting."  (Matt.  xxv.  31,  &c  ) 

On  this  text  I  will  merely  remark  that  the  Saviour  describes 
what  shall  actually  take  place.  Accordingly,  we  believe 
that  all  men  shall  be  assembled  together ;  that  they 
shall  be  divided,  the  good  being  put  on  the  right,  the 
wicked  on  the  left ;  that  the  Judge  shall  pronounce  sentence 
on  both  sides ;  and  that  the  words  of  the  sentence  of  the 
wicked  shall  be  these :  "  Depart  from  me,  you  cursed,  into 
everlasting  fire." 

If  ever  metaphorical  language  is  out  of  place,  it  is  on  an 
occasion  such  as  tins.  Sterne  has  called  slavery  i4  a  bitter 
draught ; "  and  after  describing  the  hard  lot  of  an  imaginary 
captive,  he  adds,  "  I  saw  the  iron  enter  into  his  soul."  But 
what  judge,  in  open  court,  before  a  crowded  audience,  would 
sentence  a  criminal  to  "  a  bitter  draught,"  or  to  have  "  his 
soul  galled  by  iron "  for  a  number  of  years  ?  And  if  the 
very  notion  is  ridiciilous,  how  shall  we  dare  to  put  a  similar 
ridiculous  metaphor  into  the  mouth  of  the  great  Judge  of  all 
on  the  last  day  ? 

3°.  Further,  let  us  consider  the  ideas  which  the  Jews 
associated  with  the  word  "  Gehenna,"  which  our  Lord  used 
to  denote  the  place  where  the  wicked  shall  be  punished  in  the 
next  life.1 

(1.)  "  Gehenna "  meant  originally  "  the  valley  of  the 
children  of  Hinnom ;  it  was  immediately  outside  one  of  the 

1  Matt.  v.  22,  29  ;  x.  28  ;  xviii.  9,  &c. 


Eternal  Punishment*  101 

gates  of  Jerusalem,  which  the  Prophet  Jeremias  calls  "  the 
earthen  [eastern]  gate."1 

(2.)  Some  of  the  wicked  kings  of  Juda  set  apart  this 
"  pleasant  valley  of  Hiniiom  "  for  the  worship  of  Baal  and  of 
Moloch.  We  are  not  told  with  any  minuteness  what  form 
the  worship  took ;  but  fire  entered  largely  into  it,  whatever 
it  was. 

"[Achaz]  burned  incense  in  the  valleyof  Benennom  [Gehenna], 
and  consecrated  his  sous  in  the  fire  according  to  the 
manner  of  the  nations."  (2.  Paralip.  xxviii.  3.) 

";He  [Mauasses]  made  his  sons  to  pass  through  the  fire  in  the 
valley  of  Benennom  [Gehenna.]  (Ibid,  xxxiii.  6.) 

(3.)  It  is  quite  plain  also  from  what  the  Prophet  Jeremias 
tells  us,  that  human  sacrifices  were  offered  up  in  this  idolatrous 
worship.  For  that  purpose  an  altar  was  erected  in  the  valley, 
on  a  shady  high  place,  called  Topheth. 

"  They  have  built  the  high  places  of  Topheth,  which  is  in  the 
valley  of  the  son  of  Ennom,  to  burn  their  sons  and 
daughters  in  the  fire."  (Jer.  vii.,  81.) 

"  They  have  built  the  high  places  of  Baalim,  to  burn  their 
children  with  fire  for  a  holocaust  to  Baalim."  (Ibid,  xix.,  5.) 

(4.)  The  tradition-  of  the  Jews  was,  that  because 
the  valley  had  been  so  defiled  by  Moloch  worship,  it  was 
afterwards  made  the  common  cesspool  of  the  city,  and  was 
purified  by  huge  fires.  The  truth  of  this  tradition  has  been 
lately  called  in  question,2  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that, 
through  the  mouth  of  Jeremias,  God  threatened  Gehenna 
with  a  somewhat  similar  fate  : 

"  Behold  the  days  shall  come,  saith  the  Lord,  and  it  shall  no 
more  be  called  Topheth,  nor  the  Valley  of  the  son  of 
Ennom,  but  the  Valley  of  slaughter ;  and  they  shall  bury 
in  Topheth,  because  there  is  no  [other]  place.  And  the 
carcasses  of  this  people  shall  be  meat  for  the  fowls  of  the 
air  and  for  the  beasts  of  the  earth  ;  and  there  shall  be 
none  to  drive  them  away."  (Jerem.  vii.  32-33.) 
"  The  houses  of  the  kings  of  Ju da  shall  be  unclean  as  the  place 
of  Topheth."  (Ibid.  xix.  11-13.) 

1  Josue,  xv.,  8 ;  xviii.,  16  ;  Jerem.  xix.,  2. 

2  See  a  note  in  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  p.  375. 


102  Eternal  Punishment. 

(5).  Accordingly,  the  idea  which  Gehenna  or  Topheth 
called  up  before  the  mind  of  the  Jews,  was  one  of  fire  and 
uncleaimess  : 

"Whosoever    shall  say:   Thou   fool,   shall  be   cast  into   the 

Gehenna  of  fire."  (Matt.v.  22.) 
"It  is  better  for  thee  having  one  eye   1o  enter  into  life,  than 

having   two  eyes  to  be   cast  into  the   Gehenna  of  fire". 

(Matt,  xviii.  9.) 
"It  is  better  for  thee  to  enter  into  life  maimed,  than  having 

two  hands  to  go  into   Gehenna,  into  unquenchable  fire, 

where    their    worm     dieth    not    and    the    fire     is     not 

extinguished."  (Mark  ix.  42-43.) 
"Topheth  is  prepared  from  yesterday,  prepared  by  the  king, 

deep  and  wide.    The  nourishment  thereof  is  fire  and  much 

wood ;  the  breath  of  the  Lord  as  a  torrent  of  brimstone 

kindling  it."  (Is.  xxx.  33.) 

(6).  Now  let  me  ask  :  to  whom  did  our  Lord  address  the 
words  which  have  just  been  quoted  *?  To  Jews ;  to  men 
who  associated  with  Gehenna  no  idea  but  that  of  fire  and 
corruption.  They  were  not,  like  the  Saducees,  rationalists 
with  a  turn  for  '  figurative  interpretation.  They  were  the 
very  reverse,  poor,  ignorant  fishermen,  who  often  understood 
him  literally  when  his  meaning  was  most  plainly  metaphorical. 

And  we  are  asked  to  believe,  that,  whereas  Jesus  knew 
what  they  were,  and  what  notions  of  Gehenna  they  had, 
yet  he  preached  his  doctrine  of  purely  mental  suffering  after 
death,  in  words  which  suggested  to  their  minds  the  most 
appalling  and  realistic  picture  of  bodily  torture.  We  are 
asked  to  believe  that  he  did  this  without  the  least  suggestion. 
of  metaphor  or  other  figure;  so:  that  they  and  myriads  of  his 
most  faithful  children  have  been  cruelly  and  necessarily 
deceived  as  to  the  nature  of  his  teaching.  Eastern  imagery 
indeed !  Such  fiery  and  fierce  exaggeration  might  suit  a 
Jeremias  or  a  Savonorola ;  of  Jesus  we  think  differently. 
We  conceive  him  as  one  who  softened  the  rigour  of  the  law, 
who  wished  to  abolish  the  spirit  of  fear,  who  was  kind  and 
even  tender  towards  sinners,  who  had  not  a  harsh  word  for 
those  whom  the  Jews  would' have  banished  from  society  or 
stoned.  Why,  even  though  it  were  otherwise  possible  to  put 
a  figurative  meaning  011  his  words,  his  character  alone  would 
compel  us  to  believe  that  it  was  stern  reality  that  wrung  such 


Eternal  Punishment.  103 

terrible  threats  from  lips  so  meek.  It  was  only  "  harsh 
evidence"  that  could  force  him  in  his  mercy  and  loving  pity  to 
speak  in  such  tones  of  thunder  with  his  gentle  and  kindly  voice. 

4°.  There  is  a  further  consideration.  The  fire  of  hell 
must  be  something  outside  the  soul,  into  which  the  soul  shall 
be  cast.  Our  opponents  hold  it  is  nothing  more  than 
separation  from  God,  which  shall  cause  intense  anguish  to  the 
wicked.  The  "  departure  from  God "  is  "  the  fire "  into 
which  they  shall  be  cast. 

But  in  the  sentence  which  the  Judge  shall  actually  pro- 
nounce, "  the  fire  "  is  represented  as  something  distinct  from 
"the  separation."  He  will  not  be  content  with  saying 
"  depart  from  me ;"  he  will  add,  "  depart  from  me  into  the 
everlasting  fire  [et?  TO  irvp  TO  alcoviov]."  And  he  will  bring  out 
the  distinction  more  clearly  by  subjoining :  "  Depart  from  me 
into  the  everlasting  fire,  which  was  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his 
angels." 

o°.  More  important  still,  it  is  not  souls  only  that  are 
punished  in  hell ;  bodies  shall  be  cast  into  the  fire. 

"Fear  him  who  can  cast  both  body  and  soul  into  hell."  (Matt. 

x.  28.) 
"  It  is  better  for  thee  to  enter  into  life  maimed,  than  having 

two  hands  or  two  feet  to  be  cast  into  everlasting  fire." 

(Matt,  xviii.,  8). 

On  these  texts  Estius  truly  writes  i1 

"  Profecto  si  qnis  Gehennam  interpreter!  velit  tormentum 
malae  conscientiae,  prorsus  delirabit.  Nam  animae  qui- 
dem  ea  interpretatio  quadrari  poterit  fortasse  ;  sed  corpus 
quomodo  mittetur  in  illam  Gehennam  ?  Oportet  ergo  ibi 
corpoream  Gehennam  intelligi  qua  corpora  puniantur." 

C°.  Is  it  not  true  also  that  there  shall  be  a  resurrection  of 
the  bodies  not  of  the  just  only,  but  of  the  unjust? 

"  The  hour  cometh,  when  all  that  are  in  the  graves  shall  hear 
the  voice  of  the  Son  of  God  ;  and  they  that  have  done 
good  things,  shall  come  forth  unto  the  resurrection  of  life  ; 
but  they  that  have  done  evil,  unto  the  resurrection  of 
judgment."  (John  v.  28.) 

"  Having  hope  in  God  .  .  .that  there  shall  be  a  resurrection 
of  the  just  and  the  unjust."  (Act  xxiv.  15.) 

i  4  Dist.  44,  §  12. 


104  Eternal  Punishment. 

For  what  reason  shall  the  bodies  of  the  wicked  be  restored 
to  life  ?  If  eternal  punishment  were  to  consist  only  of  mental 
agony,  would  not  the  disembodied  souls  be  the  proper  subjects 
for  such  torment  ?  And  yet  St.  Paul  writes  i1 

"We  must  all  be  manifested  before  the  Judgment-seat  of 
Christ,  that  every  one  may  receive  the  proper  things  of  the 
body,  according  to  what  he  hath  done,  whether  it  be  good 
or  evil." 

7°.  Let  us  now  read  the  story  of  Dives  in  the  light  of  all  that 
has  been  said : 

"  There  was  a  certain  rich  man  who  was  clothed  in  purple  and 
fine  linen,  and  feasted  sumptuously  every  day  .  .  . 
And  the  rich  man  died  and  he  tvas  buried  in  hell.  And 
lifting  up  his  eyes  when  he  was  in  torments,  he  saw 
Abraham  afar  off,  and  Lazarus  in  his  bosom.  And  he 
cried  out  and  said :  '  Father  Abraham,  have  mercy  on 
me,  and  send  Lazarus  that  he  may  dip  the  tip  of  his 
finger  in  water  to  cool  my  tongue ;  for  I  am  tormented 
in  this  flame?  And  Abraham  said  to  him  :  '  Son,  remember 
that  thou  didst  receive  good  things  in  thy  life-time,  and 
Lazarus  evil  things  ;  but  now  he  is  comforted  and  thou  art 
tormented.  And  besides  all  this,  between  us  and  you 
there  is  a  great  chaos  .  .  .'  And  he  said :  '  Then, 
Father,  I  beseech  thee  that  thou  wouldst  send  him  to  icy 
father's  house,  for  I  have  five  brethren,  that  he  may 
testify  unto  them,  lest  they  also  come  into  this  place  of 
torments'"  (Luke  xvi.  19-31.) 

I  would  not  say,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  interpret 
the  foregoing  passage  of  mere  mental  suffering,  if  we  already 
knew  that  the  fire  of  hell  is  only  metaphorical.  But  taking 
into  account  the  complete  absence  from  the  Bible  of  any  hint  or 
s  uggestion  of  such  figurative  meaning,  the  natural  interpretation 
of  the  passage — the  interpretation  which  would  at  once 
suggest  itself  to  an  unprejudiced  reader — is.  that  the  cause  of 
the  rich  man's  suffering  is  a  true  material  fire.  "  He  was 
buried  in  hell ;"  hell  is  "  this  place  of  torments ; "  the  cause  of 
his  suffering  is  outside  and  independent  of  the  mind  :  "  I  am 
tormented  in  this  flame/ 


2  Cor.  r.  10. 


Eternal  Punishment.  105 

8°.  Other  parables  might  be  quoted,  the  following  for 
example : 

"  The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  like  to  a  net  cast  into  the  sea, 
and  gathering  together  of  all  kind  of  fishes.  Which, 
when  it  was  filled,  they  drew  out,  and  sitting  by  the  shore, 
they  chose  out  the  good  into  vessels,  but  the  bad  they  cast 
forth."  (Matt,  xiii.,  47-50.) 

"  The  bad  they  cast  forth."  If  our  adversaries  were  to 
explain  the  parable  consistently  with  their  doctrine  of  mental 
suffering  caused  by  the  loss  of  God,  they  should  say : 

So  also  shall  it  be  at  the  end  of  the  world.  The  angels  of 
God  shall  go  out,  and  shall  separate  the  wicked  from 
among  the  just,  and  cast  them  out  of  God's  presence  into 
exterior  darkness. 

It  was  not  so,  however,  that  Christ  was  content  to  explain 
his  own  meaning : 

"  The  angels  .  .  shall  separate  the  wicked  from  among  the 
just,  and  shall  cast  them  into  the  furnace  of  jire,  there 
shall  be  weeping  and  gnashing  of  teeth." 

I  will  reserve  the  answering  of  objections  for  a  future 
paper ;  yet  there  is  one  difficulty  so  plainly  suggested  by  the 
preceding  arguments,  that  it  can  be  most  conveniently 
examined  here.  The  arguments  themselves  will  thus  be 
better  understood  and  more  highly  valued. 

The  objection  is  this :  In  the  New  Testament  revelation 
it  is  intimated  that  two  things  shall  combine  to  punish  the 
wicked, — fire  and  the  worm.  "  Their  worm  dieth  not  and 
their  fire  is  not  quenched."  These  two  punishments  might  of 
themselves  be  understood  either  literally  or  metaphorically. 
No  reason  can  be  assigned  for  distinguishing  between  them 
for  whatever  has  been  urged  to  prove  that  the  fire  is  real,  the 
same  will  show  with  equal  force  the  reality  of  the  worm.  And 
yet  read  St.  Thomas  :l 

*'  Vermis  qui  in  damnatis  ponitur  non  debet  intelligi  esse 
corporalis  sed  spiritualis,  qui  est  conscientiae  remorsus, 
qui  dicitur  vermis  in  quantum  oritur  ex  putredine 
peccati,  et  animum  affligit  sicut  corporalis  vermis  ex 
putredine  ortus  affligit  pungendo." 

And    the    same    is    the    common  teaching   of  Catholic 
theologians.     If,  therefore,  there  is  reason  for  understanding 
1  Supplem.  q.  97,  n.  2. 


108  -  Eternal  Punishment. 

the  "  worm  "  metaphorically,  does  not  the  same  reason,  what- 
ever it  may  be,  prove  that  the  "  fire  "  is  not  real  material  fire  ?• 
We  reply  :  (1.)  it  is  not  true  that  in  the  divine  revelation 
these  tAvo  punishments  aue  always  combined  ?  1  Can  there  be 
no  reason  assigned  for  distinguishing  between  them  ?  It  is  a 
strong  point  of  our  argument  that,  whereas  mental  suffering 
can  be  represented  metaphorically  under  as  many  figures  as 
there  are  pains  of  the  body,  yet  it  is  nearly  always  associated 
iti  Scripture  with  the  one  torment  of  fire.  Surely  there  must 
be  some  reason  for  this  constant  reference  to  the  same  form  of 
punishment. 

(2.)  Suarez  2  contends  that  it  is  impossible  for  a  material 
worm  to  gnaw  with  teeth  an  immaterial  soul;  hence  the 
gnawing  of  hell  must  be  of  another  kind.  That,  also,  was 
the  reason  which  influenced  St.  Thomas  ;  but  let  it  pass  now, 
and  let  us  go  back  again  over  some  of  the  points  of  our. proof. 
(3.)  The  word  "  fire "  might  of  itself  be  understood 
figuratively ;  but  when  it  is  used  to  express  the  punishment  of 
hell,  grave  reasons  compel  us  to  reject  that  interpretation. 
These  reasons  are,— («)  the  number  of  references  to  this  one 
form  of  punishment,  without  the  least  hint  of  the  figurative 
meaning ;  (b)  the  fire  is  something  more  than  mere  exclusion 
from  heaven ;  (c)  it  is  represented  as  a  substance,  independent 
of  the  damned  souls,  outside  them,  into  which  they  can  be 
cast ;  (d)  this  substance  existed  before  the  souls ;  (e)  it  was 
expressly  created  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  others ;  (/)  it 
is  said  to  act  on  the  bodies  of  its  victims.  When  opponents 
ean  establish  the  same  case  for  the  reality  of  the  "  worm,"  I 
will  give  up  either  the  teaching  of  St.  Thomas  or  the  Scripture 
argument  for  the  reality  of  hell  fire. 

II. — I  pass  now  'to  another  consideration,  which  is  of  the 
greatest  importance  according  to  Catholic  principles :  what 
has  been  the  teaching  of  the  Church? 

It  is  admitted  freely  that  there  never  was  any  regular 
dogmatic  definition  on  the  subject  under  discussion  ;  but  all 
Catholics  must  acknowledge  too  that  no  such  definition  is 

1 "  Raro  aclmodum  Scriptura  hoc  nomine  [vermis]  utitur  ad 
designandam  damna^.orum  poenam ;  et 'in  N.  Test,  apud  solum  Marcumj. 
cap.  ix.,  ita  earn  significat."  Patuzzi,  C.  ii.,  c.  xvi.,  n.  5.' 

2  De  Angelis,  L.  8,  c.  12,  n.  35. 


Eternal  Punishment.  10T 

necessary  to  command  our  assent.  Whatever  the  Teachers 
of  the  Church,  in  the  exercise  of  their  ordinary  magisterium, 
propose  to  the  faithful,  even  though  they  do  not  demand  an 
assensus  fidei,  this  we  are  bound  to  receive  as  dutiful 
and  obedient  children.  Now  the  ordinary  teaching  of  the 
bishops  may  be  known  (1)  from  the  belief  of  the  faithful 
whom  they  instruct ;  (2)  from  the  almost  unanimous  consensus 
of  opinion  among  theologians. 

(1.)  Of  the  belief  of  the  faithful  with  regard  to  the  fire  of 
liell  there  can  be  no  question;  catechisms,  instructions,  sermons, 
suppose,  as  a  kind  of  principle,  and  have  supposed  for  cen- 
tiiries,  that  the  Scriptures  are  to  be  understood  of  a  real, 
material  fire.  This  belief  has  preserved  many  from  leading  a 
life  of  sin  ;  it  has  helped  millions  to  wash  away  their  crimes 
in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  No  confessor  thinks  of  refusing 
absolution  becaiise  his  penitent  is  moved  to  sorrow  solely  by 
dread  of  material  fire.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  "  mind 
of  the  faithful"  is  decidedly  in  favour  of  the  true,  real, 
material  fire  of  hell. 

(2.)  Theologians  too  are  almost  unanimous  in  favour  of  the 
same  teaching.  Some  apology,  perhaps,  is  due  for  the 
limitation  "  almost ;"  for  we  need  not  take  into  account  the 
two  or  three  obscure  Germans,  wTho  have  attempted  to  revive 
in  modern  times  the  opinion  of  Catharinus.  The  fact  that 
there  have  been  such  theologians,  and  that  they  had  so  little 
influence  against  the  common  teaching, — this  brings  out 
more  clearly,  how  much  that  teaching  has  impressed  itself  on 
the  mind  of  the  Church. 

Of  Catharinus  himself  little  need  be  said.  He  was  given 
to  singular  opinions  ;  so  much  so,  that  his  teaching  on  other 
points,  as  is  well  known,  narrowly  escaped  being  condemned 
as  heresy. 

With  the  exception  of  these,  all  other  Catholic  theologians  * 

1  John  Scotus  Erigena  is,  perhaps,  an  exception;  if  so,  he  is  incon- 
sistent. He  seems  to  teach  sometimes  (Lib.  de  Praedest.  cap.  xvi.  1,  6  ; 
xvii.  8)  that  the  fire  of  hell  is  metaphorical  and  spiritual.  And  yet  he 
writes :  "  De  aeterno  vero  igni,  .  .  .  nulli  dubitandum  corporeum  esse.  .  . 
Nee  facile  crediderim  alium  ignem  praeparatum  ad  puniendum  diabolum 
cum  omnibus  suis  membris,  praeter  istum  ipsum  qui  est  quartum  mundi 
elementum."  (Ibid.  c.  xix.  1).  Besides,  Scotus  Erigena  was  notoriously 
under  the  influence  of  St.  Augustine's  teaching. 


108  Eternal  Punishment. 

from  the  rise  of  scholasticism,  have  pronounced  decidedly  in 
favour  of  material  fire.  Proof  is  unnecessary  where  the  fact 
is  universally  admitted ;  I  will  quote  one  author  by  way  of 
illustration. 

Peter  Lombard  published  his  "Distinctions"  about  the 
middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  book,  as  we  know,  marks 
an  epoch  in  theology.  It  became  the  basis  of  the  science  for 
all  time ;  the  greatest  of  the  schoolmen  thought  they  could 
do  nothing  better  than  comment  011  what  "  The  Master  "  had 
written.  Even  St.  Thomas  was  no  exception,  though  his 
own  "  Summa  "  was  destined  soon  to  supplant  the  "  Distinc- 
tions "  in  the  schools. 

Now  the  Master  of  Sentences  puts  himself  the  very 
question  we  are  discussing,  and  is  quite  decided  in  favour  ot 
a  material  fire  i1 

"  Quaeri  etiam  solet,  an  claemones  corporali  igni  ardeant.  Ad 
quod  Augustinus  respondens  ait  (De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  20, 
c.  10)  :'  Cur  non  dicamus,  quamvis  miris,  veris  tamen 
modis,  etiam  spiritus  incorporeos  posse  poena  corporalis 
ignis  affligi.  .  .  .  Gehenna  ilia  quae  stagnum  ignis  et 
sulphuris  dicta  est,  corporeus  ignis  erit.'  " 

So  wrote  Peter  Lombard,  expressing  the  received  teaching 
of  his  time.  And  it  is  important  to  remark  that  the 
commentators  on  the  "  Distinctions "  take  the  Master's 
teaching  for  granted,  and  treat  us  to  elaborate  dissertations  as 
to  hoiv  material  fire  can  act  immediately  upon  the  soul. 

Among  the  Christian  writers  who  preceded  Lombard,  two 
figures  stand  out  prominent,  Origen  and  St.  Augustine, 
leaders  and  types  of  two  different  schools  of  thought.  Both 
were  learned,  holy,  zealous,  stout  champions  of  Catholic 
truth. ;  both  trained  the  pagan  philosophy  to  the  Church's 
service.  Each  was  regarded  as  the  leading  churchman  of 
his  age  ;  each  was  consulted  by  all  the  Synods  and  Bishops  of 
his  time ;  the  influence  of  each  continued  for  ages  after  his 
death.  Later  Protestants  are  disposed  to  extol  Origen,  and 
to  depreciate  Augustine ;  comparing  the  latter  to  some 
gloomy  object,  casting  a  dark,  far-reaching  shadow.  I  would 
rather  compare  the  two  to  beacons  set  upon  bold  promontories, 

i  4  Dist.  4-1. 


Eternal  Punishment.  101) 

casting  long  lines  of  light  far  over  the  stormy  ocean,  and 
guiding  generations  of  weary  mariners  to  havens  of  peace 
and  rest. 

Early  advantages  were  on  the  side  of  Origen  ;  his  father 
suffered  martyrdom  for  Christ,  whereas  the  father  of  Augustine 
was  not  even  a  Christian,  a  loss  for  which  the  holiness 
of  Monica  could  not  compensate.  Hence  it  was,  perhaps,  that 
Augustine's  mother  had  to  weep  for  a  child  given  up  to 
heresy  and  the  enjoyment  of  pleasure ;  whereas  the  mother 
of  Origen  had  to  hide  his  clothes  when  he  was  at  the  age  of 
sixteen,  to  keep  him  from  voluntarily  offering  to  share  his 
father's  fate.  And  so  far  was  the  young  Origen  from 
indulging  his  passions,  that  in  an  excess  of  mistaken  piety, 
he  mutilated  his  body,  fulfilling  too  literally  a  counsel  of  the 
Saviour. 

In  philosophy,  both  followed  Plato ;  Augustine,  how- 
ever, not  so  faithfully  as  Origen.  In  exegesis  the  latter 
inclined  to  allegory  and  mysticism  ;  the  former,  without 
neglecting  the  mystic,  rarely  disregarded  the  literal  in- 
terpretation. Origen  was  a  good  deal  of  an  idealist ;  moderate 
realist  would  best  describe  Augustine  ;  the  earlier  writer  was 
liberal,  the  latter  conservative.  Both  largely  moulded  the- 
Church's  teaching,  but  the  influence  of  Augustine  had  a  wider 
range  and  more  lasting  results. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  two  men  so  differently  constituted 
should  on  many  questions  come  to  conclusions  very  much 
opposed.  This  must  be  said  for  Origen, — his  mistakes  were 
the  mistakes  of  a  first  explorer,  who  confines  his  attention  to 
general  outlines  and  essential  landmarks,  and  who  in  conse- 
quence must  have  erroneous  notions  about  points  of  detail. 
Origen  may  be  said  to  have  founded  the  science  of  Theology  ; 
principles  were  his  care  rather  than  detailed  conclusions. 
These  too  came  as  time  rolled  by,  and  their  consistency  or 
inconsistency  often  served  as  a  test  of  the  truth  of  the  prin- 
ciples from  which  they,  were  drawn.  Thus  Augustine  had  a 
great  advantage  over  Origen, — the  experience  and  wisdom 
of  two  hundred  years.  And  so  the  African  Father  could 
and  did  make  large  allowance  for  the  mistakes  of  a  pioneer 
who  had  to  clear  his  way  through  enormous  difficulties ;  nor 


110  Eternal  Punishment. 

is  there  to  be  found  in  Augustine's  books  a  severe  word  or  a 
harsh  rebuke  for  the  person  of  Origen ;  rather,  on  the  con- 
trary, praise  of  the  man  and  refutation,  of  his  errors,  as  when 
Augustine  calls  him  "  ille  tantus  vir"1 

They  differed  on  many  points.  We  have  seen  how  much 
opposed  were  their  views  as  to  the  duration  of  future  punish- 
ment ;  they  disagreed  no  less  regarding  the  nature  of  the 
fire.  Origen  held  that  it  was  to  be  understood  metaphorically. 
Commenting  on  the  words  of  Isaias,2  "  behold  all  you  that 
kindle  a  fire,  encompassed  with  flames,  walk  in  the  light  of 
your  fire,  and  in  the  flames  which  you  have  kindled,"  he 
writes  :3 

"Per  quos  sermones  hoc  videtur  indicari,  peccator  ut  flammam 
sibi  ipse  proprii  ignis  accendat,  et  non  in  aliquem  ignem 
qui  antea  fuerat  accensus  ab  alio,  vel  ante  ipsum  sub- 
stiterit,  deinergatur. 

"  He  goes  on  to  explain  the  propriety  of  the  metaphor ;  for 
just  as  bodily  excess  leads  to  burning  fevers  and  to  tormenting 
sickness,  so  the  soul's  transgressions  generate  a  spiritual 
corruption,  heat,  and  effervescence,  and  this  brings  on  mental 
anguish,  which  may  not  inappropriately  be  described  as  the 
eftect  of  fire. 

I  have  said  that  Origen  was  the  great  light  of  his  age; 
that  he  was  consulted  by  the  Bishops  and  Synods  of  his  time. 
No  wonder  that  his  opinions  were  held  in  great  respect  by 
succeeding  generations  of  scholars,  especially  in  the  East. 
So  it  was;  and  his  teaching  on  Eschatology  was  110  excep- 
tion. 

It  was  remarked  in  a  preceding  paper,  that  during 
the  first  four  centuries,  the  teaching  of  the  Church  with 
regard  to  the  future  state  of  the  wicked,  was  not  so  definite, 
in  one  respect  at  all  events,  as  it  is  now.  We  have  reason 
to  believe  that  down  to  the  time  of  St.  Augustine,  certain 
sins  which  we  know  to  be  mortal,  were  thought  by  many 
learned  and  holy  teachers  to  be  only  venial  and  capable  of 
being  expiated  in  purgatory.  No  doubt  this  was  in  great 

1  Aug,  Ep.  ad  Hieron.  40  ;  see  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  chap,  x, 

2  Cap.  50,  11, 

3  Periarch.  L,  2,  cap.  10, 


.   Eternal  Punishment.  Ill 

measure  due  to  the  fact  that  the  doctrine  of  grace  was  then 
so  little  developed;  but  it  was  also  due  in  part  to  the 
influence  of  Origen. 

St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  St.  Basil, 
St.  John  Chrysostom,  and,  in  the  Western  Church,  St. 
Ambrose  and  St.  Jerome,  are  quoted  as  favouring  the 
Origenistic  Eschatology.  And  indeed  the  works  which  these 
Fathers  left  behind  them,  are  sufficient  proof  that  they  were 
deeply  read  in  the  writings  of  the  great  master  of  the 
Alexandrine  school.  But  modern  "  Liberals  "  are  altogether 
too  sweeping  in  their  assertions  with  regard  to  the  Eschato- 
logical  teaching  of  these  early  saints. 

Confining  our  attention  to  the  precise  question  before  us, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  least  St.  Basil,1  St.  Chrysostom,2 
and  St.  Jerome,3  believed  in  material  fire.  At  first  sight 
St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  4  and  St.  Ambrose 5  would  seem  to  favour 
the  metaphorical  interpretation  ;  but  Patuzzi 6  explains  these 
Fathers  so  as  to  bring  them  into  harmony  with  the  common 
teaching,  and  he  certainly  gives  very  strong  reasons  in 
support  of  his  explanation.  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,7  con- 
sidered the  question  free  ;  so  that  the  faithful  were  at  liberty 
to  adopt  either  of  the  two  opinions.  Accordingly,  at  the 
very  worst,  the  most  that  can  be  said  of  this  period  is,  that 
St.  Ambrose  and  the  two  Gregories  held  no  definite  views  on 
the  nature  of  the  fire  of  hell,  but  were  inclined  to  the 
Origenistic  teaching. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  opinion  of  these  Fathers,  it 
is  indisputable  that  during  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 

1  Vid.  Ex.  gr.  In  Ps.  28.  2  See  the  texts  quoted  by  Dr.  Pusey, 
'"  What  is  of  Faith,  etc.  ?"  pp.  249-60.  3  Ep.  ad  Avitum  ;  In  Eph.  1.  3,  c.  5. 
4  Dial,  dc  Anima,  etc. ;  cf.  Oratio  8  in  Resurr. ;  Oratio  Magna  Catachet. 
c.  40;  in  Ps.  6  de  Octava,  etc.  5  L.  7  in  Lucam,  n.  205;  cf.  1.  4  in 
Hexameron,  cap.  3,  n.  9  and  10  ;  Ennarr.  in  Ps.  36,  n.  26,  etc.  c  L.  2,  c.  12. 
Oratio  40  ;  see  the  "  RECORD  "  for  1885,  p.  433,  note. 

I  purposely  refrain  from  quoting  or  commenting  on  those  passages, 
for  many  reasons.  It  would  take  more  space  than  1  can  command  ;  it  is 
almost  impossible  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  any  writer's  opinions  from 
short  extracts  separated  from  their  contexts  ;  above  all,  it  is  not  necessary 
for  my  argument,  either  to  quote  these  Fathers  or  to  explain  them.  The 
Church's  teaching  should  be  limited  indeed,  if J  her  magfateriiyn  were  con- 
.lined  to  those  propositions  only  which  have  never  been  denied  or  doubted 
by  any  of  her  children. 


112  Eternal  Punishment. 

centuries,  the  body  of  the  faithful  believed  in  material  fire 
The  Acts  of  the  Martyrs  alone  are  sufficient  evidence  :  I  will 
quote  a  few  specimens. 

When  St.  Polycarp  was  threatened  with  being  consumed  by 
fire,  he  replied  :  "  You  threaten  me  with  fire  that  burns  for 
one  hour  and  then  cools,  not  knowing  the  judgment  to  come, 
nor  the  perpetual  torment  of  eternal  fire  to  the  ungodly." 

St.  Pioiiius  (A.D.  250)  was  persuading  some  persons  to 
become  Christians ;  and  when  they  refused,  saying  they  would 
prefer  to  be  burned  alive,  the  holy  martyr  rejoined  :  "  Better 
to  burn  before  than  after  death." 

In  the  Acts  of  SS.  Claudius  and  Austerius  (A.D.  285)  we 
are  told  that  the  judge  threatened  a  woman  named  Domnina  in 
the  following  words :  "  You  see  what  fire  and  torments  are 
prepared  for  you."  She  replied :  "  I  worship  Christ,  that  so 
I  may  escape  the  eternal  fire." 

On  the  same  occasion  another  martyr,  St.  Theonilla, 
replied  :-"  I  fear  the  eternal  fire,  which  can  destroy  both  body 
and  soul." 

When  St.  Philip,  Bishop  of  Heraclia,  was  told  by  the 
judge  that  he  should  be  burned  alive  if  he  continued  his  folly, 
the  holy  martyr  answered :  "  You  threaten  me  with  a  fire 
which  ceases  almost  as  soon  as  it  is  lighted ;  you  know  not 
the  violence  of  that  perpetual  burning  [incendmm]  which 
blazes  for  ever  without  interruption." 

Passages  such  as  these  might  be  multiplied;  they  are 
scattered  over  almost  every  page  of  Ruinart.1  The  foregoing 
selections  are  sufficient  to  prove,  that  whatever  may  have 
been  the  opinions  of  Origen's  disciples,  the  great  body  of  the 
faithful  believed  most  firmly  in  material  fire. 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  Origen's  opinions  should  have 
greater  influence  on  the  Eastern  than  on  the  Western 
Church, — that  in  the  former  they  should  prevail  more  widely 
and  survive  for  a  longer  time.  And  so  it  happened.  The 
Latins  read  their  own  great  Fathers,  Irenaeus,  Tertullian, 
Cyprian,  and  later  on,  Jerome,  Augustine,  Leo,  Gregory,  and 
others;  and  all  these  were  so  emphatic  in  preaching  the 

i  See  also  Dr.  Pusey's  extracts  in  "  What  is  of  Faith,  etc.  ? " 
pp.  155-170. 


Eternal  Punishment.  113 

material  fire,  that  the  metaphorical  interpretation  made  but 
little  progress.  This  latter  view  was  known,  however,  and 
was  perhaps  by  many  thought  probable  down  to  the  time  of 
St.  Augustine.  Even  the  great  Bishop  of  Hippo,  according 
to  Petavius,  was  in  his  early  years  not  unfavourable  to  the 
Origeiiistic  teaching.  He  writes  in  one  place  :l 

"  Est  ergo  inferorum  substantia,  scd  earn  spirit ualera  arbitror 
esse,  non  corporalem." 

And  he  had  said  : 

"Quamvis  ergo  non  sint  corporalia  seel  similia  corporibus, 
quibus  animae  corporibus  exutae  afficiuntur  seu  bene  sen 
male,  cum  ipsae  corporibus  suis  similes  sibimot  appareant, 
sunt  tanien  et  vera  molestia  et  vera  laetitia  facta  de 
substantia  spiritali.''2 

The  passage  which  I  have  already  quoted  from  the 
"  Distinctions "  is  sufficient  proof  of  how  completely  St. 
Augustine's  mind  was  afterwards  changed.  And  such  was 
the  influence  which  his  writings  had  on  all  subsequent  Latin 
teaching,  that  down  even  to  the  present  day,  no  Western 
writer  of  repute,  except  Catharinus,  has  adopted  the 
metaphorical  interpretation  of  the  fire  of  hell. 

Among  the  later  Greeks,  opinions  continued  to  be  very 
much  divided  with  regard  to  this  question.  Some  of  the 
ablest  of  the  Eastern  writers,  St.  Chrysostom8  and  St.  Cyril 
of  Alexandria,4  not  to  mention  Theodoret5  and  Procopius,6 
adopted  the  literal  interpretation.  On  the  other  side  are 
St.  John  Damascene,7  Dorothaeus,8  and  in  comparatively 
modern  times  Theophylact.9  Of  many  others  it  is  impossible 

1  De  Gen.  ad  litteram,  1.  12,  cap.  32. 

2  Gregory  the   Great  was   for  some  time  thought    to    be  another 
exception,  because  of  a  certain  passage  which  began,  "At  vero  Gehennae 
ignis  cum   sit  incorporeus  ;'  (1.    15    Moral,  c.  17) ;  no    one,  however,  now 
doubts  that  "  corporeus,'5  not  "incorporeus/'  is  the  true  reading. 

3 See  the  extracts  before  referred  to,  p.  111.         4In  Joan.  1.  5,  c,  8,  21. 

5  In  Ps.  28,  96,  &c.  6  In  Genes,  i.  ii. ;  xv.  17  ;  in  Is.  x.  12-19. 

7  Doubtful.  He  writes  (1.  4,  de  fide  orth.  subfinem)  :  "Daemones  cum 
impiis  et  peccatoribus  [tradentur~|  in  ignem  aeternum  non  materialem, 
qualis  est  qui  apud  nos~est,  sed  qualem  novit  Deus."  And  again  (Dial, 
contra  Manich,  n.  36)  :  "  A  nobis  responsum  feretis  poenain  illam  nihil  aliud 
esse  quam  nequitiae  cupiditatem  et  peccati  ignem  flammamque  frustratae 
libidinis."  Petavius  and  others  undertake  to  explain  these  words  and 
reconcile  them  with  the  literal  meaning,  with  doubtful  success. 

8Doct.  xii.  n.  3.  9  In  Marc.  ix.  42-49. 

VOL.  VII.  H 


114  Eternal  Punishment. 

to  say  which  opinion  they  held.  Their  evidence  is  not 
definite,  perhaps  because  they  had  not  the  question  definitely 
before  their  minds,  and  also  because  it  is  often  difficult  to 
decide  whether  they  are  writing  of  hell  or  of  purgatory. 

For  it  is  the  teaching  of  the  Greek  Church  that  at  least  in 
purgatory  there  is  110  material  fire.  And  in  connection  with 
this  I  will  ask  attention  to  a  document  which  proves  con- 
clusively, that  whatever  may  have  been  the  early  waverings 
of  Eastern  opinion,  it  finally  settled  into  a  firm  belief  that 
the  fire  of  hell  is  real  and  material.  The  document  is  the 
authentic  Greek  account  of  what  took  place  at  the  Council  of 
Florence.1 

'•'  Itali  vero  et  in  praesenti  saeculo  ignem  fatentur  purgationem- 
que  per  ignem,  et  in  future  igiiem  fatentur  non  vero 
purgatorium  sed  ueternum  ...  At  vero  Graeci  in 
fiiiuro  tantuin  opinantur  ignem;  poenamque  animaruni 
temporaneam,  quod  scil.  peccatis  obnoxiorum  auimae  in 
locum  abeant  tenebricosum,  in  locum  moeroris  in  quo  ad 
tempus  versentur  in  moerore  et  poems  divino  lumine 

privati.     Purgentur  vero precibus  et  sacrifices 

sacerdotum  ac  eleemosynis,  non  autem  igne." 

This  is  a  definite  and  semi-official  statement  that  in  the 
fifteenth  century  the  Greek  Church  believed  in  a  material 
fire  of  hell.  How  had  the  change  come  about  ?  The  only 
explanation  I  can  suggest  is,  that,  notwithstanding  the 
hesitation  of  some  who  were  influenced  by  the  name  and 
the  learning  of  Origen,  the  faith  of  "  the  people  "  of  the  East 
remained  always  sound.  For  many  centuries  the  contest 
lasted  between  common  sense  on  the  one  side  and  speculative 
learning  on  the  other.  The  latter  force  grew  gradually 
weaker,  as  the  fame  and  influence  of  Origen  and  his  early 
followers  were  gradually  diminished  by  distance  of  time. 
Meanwhile  the  schoolmen  of  the  West,  who  were  all  in  favour 
of  a  material  fire  of  hell,  had  acquired  a  world-wide  fame  for 
learning,  and  this  must  have  had  great  influence  even  on 
Eastern  opinion.  Thus  a  time  came  when  Origen's 
Eschatology  died  out  in  the  East,  almost  as  completely  as  in 
the  fifth  century  it  had  died  out  in  the  Western  Church. 

1  I  quote  from  the  Latin  translation  in  Harduin,  v.  9,  p.  10.  The 
historian's  name  is  not  given ;  it  is  certain  that  he  was  one  of  the  Greek  bishops 
who  took  a  leading  part  in  the  Council ;  Hefele  thinks  he  was  Bcssarion. 


Lnsk  Romanesque.  115 

Here,  then,  we  find  another  illustration  of  some  important 
principles  regarding  the  tradition  of  revealed  truth.  There 
was  at  first  the  revelation  contained  in  the  Bible ;  then  came 
a  period  of  doubt  and  discussion;  gradually  the  faithful 
inclined  steadily  to  one  belief,  more  quickly  here,  more 
sloAvly  there  ;  finally  came  unanimous  conviction,  which  has 
now  lasted  for  centuries.  Surely  if  ever  there  was  an  exercisa 
of  the  Church's  ordinarium  magisterium,  it  is  with  regard  to 
this  doctrine  of  the  material  fire  of  hell. 

W.  McDONALD. 


IRISH  ROMANESQUE. 

THE  group  of  ruins  which  crowns  the  Rock  of  Cashel  is 
perhaps,  the  most  interesting  in  Ireland.  They  carry 
the  mind  back  to  the  most  important,  as  well  as  to  the  most 
remote  epochs  of  our  history.  They  are  associated  with 
much  that  in  those  periods  had  been  great  and  glorious  ;  and 
they  also  strikingly  illustrate  the  various  forms  of  architecture 
that  had  been  usually  associated  with  Divine  Worship  in  our 
country.  The  massive  Cyclopean,  and  stately  Gothic,  stand 
there  grouped  around  our  medieval  Romanesque. 

Its  round  tower — one  of  our  "  grand  old  mystic  temples" — 
speaks  to  us  of  a  people  that  were  powerful,  and  of  a  civili- 
sation that  was  advanced,  before  St.  Patrick  set  foot  in 
Ireland.  Its  old  cathedral  begrimed  with  the  dust  of  ages, 
still  exhibits  even  in  its  exterior,  such  evidences  of  rich  and 
ornate  sculpture,  as  Irish  wealth  and  Irish  genius  could 
create  eight  hundred  years  ago.  It  is  unique  amongst  our 
medieval  churches,  in  its  carefully  pitched  stone  roof,  in  its 
richly  arcaded  exterior,  and  in  its  wealth  of  ornamental 
sculpture.  O'Brien's  Church  adjoins  it,  exhibiting  many  of 
the  most  striking  features  of  early  Gothic.  It  is  more  stately, 
because  more  modern.  Alas  !  however,  one  can  but  guess  at 
its  former  beauty.  There  are  windows  there,  beautiful  even 
in  their  decay  ;  there  are  clustering  shafts  there,  as  gracefully 
wrought  as  any  found  in  the  transepts  of  York  Minster ;  but 


116  Irish  Romanesque. 

they  speak  only  of  arches  that  have  crumbled,  and  of  glories 
that  have  been  wrecked  by  the  spoiler's  hand.  And  the 
fortress  which  guarded  its  sanctuary,  seems  to  speak  even  in. 
its  ruins,  of  the  blood  that  was  poured  out,  and  of  the 
victims  that  were  slain  before  its  altars.  But  the  martyr 
dead  are  seldom  voiceless ;  and  the  memory  of  that  cruel 
carnage  remains  still  fresh  around  that  hallowed  spot. 

But  it  is  not  our  present  purpose  to  occupy  our  readers 
with  a  study  of  this  Church,  though  it  is  unique  and  interest- 
ing in  itself,  and  in  its  historical  associations.  We  intend 
in  the  development  of  this  paper,  to  dwell  on  the  peculiar 
features  of  the  older  cathedral,  as  a  help  to  illustrate 
the  most  beautiful  and  striking  features  of  our  medieval 
Romanesque.  We  shall  ask  our  readers'  attention  to  the 
circumstances  which  led  to  the  introduction  of  Romanesque 
to  Ireland.  We  shall  briefly  consider  its  leading  features.  And 
it  should  be  remembered  in  noting  its  development  from  its 
earliest  and  simplest  forms  under  Brian  of  the  Tributes,  till  it 
attained  its  greatest  triumphs  under  the  Prince  Bishop  of 
Cash  el,  that  the  period  was  one  in  which  the  country,  but  just 
emancipated  from  long  years  of  cruel  oppression,  hastened 
to  consecrate  to  religion  the  first  fruits  of  its  liberty  and  of 
its  genius. 

In  the  early  ages  of  the  Irish  Church,  the  ambition  of  our 
greatest  monastic  centres  seemed  to  be,  to  rival  the  earlier 
monasteries  of  other  lands,  in  the  poverty  of  their  surround- 
ings, the  severity  of  their  discipline,  and  the  sanctity  of  their 
lives.  The  Churches  and  Oratories  which  have  happily  been 
preserved  to  us  as  monuments  of  that  interesting  period, 
bespeak  a  rude  simplicity  which  rejected  even  the  most 
rudimentary  efforts  at  ornamentation.  But  such  churches, 
humble  and  simple  as  they  were,  suited  well  the  austere 
religious  spirit  of  the  age.  Their  style  was  suggested  by  the 
Cyclopean  architecture  of  the  country.  Their  form  and  .size, 
bore  upon  them  the  impress  of  such  ideals  as  were  formed 
under  the  Patriarchs  of  Irish  monastic  life,  when  Irish 
monastic  life  was  the  glory  of  the  Irish  Church.  Who  can 
tell  to  what  extent  architecture  might  have  been  developed 
in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  if  our  country  had  but 


Irish  Romanesque.  117 

enjoyed  the  blessings  of  peace  ?  Alas !  however,  it  was  a 
period  of  cruel  strife,  when  the  energies  of  churchmen  and  of 
laymen,  were  cruelly  tried  in  their  brave  efforts  to  repel  the 
inroads  of  the  Northmen.  It  was  much  for  Irishmen  in  those 
days  to  have  defended  their  altars  and  their  homes,  and  to 
have  repaired  constantly,  the  recurring  ravages  of  their 
ruthless  heathen  foe;  and  thus  our  rude  pelasgic  Churches 
were  retained  during  the  long  period  of  Danish  aggression, 
in  all  the  severe  simplicity  of  the  early  monastic  period. 

The  prowess  of  the  National  Hero  who  crushed  the  Danish 
power  at  Clontarf,  was  making  itself  already  felt  towards  the 
close  of  the  10th  century ;  and  the  beneficence  of  his  rule 
was  being  extended  to  every  department  of  Church  and 
State.  But  the  Church  was  the  special  object  of  his  fostering 
care.  He  would  not  only  overthrow  her  enemies,  but  he 
would  also  restore  or  repair  what  her  enemies  had  destroyed. 
Our  ancient  records  abound  with  entries,  telling  amongst 
other  things,  of  the  "  noble  churches  and  sanctuaries  erected 
by  him  in  Erin  "  &C.,1  and  of  the  "many  works  and  repairs" 
which  he  carried  out.  As  might  have  been  expected  under  such 
a  generous  and  powerful  patron,  we  find  the  ornate  as  well  as 
the  necessary  studied  in  the  new  development  then  initiated  in 
Ecclesiastical  Architecture.  In  the  new  style  of  architecture, 
Eome  was  naturally  looked  to  as  the  guide.  The  familiar 
features  therefore  of  the  old  Cyclopean  in  our  Oratories  and 
Churches  disappeared  before  the  more  imposing  ones, 
borrowed  from  the  same  centre  from  which  Ireland  had 
deceived  her  Faith. 

Rome  had  succeeded — despite  of  the  incursions  of  the 
barbarians,2  in  preserving  in  her  early-Basilicas  many  features 
of  the  classic  period.  These  forms  were  first  allied  to  sacred 
uses  at  Rome ;  and  though  necessarily  debased,  were  soon  after 
adopted  with  certain  modifications,  in  other  countries.  They 
were  received  in  Germany  as  well  as  throughout  Italy,3  in 
England,  and  in  France,  in  a  word,  in  nearly  every  Christian 
country. 

The  intercourse  between  Ireland  and  the  Continent,  through 

1  Tne  war  of  the  Gaeihilljwith  the  Gael.  2  Lubke,  p.  8-18. 

3  Brash,  p.  33. 


118  Irish  Romanesque. 

her  Ecclesiastics  at  this  period,  was  close  and  constant. 
Hence  our  country  must  have  been  familiar  with  such  pro- 
gress as  Ecclesiastical  architecture  had  made  there  ;  and  never 
was  her  union  with  the  Holy  See  stronger  or  more  intimate. 
As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  progress 
of  Romanesque  was  rather  limited — confined  perhaps  on  the 
Continent  to  Italy  and  Lombardy ;  yet  owing  to  the  circum- 
stances just  mentioned,  it  was  natural  that  its  earliest  examples 
among  Northern  nations  should  have  been  found  in  Ireland. 
Dr.Petrie's  opinion  on  this  subject  is  so  clearly  expressed,  that  I 
think  it  may  be  cited  here,  and  in  his  own  words.  He  writes  : — 

"  Impressed  as  I  am  with  the  conviction  that  the  style  of  archi- 
tecture variously  designated  by  antiquarians  Romanesque — Saxon — 
Norman — belongs  to  no  particular  country,  but  derived  from  the 
corrupt  architecture  of  Greece  and  Rome,  was  introduced  wherever 
Christianity  had  penetrated,  assuming  various  modifications  accord- 
ing to  the  taste,  intelligence,  and  circumstances  of  different  nations. 
I  think  it  is  only  natural  to  expect  that  the  earliest  examples  of  this 
style  should  be  found  in  a  country  supereminently  distinguished  as 
Ireland  was  for  its  learning,  and  as  having  been  the  cradle  of 
Christianity  for  the  northern  nations  of  Europe." 

We  need  not  therefore  be  surprised  at  the  early  adoption  of 
Romanesque  in  our  country.  Though  its  adoption  was 
early,  its  growth  and  development  was  rapid,  and  was  stamped 
from  the  outset,  with  the  impress  of  the  genius  of  our  people. 

The  Chancel,  which  in  our  medival  Romanesque  took  the 
place  of  the  Apse  of  the  Roman  Basilica,  became  a  usual 
feature  of  the  new  churches.  The  square  lintels  of  the 
Cyclopean  doorways  disappeared  before  the  regular  semi- 
circular arches  ;  or  if  the  lintel  were  retained  beneath  the  arch- 
way, it  was  only  to  afford  the  sculptor  ground  for  decoration. 
In  a  little  time  indeed,  doorways  and  chancel  arches 
came  to  constitute  the  most  beautiful  features  of  our 
medieval  Churches.  The  projecting  "  anta3  "  of  fair 
Cyclopean  Churches  fell  into  disuse ;  and  were  replaced  in 
many  places,  by  carved  quoins  forming  attached  columns, 
with  wrought  bases  and  capitals.  Examples  of  this  peculiar 
form  of  quoin  may  be  seen  at  Inis  Caltra,  Ardfert,  Kilmac- 
cluagh,  and  many  other  churches. 

The    national    custom    of    stone    roofing,  continued    to 


Irish  Romanesque.  119 

necessitate  the  construction  of  churches  of  comparatively 
limited  span  in  Ireland.  Hence,  our  Irish  Romanesque 
churches  consisted  of  naves  and  chancels  only,  while  in  other 
countries,  where  the  roofs  were  formed  of  an  arrangement  of 
beams  of  timber,  the  Romanesque  churches  were  constructed 
with  "  nave  and  aisles."  In  Irish  Romanesque,  therefore,  we 
miss  the  open  arcades  of  the  Roman  Basilicas.  But  though 
open  arcadmg  was  found  to  be  unsuitable,  blind  arcades  were 
found  to  be  admirably  compatible  with  national  taste  and 
requirements ;  and  were  therefore  generally  adopted. 

The  windows,  too,  had  rounded  arches  ;  but  though  they 
remained  for  a  time  small,  they  received  a  wide  splay  on  the 
interior,  and  not  unfrequently  on  the  exterior  also,  which 
afforded  largely  increased  facilities  for  lighting.  The  value  of 
the  couplet  window  came  to  be  recognised  soon  after,  and  its 
adoption  afforded  additional  ground  for  graceful  mouldings 
and  effective  decoration.  A  fine  example  of  such  windows  is 
found  at  Clonfert,  and  is  thus  referred  to  by  Mr.  Brash :  "  The 
design  of  the  window  is  exceedingly  chaste  and  beautiful, 
the  mouldings  simple  and  effective,  and  the  workman- 
ship superior  to  anything  I  have  ever  seen  either  of  ancient 
or  modern  times."  This  is  indeed  a  very  high  measure  of 
praise.  Similar  windows  are  found  at  Clonmacnoise  and 
Kilmacduagh ;  that  at  Kilmacduagh,  which  is  particularly 
beautiful,  belongs  to  the  close  of  the  Romanesque  period. 

It  was  natural  that  there  should  be  a  wide  difference 
between  the  tentative  efforts  of  Irish  builders  under  Brian, 
and  the  perfection  their  artattainedto  under  Cormac,  the  prince 
Bishop  of  Cashel.  It  was  a  period  when  Irish  Art  was  in  the 
hands  of  Irish  artists,  and  under  the  influence  of  purely  Irish 
patronage  ;  when  the  country  rejoicing  in  its  newly  found 
liberty,  devoted  its  genius  and  its  treasures  to  the  service  of 
its  Church.  Hence,  though  brief,  it  proved  to  be  a  period 
of  marvellous  development.  The  simple  piers,  usual  in  early 
Romanesque,  were,  therefore,  soon  superseded  by  rounded 
columns  and  graceful  shafts.  Such  groups  were  generally 
smooth  and  without  ornament.  Though  fluted  columns  are 
sometimes  found  in  Romanesque  buildings  on  the  Continent, 
they  are  hardly  ever  found  in  our  Irish  medieval  churches.  In 


120  Irish  Romanesque. 

Ireland,  however,  we  sometimes  find  some  enriched  with  spiral 
ornaments,  as  at  Cash  el  and  Aghadoe.  Indeed  such  columns 
are  used  in  continental1  as  well  as  in  Irish  churches  of  the 
period.  All  this  naturally  demanded  a  corresponding  change 
in  the  construction  of  the  arches ;  and  hence  the  archivolts 
were  often  constructed  of  various  orders,  which  were  frequently 
enriched  with  ornaments.  The  chancel  arches,  which  as  it  were 
guarded  the  Holy  of  Holies,  were  naturally  those  which  were 
most  lavishly  decorated.  We  can  best  estimate  the  quick 
and  successful  growth  of  true  taste  in  this  direction,  by 
contrasting  the  simple  chancel  arches  of  Killaloe,  and 
Inis  Caltre,  with  the  elaborate  details  of  the  chancel  arches  of 
Ardfert,or  of  Tuam  Cathedral.  It  should  be  needless  to  refer  to 
the  beauty  of  the  extant  chancel  arches  at  Clonmacnoise, 
which  elicit  the  admiration  of  every  visitor.  It  is,  however, 
a  matter  of  much  greater  surprise,  that  similar  exquisite 
remains  are  to  be  met  with  in  less  historic  places,  as,  for 
instance,  at  Monaincha,  near  Eosgrea ;  at  Kileshin,  and 
Clonkeen  also  similar  exquisitely  beautiful  chancel  arches 
remain.  Irish  genius  seems  indeed  to  have  husbanded  its 
resources  during  the  Romanesque  period,  in  order  to  expend  it 
on  its  chancel  arches  in  almost  lavish  profusion.  It  has  been 
noted,  that  they  usually  consisted  of  many  orders.  Each 
arch-member  was,  as  a  rule,  enriched  with  some  special 
and  appropriate  ornament.  Such  forms  as  the  chevron,  the 
pellet,  the  zig-zag,  and  lozenge,  were  very  usual.  Dentals 
also  combined  with  the  torus  and  hollow,  to  give  effect  to 
Romanesque.  But  though  frequently  found  in  our  medieval 
churches,  they  are  not  distinctively  Irish.  Sculptured  human 
faces,  frequently  combine  with  the  foregoing,  and  impart  to 
them  a  peculiarly  Celtic  character.  The  result  of  this 
harmonious  blending  of  varied  and  delicately  executed  forms, 
was  beautiful.  Even  in  our  time  they  are  admittedly  striking 
and  picturesque. 

It  was  also  found  that  the  Church  doorways  might  be 
richly  ornamented.  Hence  they  too,  received  the  special 
attention  of  our  medieval  artists.  What  can  be  more  beau- 

1  Lulke,  p.  60. 


Irish  Romanesque.  121 

tiful  of  their  kind,  than  the  doorways  of  Dysert,  Clonkeen, 
and  Aghadoe  ?  Indeed  we  find  our  Romanesque  doorways 
exhibit  almost  the  same  variety  of  sculptured  ornaments,  as 
we  find  in  the  most  elaborately  finished  chancel  arches  of  the 
same  period.  It  may  be  truly  said,  that  the  doorway  of  the 
Cashel  Cathedral  surpasses  all  others  extant  in  Ireland.  "  This." 
writes  Brash,1  "  was  a  most  elaborate  piece  of  work,  each  side 
consisting  of  a  series  of  single  and  double  pillars  and  square 
piers,  having  carved  bases  and  capitals,  with  corresponding 
orders  of  arches,  and  richly  carved  in  a  variety  of  Romanesque 
ornament,  &c.  The  external  arch-member  is  enriched 
with  a  deeply  cut  chevron — the  second  a  bold  torus 
and  hollow  with  a  ball  ornament— the  third  a  deeply  cut 
chevron  in  the  face — the  soffit  carved  in  lozenge  panels 
enriched  with  pateras.  The  outside  arch-member  is  crowned 
by  a  bold  label,  consisting  of  a  square  and  bead  having  a 
grotesque  head  for  a  keystone.  The  barge  course  is  bold 
and  effective  and  enriched  with  a  chevron.  The  tympanum 
is  divided  into  panels  by  a  horizontal  string,  and  three  upright 
stiles,  which  are  also  enriched  with  chevrons.  In  each  panel 
is  a  boldly  carved  circular  patera;  the  large  mouldings  meet 
at  the  apex  in  a  grotesque  head." 

Despite  the  use  of  technical  language  in  the  foregoing, 
it  must  be  clear  to  any  reader,  that  the  decoration  of  the 
Cash  el  doorway  is  of  the  most  elaborate  and  varied  kind; 
-and  though  the  forms  of  ornamental  detail  mentioned,  maybe 
wanting  in  that  variety  and  freedom  subsequently  attained 
to  in  Gothic  architecture  by  a  simple  imitation  of  natural 
forms,  they  were  at  least  striking ;  and  are  no  where  more 
skilfully  executed  than  at  Cormac's  Church. 

As  the  arches  underwent  a  change  to  correspond 
with  the  graceful  grouping  of  columns  and  shafts,  the 
need  of  ornamental  capitals  became  too  obvious  to  be 
neglected.  The  abacus1  of  the  pier,  which  in  many 
instances  consisted  merely  of  a  square  slab  with  an 
oblique  slope,  should  obviously  be  replaced  by  something 
more  suitable.  But  the  forms  of  the  capitals  of  the 
classic  period  had  almost  disappeared.  The  simple  volutes 

1  Ecclesiastical  Architecture  of  Ireland.  2  Lubke,  p.  33. 


122  Irish  Romanesque. 

of  the  Ionic  columns,  were  indeed  retained  in  one  form 
or  another.  But  that  charming  grouping  of  the  Acanthus 
leaf  which,  had  given  the  architecture  of  Corinth  a  distinctive 
character,  was  seen  no  longer.  The  adoption  of  the 
Cushion  capital,  ultimately  led  to  a  not  inadequate  substitute, 
and  proved  a  gain  to  Christian  Art.  The  shield- like  sides 
which  it  presented,  suggested  countless  art  forms  hitherto 
unknown  or  untried.  Our  Irish  Artists  were  quick  in 
recognising  the  new  opportunities  thus  afforded  them,  and 
used  them  accordingly  with  a  boldness  which  is  perhaps 
without  a  parallel. 

During  the  progress  of  the  Romanesque  period  on  the 
Continent,  the  capitals  exhibit  some  few  imitations  of  the 
antique.  Examples  of  this  kind  are  found  in  Hungary,1 
also  at  Modena,  and  Lucca,2  and  in  other  portions  of  Italy. 
This  was  rarely  the  case  in  Ireland.  The  scalloped,  like 
the  Cushion  capital,  was  not  uncommon  there.  Animal  forms 
were  sometimes  found  :  but  the  human  head,  together  with 
those  intricate  interlacing  forms  with  which  our  ancient 
manuscripts  have  made  Irish  students  familiar,  were  most 
frequently  to  be  met  with  in  Irish  Romanesque.  Romanesque 
capitals  differ  in  various  churches,  and  even  in  the  same 
church  they  frequently  presented  many  varied  forms.  It  was 
so  at  Glendalough,  and  at  Timahoe.  Cormac's  Cathedral, 
however,  presents  a  larger  variety  of  decorated  capitals, 
than  any  other  of  the  extant  medieval  churches  of  our 
country.  At  a  somewhat  later  period  we  see  those  forms 
disappear,  and  foliated  and  other  forms  adopte'd  as  at 
Ardmore.  But  it  is  in  our  great  Cistercian  Abbeys,  founded 
towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  that  we  notice  the 
decadence  of  Romanesque,  in  a  striking  departure  from 
purely  Celtic  forms  of  ornament.  In  some  instances,  as  at 
Jerpoint,  we  find  the  ribband  interlacings  of  the  Continent 
occupying  the  place  of  our  familiar  Celtic  bands.  It  was 
clear  that  Irish  art  was  being  influenced  by  the  foreign 
element,  which  was  just  then  beginning  to  affect  the  destinies 
of  the  nation. 

1  Lubke,  p.  32.  2  Freeman,  p.  250  and  255. 


Irish  Romanesque.  123 

We  have  already  noticed  that  the  use  of  Wind  arcades 
constitutes  a  noteworthy  feature  in  our  medieval  architecture. 
It  may  be  seen  in  its  elementary  form  in  the  interior  of  the 
Church  of  Kilmalkedar.  It  forms  one  of  the  most  striking 
features  of  the  interior  of  the  Cashel  Cathedral.  But  this 
form  of  decoration  was  not  confined  to  the  interior  of  our 
medieval  churches.  It  was  found  that  the  exterior  of  churches, 
as  well  as  their  interiors,  were  capable  of  much  elaborate 
ornamentation.  Accordingly  we  find  arcades  in  formal  lines, 
on  the  exterior  of  our  churches  and  campaniles.  We  find  a 
comparatively  early  and  effective  example  of  such  work,  in 
the  western  gable  of  St.  Cronin's  Church,  Rosgrea.  But  it 
has  been  nowhere  more  effectively  used  than  at  Cashel.  It 
may  be  interesting  to  notice,  that  this  feature  of  Romanesque  is 
by  no  means  confined  to  Ireland.  It  is  also  one  of  the  most 
striking  features  of  the  ancient  churches  and  campaniles  of 
Lucca;  and  Mr.  Freeman  holds  that  much  of  this  style  of 
work  at  Lucca,  belongs  to  a  period  prior  to  that  of  the 
Norman  Invasion  of  England.  He  adds :  "  They  also  made 
free  application  of  arcades,  both  blank  and  detached,  as 
decorative  features,  and  thus  produced  some  of  the  most 
gorgeous  western  fronts,  and  some  of  the  really  finest  aspidal 
east  ends,  which  the  Romanesque  style  has  ever  developed." 

As  examples  of  similar  work  of  a  remote  period  in  Germany, 
the  Abbey  Church  of  Laach,  and  the  Church  of  Murback  in 
Alsace,  might  be  referred  to  ;  for  here  too  exterior  arcading 
forms  a  striking  feature  of  the  architecture. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  know  to  what  extent  the 
painter's  art  was  utilized  to  aid  in  beautifying  the  interior  of 
our  medieval  churches.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  form  an 
opinion  regarding  it.  It  is  certain  that  the  walls  of  some 
of  our  primitive  churches,  were  decorated  with  paintings. 
Dr.  Lanigan  reproduces  from  the  pen  of  Cogitosus,  a  long 
description  of  the  Church  of  St.  Bridget  of  Kildare,  from 
which  it  appears  that  the  interior  of  that  church  was  richly 
ornamented  with  paintings.  Frescoes  have  been  frequently 
found  in  medieval  Romanesque  churches  on  the  Continent. 
The  vaulting  of  the  apse,  and  the  ceilings  of  the  churches,  were 
most  frequently  used  for  this  purpose.  Irish  artists  were  certainly 


124  Frequent  Communion. 

familiar  with  the  values  and  effective  contrasts  of  colours.  This 
is  indeed  clearly  shown  by  the  glowing  pages  of  our  extant 
medieval  manuscripts.  But  did  they  utilise  this  knowledge 
in  the  eleventh  century,  as  they  did  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  ? 
Dr.  Petrie  assures  us  that  the  entire  roof  of  Cormac's  Church 
was  richly  painted ;  and  though  he  is  silent  regarding  the 
period  in  which  this  work  was  done,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  it  belonged  to  the  .Romanesque  period.  Wall  painting 
was  then  universally  adopted  in  the  North  of  Europe;  indeed, 
the  Romanesque  period  is  styled  by  some  writers  the  "  golden 
age  of  wall  painting."  The  system  of  lighting  up  the  interior 
of  churches,  then  prevalent,  gave  a  prominence  and  Value  to 
the  variety  and  contrasts  of  sculpture  and  colours. 

From  what  has  been  advanced,  it  seems  clear  that  the 
development  of  ecclesiastical  architecture  in  Ireland  during 
the  period  referred  to,  was  early  and  rapid ;  and  that  the 
rapidity  and  perfection  of  its  development  was  marvellous, 
considering  the  circumstances  of  the  country.  Few  countries, 
save  Italy  alone,  can  boast  a  monument  of  the  Romanesque 
period,  so  beautiful  as  that  which  crowns  the  historic  Rock  of 
Cashel.  "  Though  of  small  dimensions,  it  is  the  most 
remarkable  Christian  edifice  in  Europe  ...  in  the  ingenuity 
of  its  construction,  the  variety  and  beauty  of  its  ornaments, 
and  the  excellence  of  its  masonry."1  As  Pisa  is  the  noblest 
monument  of  Southern  Romanesque,  so  is  Cashel  its  glory  in 
the  North. 

J.  A.  FAHEY. 


FREQUENT  COMMUNION.— II. 

points  of  view  from  which  the  question  of  adminis- 
tering  Holy  Viaticum  maybe  contemplated  are  so  many, 
and  those  phases  of  it  upon  which  our  attention  is  imperatively 
fixed  by  actual  practice  are  so  various,  so  frequent,  and  so 
important  that,  in  a  fugitive  paper  like  this,  it  matters  little 
Jn  what  order  they  are  considered — seeing  that  a  full  and 
adequate  treatment  of  them  would  of  necessity  occupy  a 

1  Bras'i — Ecclesiastical  Architecture  of  Ireland. 


Frequent  Communion.  125 

much  larger  space,  and  require  a  much  larger  share  of  the 
true  afflatus  dii-inus  than  I  can  pretend  to  claim.  I  will  then, 
without  apology  or  preface,  select  a  few  points  almost  at 
random. 

I.  We  have  all  theologians  discussing  the  question  :  "  An 
qui  heri  mane  communicavit  et  ho  die  in  mortis  periculum 
incidit,  teneatur  iterum  communicare  per  modum  Viatici  ?  " 
Vasquez  and  Billuart  "  cum  multis  "  roundly  hold  that  "  pro- 
babilius  tenetur  iterum  vi  praecepti  communicare,  quia  licet 
opus  praescriptum  adimplevit,  non  tamen  eo  tempore  quo 
praeceptum  obligabat."  As  it  stands,  this  is  presumably 
true ;  and  it  would  seem  that,  by  yesterday's  Communion,  he- 
has  no  more  fulfilled  his  obligation  than  does  the  man  who 
hears  Mass  on  Saturday  extinguish  the  obligation  of  hearing 
one  on  the  following  day.  But,  surely,  there  is  much  apposite 
force  in  the  distinction  here  made  by  St.  Liguori  and  many 
others.  They  recognise  the  obligation  when  the  periculum 
comes  from  a  wound,  or  from  poison,  or  is  otherwise,  in  its 
essence  and  origin,  a  new  arrival.  Not  so,  however,  when  it 
is  no  more  than  an  external  development  of  some  disease 
already — and  with  latent  danger — lurking  in  the  system  at 
the  time  of  Holy  Communion.  Fever,  small-pox,  and  the  like 
are  the  ordinary  types  of  such  distempers — the  germs  of 
which  are  known  to  have  normally  taken  hold  of  their  subject 
many  days  before  they  blossom  into  sensible  form.  If  it  be 
objected  that  the  man  under  consideration  had  no  idea  of  his 
being  in  a  dangerous  state,  and  therefore  none  of  his  obli- 
gation, or  of  the  equitable  fulfilment  of  it,  they  reply  that, 
provided  the  prescribed  work  be  done,  and  done  since  the 
periculum  arose,  the  absence  of  this  knowledge  cannot  affect 
the  full  discharge  of  the  duty  ;  and  they  refer  for  a  parallel 
instance  and  proof  to  the  case  of  one  who  has  heard  Mass 
from  mere  devotion,  and  afterwards  discovers  that  the  day  is 
in  reality  a  Feast  of  obligation.  No  theologian  would  bind 
him  to  hear  a  second  Mass.  The  opus  praescriptum  is  done, 
and  it  is  done  within  the  time  in  which  the  precept  binds  : 
these  are,  so  to  speak,  the  matter  and  form  of  compliance 
with  the  law,  and  nothing  further  seems  to  be  of  obligation. 

Suarez  holds  this   doctrine,  even  when  no  germ  of  the 


126  frequent  Communion. 

disease  had  existed  on  the  previous  day ;  and  argues  (in  sus- 
tainment  of  this  and  the  previous  case)  that  "  unusquisque 
censetur  habere  intentionem  virtualem  et  implicitam  implendi 
omnem  obligationem  quam  potest  et  debet  habere,  licet 
fortasse  earn  igrioret."  De  Lugo  rejects  this  argument  as 
proving  too  much ;  and  gives  as  his  reason  for  not  requiring, 
in  the  circumstances,  a  second  reception  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, that  the  law  imposing  the  duty  of  receiving  the 
Viaticum  in  periculo  mortis  is  (like  some  others  which  he 
cites  in  illustration)  modified  by  the  condition  "  si  non  sit  jam 
factum  illud  opus;  v.g.  si  praecipiatur  hodie  auclire  Missam, 
intelligitur,  si  jam  non  sit  hodie  audita  .  .  .  Sic  in  nostro 
casu  dici  potest  quod  praeceptum  accipiendi  Eucharistiam  in 
mortis  articulo  solum  obligat  ad  accipiendam  illam  paulo  ante 
mortem,  seu  quod  non  moriatur  homo  absque  Eucharistia 
proxime  accepta  .  .  .  Cum  ergo  per  communionem  factam 
heri  ante  morbum,  armatus  etiam  sit  homo  recenti  cibo  ad 
luctam  hodiernam  praesentis  mortis,  non  apparet  cur  non  sit 
sufficienter  satisfactum  obligationi  illius  praecepti "  (D.  xiv., 
S.  II.,  nn.  40—44.)  Whatever  difficulty  we  may  have  in 
assenting  to  the  arguments  just  given,  the  doctrine  of  Suarez 
and  De  Lugo  is  pronounced  by  St.  Liguori  to  be  the  "  sen- 
tentia  communior,"  and  we  can  have  no  difficulty  in  accepting 
it  as  a  well  authenticated  interpretation  of  the  divine  and 
ecclesiastical  laws.  But  the  opposite  opinion,  which  St.  Liguori 
adopts  as  the  "  more  probable,"  should  be  our  guide  in 
practice,  (1)  because  of  the  apparently  unanswered  argument 
that  we  cannot  be  well  supposed  to  have  discharged  an 
obligation  before  the  obligation — with  or  without  our  cog- 
nizance— begins  to  bind  ;  and  (2)  "  propter  communem 
sensurn  fidelium  "  to  which,  as  affording  conclusive  demon- 
stration, they  all  fearlessly  appeal. 

II.  A  much  more  difficult,  and  by  no  means  unfrequent, 
case  is  that  of  a  man  who,  having  communicated  ex  devotione 
in  the  morning,  has  been  reduced  on  the  evening  of  the 
same  day  to  the  periculum  mortis.  Of  this  case  Benedict  XIV. 
writes  that,  so  divided  are  the  doctors  of  the  Church 
as  to  whether  such  a  man  is  bound  to  receive — or 
even  may  receive — the  Viaticum,  that  "  integrum  erit 


Frequent  Communion.  127 

parocho  earn  sententiam  amplecti,  quae  sibi  magis 
arriserit."  Evidently  the  distinction  made  above  is,  in  a 
special  manner,  applicable  here ;  for,  if  the  sick  man  were 
"  jam  in  aegritudine  positus,"  although  without  his  know- 
ledge, in  the  morning,  he  has  abundantly  fulfilled  the  precept 
of  receiving  in  periculo  mortis.  This  is  the  decision  of 
St.  Liguori,  whose  reasoning  covers  the  case  which  is 
usually  met  with,  namely,  when  the  articulus  mortis  is 
precipitated  by  copious  hemorrhage,  or  even  apoplexy.  Such 
diseases,  or  externations  of  disease,  are  justly  regarded  as 
having  already  existed,  tempore  communionis,  in  their  pre- 
disposing causes.  If,  however,  it  be  a  case  of  "  morbus 
violentus,"  such  as  arises  from  a  wound  or  from  poison,  &c., 
there  is  such  a  conflict  of  argumentation  and  such  an  apparent 
collision  of  laws,  that  it  is  hard  to  embrace  any  opinion  as 
the  one  "  quae  magis  arridet."  Those  who  are  swayed  by 
the  authority  or  arguments  on  which  the  "  seiitentia 
communior"  of  the  last  paragraph  is  supported,  can  have 
little  difficulty :  by  an  a  fortiori  inference,  they  must  hold 
that  the  sick  man  whom  we  are  discussing  cannot  be  bound 
to  again  receive  Holy  Communion  ;  while,  for  the  reason  that 
will  just  now  be  given,  they  will  probably  hold  that  he  cannot 
lawfully  receive  it.  The  difficulty  arises  in  formidable 
proportions  for  those  alone  who  maintain — to  the  exclusion 
of  the  plea  of  prior  fulfilment — that  no  precept  can  be  even 
constructively  satisfied  until  the  time  of  its  binding  has 
actually  arrived.  How  can  it  be  now  fulfilled?  For, 
De  Lugo  tells  us  that  "  doctores  universaliter  dicunt  eadem 
die  nunquam  licere .  communicare  bis  extra  Missam,  nisi  sit 
necessarium  ad  ooiisumptionem  Sacramenti  propter  reveren- 
tiam."  In  this  conflict  of  laws  we  find  Vasquez  and  Billuart, 
no  less  than  Suarez  and  De  Lugo,  maintaining  that  the  sick 
man  cannot  receive  the  Viaticum  on  the  day  of  Holy 
Communion — "  non  quod  praeceptum  divinum  non  obligat, 
sed  quia  per  accidens  ab  ejus  obligatione  excusatur,  ex  lege 
Ecclesiae  prohibentis  communicare  bis  in  eadem  die."  The 
Church  does  not  thereby,  they  carefully  observe,  abrogate  the 
divine  precept,  but,  as  the  divinely  constituted  custodian  of 
the  sacraments,  she  rules  that,  propter  reverentiam  sacramenti, 


128  Frequent  Communion. 

the  precept  cannot  in  this  particular  instance  be  either 
enforced  or  fulfilled.  That  the  Church  has  such  power  is 
made  manifest  in  the  canon  by  which  she  forbids  priests  to 
celebrate  mass — etiam  ad  dandum  Viaticum — "  sine  vestibus 
sacris,  sine  altari,  in  fermentato,  aut  post  escam." 

III.  In  our  visits  to  those   suffering   from   a  protracted 
illness,  we  sometimes  find  it  hard  to  decide  whether  we  may 
again   administer   Holy   Viaticum,    seeing   that   the   Rubric 
requires,  between  two  administrations,  the  interlapse  of  that 
period  vaguely,  defined  as  "  aliquot  dies."     Some,  writing  as 
scientific  canonists,  render  the  aliquot  as  covering  only  two 
days ;  others  as  extending  to  at  least  four ;  others  still  are 
quoted  as  requiring  no  less  than  thirty  days  ;  but  the  common 
teaching,  which  is  supported  by  Suarez,  St.  Liguori,  &c.,  has 
fixed  the  interval,  for  the  general  faithful,  at  seven  or  eight 
days.       Theologians   now    universally   except    the    case  of 
religious  and  other  "  frequent  communicants,"  to  whom  they 
would  permit  it  to  be  administered,   "si  devote  petierint," 
three  or  four  times  during  the  week,  and  in  some  instances 
even  daily.      This  seemingly  strained  interpretation  of  the 
"  aliquot  dies "  is  justified  by  Cavalieri,   O'Kane,   &c.,    who 
assert  that  the  "  aliquot  dies "  of  the  Ritual  is  intended  to 
extend    the    time    within    which    it    would    be    ordinarily 
unreasonable   to    expect   the   priest   "to    carry   the  Blessed 
Sacrament  from  the  church  " — probably  to  a  distance. 

IV.  But   a  greater   difficulty   remains,   involved    in    the 
"  sedulo  notandum  "  of  St.   Liguori,  who  merely  condenses 
the  general  teaching,  "  quod  si  infirmus  facile  possit  jejunus 
sumere  Viaticum   in   sequenti    die,    tenetur   utique  expectare " 
(n.  285).    Having  already  adverted  to  our  first  interview  with 
the  sick  man,  I  now  refer  to  the  second  and  subsequent  visits, 
which  occur  after  he  has  satisfied,  in  that  first  interview,  the 
strict  requirements  of  the  law.     As  an  almost  universal  rule, 
we  shall  find  that  he  is  non  jejunus ;    we   may  very  possibly 
find  him  in  one  of  those  promising  though  evanescent  stages 
of  his  illness  which  point  to,  but  have  by  no  means  reached, 
convalescence — for  we  still  suppose  him  to  be,  in  the  sense 
defined  by  La  Croix,  periculose  infirmus ;   we  may  besides* 
have     strong     reasons     for     suspecting     that     he     could, 


Frequent  Communion.  129 

without  any  very  extraordinary  risk  or  sacrifice,  abstain,  on 
the  next  or  some  subsequent  day,  from  all  "  potus,  cibus,  aut 
medicina,"  until  such  an  hour  as  we  could  administer  Holy 
Communion  to  him.  Are  we  bound  to  exact  this  sacrifice 
from  him  '*  Or — to  speak  more  plainly  and  more  to  the 
point — are  we  ourselves  bound  to  defer  its  administration, 
and  return  to  him  next  day,  seeing  that  our  returning 
might  involve  the  postponement  of  some  necessary  or  even 
useful  employment,  and  would  certainly  impose  upon  us 
a  not  inconsiderable  journey?  I  think  that  priests,  in 
general,  are  far  more  squeamish  on  this  point  than  theology 
warrants:  it  is  infinitely  to  their  credit,  but  often  leads 
to  serious  inconvenience.  Ferraris  quotes  Gobat,  Tamburini,, 
Dicastillus,  and  many  other  admirable  interpreters  of  law, 
as  holding  that  any  reasonably  grave  incommodum  to 
the  sick  man  excuses  him  from  the  necessity  of  fasting. 
De  Lugo  says  that  the  lex  jejunii  should  here  be  interpreted 
"  cum  omni  moderatione  et  suavitate."  St.  Liguori  freely  accepts. 
the  doctrine,  •"  in  hoc  lion  esse  scrupulose  agendum."  Collet 
tells  us  that  a  "  Pastor,  qui  mane  ut  plurimum  gravioribus 
populi  negotiis  destinatur,"  is  not  bound  to  abandon  his 
duties  of  next  morning  "  ne  non  jejuno  syiiaxim  porrigat." 
De  Lugo  lays  down  broadly,  "siparochus  hodie  non  potest 
commode  Eucharistiam  deferre,  antequam  infirmus  comedat, 
vel  bibat,  dari  potest  hora  [parocho]  magis  commoda,  etiam  post 
cibum :  unde  ;"  he  most  pointedly  adds,  "  non  est  reprehen- 
dendus  usus  aliquorum  parachorum  qui  vespere  sero  solent 
aliculi  deferre  Viaticum;  id  enim  faciunt  propter  majores 
occupationes  quibus  matutiiio  tempore  solent  in  templo- 
rethieri,"  etc.  La  Croix  (n.  612)  writes  :"Ut  infirmus  non 
jejunus  communicet,  facilius  permittit  Ecclesia.  .  .  .  Hinc, 
ut  in  quit  Gobat,  si  aeger  longe  distat,  v.g.  2  horis,  et  peri- 
culose  aegrotet,  poterit  lion  jejuno  dari  Viaticum,  quamvis 
probabiliter  posset  postridie  jejunus  illud  sumere  ;  minus-  enim 
periculum  requiritur  ad  Viaticum  a  non  jejuno  sumendum, 
quam  ad  suscipiendam  Extremam  Unction  em :  unde  potest 
comrnunicare  non  jejunus,  si.  etiam  Pastor  commode  expectare' 
non  potest  sequentem  diem."  Finally,  O'Kane  (n.  779)  writes, 
that  "  if  abstinence  from  food  or  medicine  be  in  the _  least. 
VOL.  VII.  I 


130  Frequent  Com 

inconvenient  to  him  [and  it  invariably  is],  it  is  not  required, 
and  there  should  be  no  scruple  or  hesitation  about  acting  on 
this  decision."  All  this,  as  affecting  the  commoda  of  either 
priest  or  patient — which,  like  the  obligations,  should  be  co- 
extensive— is  no  more  than  an  authorised  interpretation  of 
the  law  by  which,  as  certified  by  De  Lugo,  St.  Liguori,  and 
a  host  of  others,  the  Church  "  universaliter  dispensavit  in 
jejunio,  quoties  accipitur  Viaticum,  et  non  potest  commode 
servari  jejunium.(De  Lugo,  D.  xvi.,  S.  2.) 

V.  There  is  hardly  a  parish  in  which  you  will  not  find  two 
or  three  sick  persons,  of  whom  no  one  could  affirm  that  they 
are  periculose  infirmi,  but  who,  nevertheless,  from  one  cause 
or  another,  find  themselves  unable  to  abstain  from  food  or 
drink  during  the  night.     Theological  writers,  with  very  few 
exceptions  (whose  opinion  O'Kane  would  be  "  slow  to  con- 
demn "),  hold  that,  having  regard  to  the  universal  practice  of 
the  Church,  such  persons  cannot  receive  Holy  Communion 
non  jejuni,  "  etiam  raro,  aut  tempore  Paschali."     In  the  case 
made,   they   cannot   receive   it   per  modum   Viatici ;   while 
Bouvier  and  O'Kane  hold  that  they  are  exempted  from  the 
precept  of  Paschal  Communion  "  si,"  as  the  former  puts  it, 
"  divina  Eucharistia  eis  convenienter  deferri  non  possit  imme- 
diate, saltern   post  mediam  noctem."     As  a  matter  of  fact, 
however,  probably  no  lengthened  period  will  elapse  during 
which  such  people  do  not  either  recover  sufficient  strength 
to  enable  them  to  fast,  or  are  not  so  prostrated  by  those 
unhealthy  habits   of  life   as   to   become  periculose   infirmi. 
Such   occasions   should  be   always   carefully  watched    and 
availed  of. 

VI.  Oftentimes,    especially  since  bronchial  irritation  has 
become   so    prevalent,    we   may   be   almost   deterred    from 
administering  Holy  Viaticum  through  fear  of  the  patient's 
not    being    able    to    retain    and    swallow    it.      But    even 
the   violent   coughing    and    copious   expectorations   of  the 
sick    man    need  not  per    se    alarm    us,    provided    he    has 
been   able,  in   any  interval,    once   to   swallow  the   Blessed 
Sacrament;  for  it  is  a  physiological  fact  that  the  air  and 
sputa  thus  expelled  do  not  come  from  the   oesophagus   or 
passage  to  the  stomach,   but  t  from   the   larynx  or  passage 


Frequent  Communion.  131 

to  the  lungs.     In  truth  these  channels  are  physically  distinct ; 
and  the  muscular  agency  which  opens  the  one  is   so  con- 
trived that  in  doing  so  it  closes  the  other.     It  is,  however, 
wisely  suggested  that  before  giving  Holy  Communion  we 
.should  request  the  patient  to  quietly  purify  his  mouth ;  and 
we  should  not  hesitate  to  recommend  him,  soon  after  having 
received  it,  to  eject  such  new  supply  of  phlegm  as  his  cough 
may  bring.     The  reason  for  these  precautions   is   that  this 
phlegm  is  highly  indigestible,  and,  if  swallowed  in  large  quantity, 
might  easily  provoke  to  fits  of  vomiting.     It  is  indeed  only 
when  there  has  been  actual  vomiting  that  we  have  reason  to 
feel  any  degree  of  anxiety.     O'Kane  (n.  782)  writes  that  "  the 
.Sacrament  may  be  administered  if  there  be  reason  to  believe  by 
trial  [of,  for  example,  an  unconsecrated  particle  or  a  small 
quantity  of  drink]  that  he  will  have  no  attack  for  about  half 
anchour  after  receiving."     He  adds,  that  "  if  the  vomit  is  not 
.provoked  by  food,  but  is  frequent  independently  of  any  food,  he 
should  be  free  from  it  for  at  least  six  hours  before  the  Sacrament 
is  administered."     This,  in  all  its  details,  is  unquestionably  the 
general  teaching.     But  experience  proves  that  the  sick  man 
will,  independently  of  all  experiment,  be  able  to  speak  con- 
fidently and  reliably  as  to  the  settled  or  disturbed  state  of  his 
stomach ;  and  a  further  experience,  contracted  in  unnumbered 
cases  through  want  of  adverting  to  the  above  instruction, 
leads  to  the  conviction  that,  should  the  patient  declare  that 
he  has  not,  for  the  last  two  or  three  hours,  felt  any  symptom 
of  a  return  of  the  attack,  you  would  be  quite  safe  in  dis- 
pensing with  the  six  hours'  trial.     No  doubt,  experience  that 
grew  out  of  inadvertence  rests  on  a  sufficiently  discredited 
foundation,  and  should  not  perhaps  be  recorded.      Quantum 
valet,  valeat — and  it  is  of  no  avail  except  in  so^far  as  it  might 
diminish  the  "  praesumptio  periculi "  which  theologians  assume 
as  universally  existing. 

VII.  As  the  paragraphs  of  this  paper  are  strung  together 
without  any  pretence  to  order  or  artistic  arrangement,  its 
closing  passage  may  be  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the 
Form  under  which  the  Viaticum  should  be  administered. 
A  considerable  amount  of  uncertainty — not  to  say  confusion — 
is  needlessly  (as  I  think)  imported  by  allying  with  the  question 


132  Krakatao. 

"of  its  administration  that  other  and  wholly  irrelevant  one  of 
'whether  or  not  the  sick  man  is  fasting.  It  seems  to  be  wholly 
irrelevant ;  for,  110  matter  what  the  condition  of  the  sick  man 
may  be,  Holy  Communion  is  for  him  the  Viaticum— and 
should  be  administered  per  modum  Viatici — as  often  as,  during 
his  illness,  he  receives  it  for  "probably  the  last  time."  This- 
is  in  reality  the  definition  of  Viaticum,  and  seems  to  carry 
with  it  the  propriety  of  employing  the  valedictory  Form 
which  the  Church  has  consecrated  for  the  crisis.  There  may 
be  some  apparent  difficulty  in  extending  this  view  to  the  case 
in  which  Holy  Viaticum  is  administered  "  infra  Missam," 
where  it  would  involve  an  accidental  change  in  the  liturgy.. 
But  even  here  De  Herclt  (vol.  iii.,  p.  6.,  n.  18,  par.  2.)  unhesi- 
tatingly writes — and  I  can  find  no  writer  dissenting  from 
him : — 

"  Fieri  potest  cum  Missae  paramentis,  etiam  nigris  .  .  . 
cum  illis  tantum  caeremoiiiis  quae  praescribuntur  pro  com- 
munione  fidelium,  dicendo  tamen  formulam  Accipe,  Frater"  fyc*. 

C.  J.  M. 


KRAKATAO. 

PROBABLY  no  earthquake  of  modern  times  has  excited 
such  a  peculiar  interest  as  that  which  occurred  in 
August,  1883,  at  Krakatao.  Others  have  derived  their  interest 
from  the  number  of  houses  destroyed  and  of  people  lost. 
{Scenes  of  domestic  suffering  have  brought  home  to  our  hearts 
the  horrors  of  such  times,  and  we  have  seen,  with  our  mind's, 
eye,  the  terrible  incidents  which  have  characterized  those 
fierce  outbreaks  of  nature. 

But  harrowing  as  these  pictures  may  have  been,  they  were 
top  far  removed  from  us  to  have  much  more  than  a  passing- 
interest  ;  we  have  read  their  details  in  the  newspapers,  we 
have  talked  them  over  as  the  gossip  of  the  day,  and  if  they 
have  developed  charity  enough  in  us  to  produce  a  subscription,. 
we  feel  we  have  exhausted  the  subject,  and  so  let  it  pass, 
and  give  place  to  some  more  recent  excitement. 


Krahdao.  133 

But  it  was  not  so  with  the  earthquake  at  Krakatao.  That 
liad,  it  is  true,  its  terrible  incidents  of  great  loss  of  life  and 
of  destruction  of  property  ;  but  yet,  it  came  before  us  rather 
as  a  subject  for  scientific  investigation;  not  as  a  fearfu 
catastrophe  of  the  past  so  much  as  a  daily  home  phenomenon 
which,  week  after  week,  and  month  after  month,  presented 
itself  to  our  personal  observation,  arrayed  in  marvellous 
beauty,  and  blazing  in  the  evening  sky  so  persistently, 
that  the  dullest  imagination  was  fired  by  it,  the  most 
unobservant  could  not  but  note  it.  It  was,  at  least  to  us,  an 
•earthquake  stripped  of  its  horrors,  and  made  instead  "  a  thing 
of  beauty,"  which  seemed  for  a  time  as  though  it  would  fulfil 
the  poet's  dictum,  and  be  "  a  joy  for  ever." 

So  when  the  Dutch-India  Government,  immediately 
after  the  earthquake,  sent  out  M.  Verbeek  to  investigate  the 
causes  and  effects  of  this  tremendous  outbreak,  with  all  the 
facilities  that  could  be  given  him,  the  scientific  world,  and 
indeed,  thinking  people  generally,  awaited  with  much  interest 
the  outcome  of  his  inquiries.  This  has  appeared  in  two 
volumes ;  the  first,  published  in  January  last,  was,  properly 
speaking,  the  history  of  the  eruption  ;  the  second,  which  now 
appears,  illustrated  with  twenty-five  coloured  drawings  and 
forty-three  large  and  small  maps,  completes  the  work  with 
the  discussion  of  the  phenomena  then  observed.1  Those  who 
are  best  able  to  judge  say  that  it  fully  realizes  all  expecta- 
tions. We  have  space  only  to  touch  upon  a  few  points  of 
general  interest,  including,  of  course,  those  which  bear  upon 
•our  own  observations,  relating  to  what  we  have  all  seen,  and 
most  probably  discussed ;  as  110  small  controversy  raged  at 
the  time  as  to  whether  the  beautiful  after-glows  in  the  evening 
sky  were  due  at  all  to  the  eruption,  a  controversy,  however 
which  has  come  to  an  end,  itself  one  of  the  outcomes  of  these 
investigations. 

Krakatao  lies  on  what  is  somewhat  queerly  described  as 
•"  such  a  favourable  point  for  eruptions ;  "  but  this  is,  of  course, 
.a  scientific  way  of  regarding  it ;  and  the  reason  why  is  that 
it  lies  on  the  point  of  intersection  of  three  fissures  or  cracks  in 
the  earth's  crust,  and  is  naturally  exposed  to  volcanic  disturb- 

t  Verbeek's  Krakatao  (Nature,  vol.  xxxii.,  No.  834.) 


134  Krahitao. 

ances;  nor  does  it  belie  its  reputation,  for  eruptions  there 
seem  to  be  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception,  though  this 
last  one  asserted  a  supremacy  which  left  its  predecessors  no- 
where. However,  those  predecessors,  like  such  things  whether 
human  or  natural,  prepared  the  way  for  the  great  outbreak, 
and  notaJbly  that  of  September,  1880,  which,  not  contenting 
itself  with  damaging  the  lighthouse  at  Java's  First  Point, 
most  probably  affected  the  Sunda  fissure,  and  thereby 
facilitated  the  entrance  of  greater  quantities  of  water  into< 
the  volcanic  furnace  underlying  the  Straits  of  Sunda. 

This  explains  the  character  of  the  eruption  both  positively 
and  negatively.  If  it  was  due  to  the  inpouring  of  the  sea 
into  the  fiery  furnace,  the  previous  weakening  of  the  fissure 
leaving  it  powerless  against  the  iiirushing  of  the  ocean  and 
still  less  able  to  resist  the  outrushing  of  the  steam  thus 
generated  at  such  fearfully  high  pressure,  we  can  understand 
why  there  should  be  none  of  those  heavy  shocks  which 
usually  attend  and  add  to  the  sublimity  of  earthquakes. 
Though,  perhaps,  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  when  we  say 
that  this  comparatively  silent  action  is  really  more  sublime 
in  its  intensity  than  any  convulsion  could  be.  It  seems  so 
remorseless,  so  irresistible,  that  struggle  appears  vain,  and 
the  all-powerful  earth  is,  and  feels  itself  to  be,  powerless  in 
such  a  grasp.  There  may  have  been  no  trembling  even,  for 
the  shaking  of  houses  and  cracking  of  walls  could  have  been 
caused  without  it,  by  the  mere  vibration  of  the  air  which 
attended  the  eruption.  No  struggle,  riot  even  a  trembling ; 
the  earth  was  paralyzed,  we  may  say.  So  much  for  the  mode- 
of  action ;  now  as  to  the  quantity  of  matter  ejected.  This 
is  obviously  no  easy  calculation.  On  some  parts  of  Krakatao 
it  stands  to  the  height  of  two-hundred  feet.  The  size  of  the 
ejected  pieces  vary  from  cubes  of  thirty-five  feet  down  to 
the  finest  dust :  the  velocity,  with  which  they  were  thrown 
out,  must  have  been  considerably  greater  than  that  of  pro- 
jectiles from  the  heaviest  rifled  ordnance,  for  the  elevation 
which  they  reached  has  been  calculated  at  thirty-one  miles,, 
that  is  about  ten  times  the  height  of  Mont  Blanc  ;  while  the 
area  over  which  they  have  fallen  is  immense.  This  renders  the- 
calculation  of  the  quantity  ejected  so  unusually  difficult. 


Krakatao.  135 

However,  M.  Verbeek  is  not  easily  daunted.  Investigations- 
were  made  at  fifty  different  places,  with  respect  to  the  thick- 
ness of  fallen  ashes  on  land,  and  also  with  respect  to  the 
change  in  the  depth  of  the  sea  around  Krakatao  from  what 
had  fallen  there,  and  the  result  is,  that  at  least  a  cube  of 
eleven  and  a  quarter  miles  must  have  been  ejected,  which 
would  form  a  heap  upwards  of  eleven  miles  in  height  on  a 
base  of  about  124  square  miles.  Let  us  try  to  realize  what 
this  means.  Let  us  cut  our  heap  down  into  slices  a  hundred 
feet  thick,  and  we  shall  have  enough  to  cover  an  area 
upwards  of  two  thousand  miles  square  to  a  depth  that  would 
bury  all  ordinary  dwellings;  or  if  we  wish  to  lay  it  on 
thicker,  say  two  hundred  feet,  so  as  to  cover  churches  and 
monuments — in  short  to  bury  Dublin  out  of  sight,  like 
Pompeii  of  old ;  then  we  shall  have  enough  to  extend  the 
gigantic  burial  to  Bray  on  the  one  side  and  Swords  on  the 
other,  with  a  breadth  inland  that  would  take  in  Maynooth,  to 
say  nothing  of  All  Hallows,  Clonliffe,  Blackrock,  and  Castle- 
knock. 

Nor  was  this  downpour  all  at  once ;  for  three  days  after 
the  eruption  various  ships  to  the  westward  found  ashes  falling 
on  their  decks,  and  so  accurate  is  the  record,  that  the  names 
and  -position  of  each  ship  is  shown  upon  a  map.  And  then — . 
what  more  immediately  concerns  ourselves — M.  Verbeek 
believes,  that  the  finest  particles,  forced  by  the  steam  into 
the  upper  air,  did  not  descend,  but  were  carried  westward  by 
strong  east  winds,  making  twice  the  circuit  of  the  earth,  and 
causing  the  phenomena,  observed  at  various  places,  of  a  blue 
and  green  sun  and  moon.  This  cloud  sailed  westward  with 
the  velocity  of  a  hurricane ;  for  its  passage  was  noted  and 
reported  from  islands  and  ships  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  But 
this  was  not  all ;  "  steam  and  dust  were  in  time  dispersed 
over  a  wider  area,  and  then  the  beautiful  red  sunsets  occurred, 
which  were  owing  to  the  presence  of  such  a  large  volume  of 
aqueous  vapour,  while  the  blue  and  green  colours  of  the 
celestial  bodies  were  caused  by  the  solid  particles  in  the  air." 

And  here  we  may  briefly  refer  to  another  authority,  quite 
independent  of  M.  Verbeek,  who,  from  his  own  experimental 
observations,  has  arrived  at  the  same  conclusions,  working  to 


133  Krakatao. 


reaching  them  by  quite  a  distinct  method,  which,  of 
•course,  makes  his  testimony  all  the  more  valuable. 

Professor  Kiessling,  in  his  "Investigations  into  the  origin 
•of  the  late  sunset's  glow,"1  says,  "  a  warm,  moist  stratum  of 
-air  being  produced  in  contact  with  a  cold  stratum,  the  result- 
ing haze  along  the  contact  surface  formed  the  site  of 
diffraction  phenomena,  approaching  those  actually  observed 
in  ordinary  brilliant  sunsets,  according  to  the  fineness  of  the 
haze  particles,  and  also  reflections  reproducing  the  after-glow." 
This  was  his  laboratory  experiment.  The  line  of  contact  of 
the  two  strata  of  different  temperatures  produced  the  haze, 
and,  according  to  the  difference  of  the  size  of  the  particles  of 
which  it  was  composed,  just  like  the  action  of  a  diffraction 
instrument,  the  waves  of  light  of  different  lengths,  and, 
therefore,  of  different  colours,  reach  the  eye  in  the  same,  or 
in  opposite,  or  in  intermediate  phases,  and  so  produce  the 
brilliant  colour-combinations  and  contrasts  of  the  brilliant 
sunsets,  and  the  glories  of  the  after-glow. 

But  granting  this  as  the  result  of  the  artificial  haze  thus 
produced,  where  is  its  counterpart  in  nature  'I  Professor 
Kiessling  replies  :  "  The  almost  constant  saturation  of  the  cold 
upper  strata  in  winter,  is  indicated  by  observations  at  high- 
level  stations,  and  the  persistent  upper  haze.  Let  a  warm 
current  (cyclonic)  come  beneath  such  a  layer,  then  the  fine 
haze  at  the  surface  of  contact  will  have  underneath  it  the 
peculiarly  transparent  atmosphere  common  to  such  conditions, 
and  requisite  for  the  transmission  of  the  resulting  diffraction 
(and  reflection)  phenomena/'' 

Thus  we  see  that  the  difference,  in  this  view,  between  the 
ordinary  sunset  effects  and  the  recent  after-glows,  is  con- 
sidered to  be  that  the  former  occur  by  diffraction,  and  the 
latter  by  reflection  at  a  higher  level  and  in  a  more  finely 
attenuated  haze,  thus  giving  the  richer  effects.  And  in 
support  of  this  theory,  founded  as  it  is  on  experiment,  it  may 
be  remembered  that  the  presence  of  such  a  haze,  accompany- 
ing the  glows,  was  a  matter  of  very  common  observation. 

1  Ueber  die  Entstehung  des  zweiten  Purpurlichtes  imd  die  Abhangig- 
keit  der  Dammerungsfarben  von  Druck,  Temperatur,  und  Feuchtigkeit  der 
Llift.  Dfl.s  Wetter,  vol.  ii,  No.  9,  p.  161  (Nature,  \o\  xxxii.,  No.  835). 


Krakatao.  137 

So  much  for  the  valuable  testimony  of  Professor  Kiesslingk 
Let  us  now  return  to  M.  Verbeek,  who  has  much  more  infor- 
mation in  store  for  us.  The  geological  history  of  Krakatao, 
situated  as  it  is  "  in  such  a  favourable  point  for  eruptions," 
must  be  valuable;  and,  as  we  should  expect,  sensational 
enough.  Our  author  divides  it  into  four  periods,  which  he 
illustrates  by  maps  and  sections:  it  is,  in  short,  a  very  stirring 
narrative  in  four  parts ;  and  here  is  the  brief  story :  "  The 
first  period  was  marked  by  the  destruction  of  the  great  Cone, 
probably  a  mile  and  a  quarter  in  height;  during  the  second 
period  the  peak  Rakata  was  fornied  by  a  lateral  eruption ; 
while,  in  the  third  period,  two  parasitic  cones,  Danau  and 
Perbvewatan,  were  added:  and  these,  by  their  successive 
eruptions,  built  up  the  island  of  Krakatao."  In  the  fourth 
period,  which  comes  within,  the  period  of  authentic  records, 
(and  these  date  back  only  three  hundred  years,)  we  have  the 
pulling  down  of  this  previous  upraising.  There  is  an  account 
of  an  eruption  of  the  Perbvewatan,  in  1680  ;  but  then  came  a 
rest  of  upwards  of  two  hundred  years,  while  we  may  imagine 
the  island  was  bracing  itself  up  for  coming  efforts.  And  then, 
in  May,  1883,  the  Perbvewatan  cone  became  again  active, 
and  his  brother  cone,  the  Danau,  joined  him  in  this  active 
life  in  the  following  June ;  and  then  the  outcome  of  their 
joint  exertions  was  the  formation  of  the  principal  crater  in 
the  centre  of  the  old  volcano.  Then,  in  August,  came  the 
great  eruption.  This  part  of  the  volcano  was  again  destroyed, 
the  Perbvewatan  and  the  Danau  disappeared,  and  with  them 
the  northern  half  of  the  Rakata  Peak,  leaving  a  stupendous 
wall  standing,  up  wards  of  8,000  feet  high;  so  that  the  formations 
of  the  second  and  third  periods  were  swept  away  together, 
and  "  the  site  of  the  old  crater,"  the  relic  of  the  first  period, 
"is  now  covered  by  the  sea,  between  the  islands  Lang 
Verlaten  and  Krakatao."  If  the  volcano,  which  has  since 
been  at  rest,  resumes  its  activity,  which  considering  its 
position  and  past  history  seems  probable  enough,1  then,  we 

1  Since  this  was  written,  we  read  (Tims,  November  7th,  1885): — 
u  VOLCANIC  OUTBREAKS  IN  JAVA.— It  will  be  remembered  that  early  in 
•May  there  was  an  eruption  of  Mount  Smero,  the  principal  volcano  in 
Eastern  Java,  which  extended  over  some  weeks.  t..  The  lava  poured  down 


138  Krakatao. 

are  told,  we  may  look  for  more  small  islands  springing  up 
between  the  three  just  mentioned.  The  island  so  dear  to 
geologists,  who  linger  over  its  history  as  doctors  do  over  an 
interesting  case,  which  indeed  it  is,  has  paid  its  admirers  the 
compliment  of  ejecting,  for  their  edification,  some  of  its  very 
foundations ;  fragments,  that  is,  of  underlying  sedimentary 
rocks :  so  now  we  know  that  "  the  base  of  the  Krakatao 
volcano,  and,  in  general,  the  entire  bottom  of  the  Straits  of 
Sunda,  consists  of  eruptive  rocks  of  the  miocene  period, 
covered  with  horizontal  layers  of  diluvial  and  recent  marine 
deposits,  the  materials  of  which  have  been  derived  from  the 
various  volcanos  in  the  vicinity."  A  pleasant  neighbour- 
hood if  not  for  others,  at  least  for  those  who  are  given  to 
geological  investigations. 

It  is  interesting  to  trace  the  course  of  the  pumice  which 
covered  the  sea  after  the  eruption ;  for  this  is  a  thing  not  only 
of  the  past  and  present,  but  also  of  the  future.  Some  of  it 
was  carried  westward  by  winds  and  currents,  and  reached  as 
far  as  the  east  coast  of  Africa.  Another  portion,  after  floating 
for  months  in  the  bays  of  Sernangka  and  Lampong,  was 
driven  in  188-1  along  the  coast  of  Java,  and  i^  at  present  to 
be  found  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  between  the  Caroline  and 
Marshall  Islands.  The  author  calculates  that  this  pumice  will 
arrive  on  the  west  coast  of  America  at  Panama  early  in  1886. 

The  action  of  the  eruption  upon  the  sea  itself  was  very 
remarkable.  The  ejection  of  enormous  quantities  of  pumice, 
ashes  and  mud,  and  the  rushing  of  the  sea  into  the  mass  of 
glowing  lava,  would  have  sufficed  to  raise  an  enormous  wave, 
as  the  preceding  eruptions  had  done,  but  when  half  of  the 

the  sides  of  the  mountain  in  several  streams,  filling  wide  chasms  300  feet 
deep,  and  practically  destroying  the  wide  belt  of  coifee  plantations  which 
lay  around  the  base  of  the  mountain.  Letters  from  Batavia  say,  that  even 
yet  the  extent  of  the  mischief  done  has  not  been  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  quite 
certain  that  over  five  hundred  persons  have  lost  their  lives  by  it.  Lately 
the  Merabi  volcano,  in  Middle  Java,  has  been  causing  great  anxiety  all  over 
the  island,  by  its  indications  of  an  approaching  outburst.  Then,  on  the 
west  coast,  in  the  Krakatao  district,  the  scene  of  the  great  calamity  of  two. 
years  ago,  electrical  flashes  and  disturbances  have  become  frequent,  accom- 
panied by  subterranean  rumblings  and  explosions,  especially  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  old  crater.  The  great  rock  masses  that  were  thrown 
up  from  the  sea  in  the  cataclysm  of  August,  1883,  have  again  suddenly 
disappeared,  and  there  is  now  a  considerable  depth  of  water  where  they 
stood  a  few  months  ago." 


Krakatao.  139 

mountain  itself,  the  great  Peak,  fell — a  mass  which  must  have- 
been  a  cubic  kilometre  in  size,  that  is  five-eighlhs  of  a  mile  in 
length,  breadth  and  thickness,  or  in  other  words,  nearly  one 
million  and  a  quarter  cubic  yards  of  rock — we  may  imagine 
what  a  fierce  and  powerful  wave  arose,  in  places  135  feet  high,, 
whose  path  of  devastation  made  itself  but  too  clear,  and  swept 
away  in  its  rapid  and  overwhelming  course  lands,  townsr 
villages  and  people,  which  made  the  catastrophe  so  terrible. 
That  wave  seemed  almost  ubiquitous.  It  was  observed  on 
the  coast  of  France,  at  San  Francisco,  and  even  at  Alaska,, 
and  travelled  at  a  rate  of  317  miles  an  hour,  so  that  it  reached 
Aden  in  twelve  hours,  which  is  a  distance  of  3,800  nautical 
miles,  usually  traversed  by  a  good  steamer  in  twelve  days. 

What  the  previous  waves  had  left  unfinished  this  com- 
pleted. Lands  which  turned  them  aside  and  so  shielded  various 
portions  of  the  endangered  localities,  were  powerless  against 
this  last.  Eruptions  had  poured  their  discharges  into  the 
troubled  sea,  and  so  sent  on  the  successive  waves  which  battled 
with  the  natural  defenders,  here  one  prevailed,  and  there 
another;  but  when  the  shattered  half  of  the  great  Peak  poured 
its  million  and  more  of  cubic  yards  of  rock  into  the  sea,  the  vast 
wave  arose  135  feet  high,  and  what  could  resist  its  power  1 

But  this  wave  of  water  was  not  all ;  the  air-disturbance 
came  with  it.  Not  only  did  the  sound  of  the  explosions- 
extend  over  one-fourteenth  of  the  earth's  surface,  but  the 
atmospheric  wave  arose,  and  moved  on  without  impediment, 
and  so  we  read  that  with  Krakatao  as  centre,  it  swept  over 
the  whole  earth.  Its  course  was  noted  in  forty  places,  by 
means  of  the  barometer,  in  Europe,  America  and  Australia ; 
and  one  outcome  of  these  calculations  is  curious  and  instructive, 
for  our  author  shows  that  its  velocity  was  considerably  less 
than  that  of  sound  at  the  temperature  of  freezing  point ; 
which  proves  that  the  movements  of  all  these  waves  took 
place  at  a  great  height  and  in  cold-air  strata.  But  this 
comparatively  slow  rate  of  progress  was  rapid  enough  when 
compared  with  ordinary  velocities,  for  it  required  only  35J 
hours  to  make  the  circuit  of  the  earth.  As  an  illustration  of 
the  knowledge  which  is  gained,  one  might  almost  say 
accidentally,  from  the  observation  and  comparison  of  the- 
phenomena  of  such  gigantic  efforts  of  nature  as  this  eruption,. 


140  Krakatao. 

we  may  cite  the  outcome  derived  from  the  data  collected 
from  all  parts  of  the  world — our  author  examined  on  this  and 
-other  kindred  matters  among  other  sources  of  information, 
thirteen  hundred  reports  of  eye-witnesses — regarding  the 
movements  of  the  extraordinary  sea-wave,  by  which  it  was 
made  possible  to  compute  its  velocity,  and  thereby  to  calcu- 
late the  average  depth  of  the  sea  along  the  path  the  wave 
travelled.  Much  has  been  done  of  late  years  in  sounding  the 
depth  of  the  sea  at  different  places,  and  so  of  laying  down  a 
map  of  what  is  the  form,  mountains,  plains  and  valleys  of  the 
underlying  earth.  Foremost  in  this  exploration,  as  in  so 
many  others,  has  been  the  Challenger  Expedition,  the  outcome 
of  .which  in  very  many  and  very  dear  volumes  is  being 
published  from  time  to  time ;  but  there  are  blanks  still  left 
which  this  tracing  of  the  line  and  speed  of  the  great  eruption 
wave  helps  materially  to  fill  up.  In  this  way  it  has  been 
•ascertained  that  between  Krakatao  and  South  Africa  the 
depth  of  the  sea  must  be  13,776  feet ;  between  Krakatao  and 
Rodriquez  14,957  feet,  and  between  Krakatao  and  South 
Georgia  20,795  feet,  which  shows  that  west  and  south-west  of 
Australia  there  must  be  a  deep  sea  basin,  "  the  existence  of 
which  has  not  yet  been  revealed  by  soundings." 

But  we  have  exhausted  our  space  and  perhaps  the  patience 
of  our  readers ;  and  so  we  bring  our  notice  of  .Krakatao  and 
its  outcomings  to  an  end,  with  this  consolatory  thought :  that 
terrible  catastrophes  of  nature  are  no  longer,  as  they  formerly 
were,  unmitigated  evils :  inasmuch  as  they  have  their 
scientific  value,  and  so  conduce  to  the  advance  of  knowledge 
respecting  the  world  and  its  phenomena,  out  of  which  so 
much  good  arises  for  the  help  and  protection  of  mankind. 
They  are  dreaded,  naturally  enough ;  but  they  are  also 
studied ;  of  which  one  of  many  outcomes  is,  that  we  under- 
stand their  nature,  and  thus,  terrible  as  they  must  ever  be,  the 
human  mind  is  no  longer  overwhelmed  by  them,  nor  imagines 
in  such  fierce  convulsions  a  power  great  as  that  which  holds 
them  in  His  hand.  Thus  out  of  this  knowledge,  as  out  of 
every  other  kind  which  is  true,  Faith  and  Love  grow,  and 
Religion  advances,  turning  all  to  its  own  account,  and  ever 
bringing  man  nearer  in  loving  adoration  to  God. 

HENRY  BEDFORD. 


[     141     J 

CAN    A    PRIEST     SAY    MASS    PRIVATELY    FOR    A 
DECEASED   PROTESTANT  ?- (CONCLUDED). 

TO  better  understand  the  full  import  of  the  extracts  from 
the  27th  Canon  of  the  Third  Lateraii  Council,  and  from 
the  Bull  Inter  cunctas  of  Martin  V.,  it  will  be  well  to  surround 
them  with  their  contexts.     The  former  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Sicut  ait  beatus  Leo  licet  ecclcsiastiea  disciplina  sacerdotali 
contcnta  judicio  cruentas  non  efficiat  ultiones  :  Catholicorum  tameii 
principum  coustitutionibus  adjuvatur,  ut  saepc  quaerant  homines 
salutarc  remediuni  diun  corporate  super  so  iiictuunt  evenire  supplicium. 
Ea  propter  quia  in  Gusconia,  Albigesio,  ct  partibus  Tolosanis 
Lacrcticorum,  quos  alii  Catharos,  alii  Patarinos,  ....  alii  aliis 
nominibtis  vocant,  invaluit  damnata  pravitas,  ut  jam  noil  in 
occulto,  sicut  aliqui,  nequitiam  suam  exerceant,  sed  suum  errorein  pub: 
lice  manifesteut,  et  ad  suum  consensum  simplices  attrahaut  et  infirmos  ;. 
cos  ct  defensores  corum  et  receptores  anathcmati  decernimus  sub- 
jacere,  et  sub  anathemate  prohibemus  ne  quis  eos  in  domibus  vel  in 
terra  sua  tcnere,  vel  t'overe,  vel  negotiatiouem  cum  eis  exercere  prae- 
sumat.  Si  juttem  in  hoc  peccatodecesserint,  lion  sub  DOS trorum  privi- 
legiorum  cuilibet  indultorum  obtentu,  nee  sub  alia  causa  et  occasion  e- 
aut  oblatio  fiat  pro  eis,  aut  inter  Christianos  recipiant  sepulturam  .  .  " 

Mention  is  then  mace  by  name  of  several  other  heretical  sects  in 
Spain,  who  go  about  ravaging  and  exercising  everywhere  horrible 
cruelties  :  these  are  also  to  be  denounced  publicly  and  subjected  to  the 
above  pains  und  penalties.  The  faithful  are  at  the  same  time 
exhorted  to  a  crusade  against  all  these  heretics,  and  Indulgences  are 
granted  to  those  who  take  part  in  it.  Princes  may  confiscate  the 
property  of  the  heretics  and  reduce  their  persons  to  slavery.  The 
Bishops  are  strenuously  to  urge  the  faithful  not  to  be  remiss  in  this 
matter. l 

I  will  IIOAV  give  the  context  of  the  passage  from  the  Bull 
Inter  cunctas  of  Martin  V. 

Errores  Joannis  Wiclief  de  Anylia  et  Joannis  Has  de  Bohemia  et 
Hieronijini  damnati  in  hoc  sacra  Generali  Constantiensi  Concilio. 

"  Omnes  Christianae  et  Catholicae  fidei  professores  .  .  .  reges,. 
duces  .  .  moneatis  et  requiratis  ut  de  regnis  .  .  omnes  et  singulos 
haereticos  hujusmodi,  secundum  tamen  Laterensis  Concilii  quod 
incipit,  Sicut  ait,  quos  publice  vel  manifeste  per  facti  eviclentiam. 
cognoverint  esse  tales  .  .  .  expellant,  donee  et  quousque  a  Nobis  sen 
vobis,  vel  aliis  judicibus  ecclesiasticis  vel  inquisitoribus  .  .  .  aliud 

1  See  Baron.  Annales  Ecclcs.,  Ann.  1179,  or  Rohrbacher,  Histoire 
Universelle,  &c.  Tome  XVI.,  pp.  326-7. 


142   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

recipiant  in  mandatis  :  nee  eosclem  in  suis  districtibus  praedicare, 
domicilia  tenere,  larcm  fovere,  contractns  iuire,  negotiationes  et 
rmercantins  quaslibet  exercere,  aut  humanitatis  solatia  cum  Christi 
fidelibus  habere  permittant.  Et  si  tales  haeretici  publici  ac  manifest!, 
licet  nondum  per  Ecclesiam  declarati,  in  hoc  tarn  gravi  decesserint, 
ecclesiastica  caveant  sepultura,  nee  oblationes  fiant  aut  recipiant  pro 
<sis  ;  bona  tamen  ipsorum  a  tempore  commissi  crimiais  secundum 
canonicas  sanctiones  confiscata  non  occupentur  donee  .  .  .  sententia 
declaratoria  super  ipso  haeresis  crimine  fuerit  promulgata."1 

We  would  here  submit  for  consideration  the  following 
remarks : — 

1°.  It  is  evident  that  both  these  Acts  are  directed  against 
certain  particular  sects  of  heretics,  and  under  special  circum- 
•stances :  and  it  would  seem  that  they  are  not,  qua  tales,  to  be 
extended  to  other  sects,  even  though  these  should  bear  many 
.points  of  resemblance. 

2°.  The  Canon  of  the  Third  Lateran  Council  was  passed 
before  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  at  a  time  when  all 
public  heretics  were  vitandi ;  consequently  its  provisions,  and 
the  effects  of  excommunication  set  forth  therein,  would  seem 
to  have  no  application  to  such  heretics  as  since  Constance,  in 
virtue  of  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda,  are  tolerati.  With 
regard  to  the  Bull  of  Martin  V.,  it  would  appear  that  in  the 
exigencies  of  the  time  all  notorious  heretics  of  the  sect  of 
Hussites,  against  whom  the  Bull  was  directed,  were  excepted 
from  that  act  of  toleration,  and  were  to  be  held  as  vitandi. 
We  have  already  shewn  above  that  the  Bull  of  Martin  V.  had 
no  effect  in  changing  or  modifying  the  general  operation  of 
the  Constitution  Ad  emtanda  with  regard  to  the  tolerati, 
-amongst  whom  are  ordinary  Protestants. 

3°.  We  might  ask  :  Why  are  these  Acts  of  ecclesiastical 
legislation  to  be  held  as  still  in  force  against  Protestants  as 
to  some  effects  of  the  condemnation  and  excommunication 
passed  on  those  old  heretics,  viz.,  privation  of  sepulture  and 
.suffrages,  and  not  also  as  to  all  the  other  effects  mentioned  ? 
We  certainly  should  say,  prima  facie,  that  if  these  Acts  are 
applicable  to  Protestants  in  the  present  day,  they  are  so  in 
their  entirety,  or  that,  qua  tales,  they  are  not  applicable  at  all. 
.Since,  moreover,  Protestants  whilst  alive  are  excommunicate 

1  Labb.    Tom.  x.  &  xiii, 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?  143 

non  vitandi,  and  are,  consequently,  exempt  from  the  effects  of 
excommunication  passed  on  heretics  qua  vitandi,  they  do 
not  cease  to  be  non  vitandi  when  deceased ;  for  the  mere 
fact  of  their  death  cannot  change  their  condition  of  non 
vitandi  into  that  of  vitandi,  nor  deprive  them  of  the  toleration 
to  which  in  life  they  were  entitled  at  the  hands  of  the  faithful. 
To  the  passages  adduced  by  Fr.  Flanagan  we  will  add 
another  often  referred  to  by  authors,  viz.,  the  Caput 
Excommunicamus  of  Innocent  III. 

"  Excommunicamus  itaque  et  anathematizamus  omnem  haeresim, 
.  .  .  .  condemnantes  haereticos  universes  quibuscumque  nominibllS 
censeantur,  facies  quidem  diversas  habentes,  sed  candas  ad  invicem 
colligates  .  .  ."  It  is  then  said  that  their  goods  are  to  be  confiscated, 
that  all  who  join  in  crusade  against  them  will  receive  favours  from 
'the  Holy  See  ;  that  the  heretics  with  their  abettors  are  incapable  of 
making  a  will,  and  of  inheriting  ;  if  a  judge,  his  sentence  is  invalid, 
if  an  advocate,  none  may  accept  his  pleading.  And  then  follow  these 
words :  "  Sane  clerici  non  exhibeant  hujusmodi  pestilentibus 
ecclesiastica  Sacramenta,  nee  eos  Christianae  presumant  tradere 
sepulturae,  nee  eleemosynas  aut  oblationes  percipiant." 

This  enactment  is  of  more  importance  than  the  two  others ; 
for  certainly  it  is  universal  against  all  heretics,  and  not 
directed  against  any  particular  sects.  But  here  again  we 
«ay  it  was  passed  before  the  Constitution  of  Constance,  and 
is  of  obligatory  application  to  the  vitandi  alone  ;  and  these 
3/re  wholly  outside  our  question. 

It  would  be  a  matter  of  much  interest  to  inquire  how  far  the 

various   ancient   enactments   against  heretics    (whether  we 

•abstract  from  the  whole  question  of  excommunication  and  its 

jeffects,  or  we  take  into  account  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda,) 

.are   of  still  binding  force,   and   to   what   extent   they  are 

-applicable  with  respect  to  Protestants  and  other  heretics  of 

the  present  day  :  and  how  far,  and  in  what  sense,  qua  tales,  as 

positive  laws  they  are  to  be  appealed  to  as  the  sanction  of 

existing  discipline  with  regard  to  heretics :  in  the  matter, 

v.g.,  of  privation  of  sepulture  as  a  poena,  independent  of  and 

in  addition,  to  any  effects  of  excommunication.     For  it  is,  of 

course,  quite  certain  that,  wholly  apart  from  those  ancient 

enactments,  public  heretics  and  schismatics,  and  indeed  all 

the  notorious  excommunicate  are,  de  jure  communi,  by  positive 


144   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass- privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

ecclesiastical  law  to  be  deprived  of  Catholic  sepulture,  and 
consequently  of  all  ecclesiastical  suffrages  which  such 
sepulture  imports.1 

The  brief  general  remarks  I  here  offer  on  this  question 
would,  I  feel  sure,  be  deemed  of  much  greater  weight,  could 
I  mention  the  names  of  more  than  one  living  theologian  of 
eminence  to  whose  kindness  I  am  in  chief  part  indebted  for 
them. 

It.  is  thought,  then,  that  there  are  solid  grounds  for  doubt 
whether  such  enactments  as  the  27th  Canon  of  the  III.  Lateran 
Council,  the  Bull  Inter  cunctas  of  Martin  V.,  and  the.Caput 
.Excommunicamus  are  in  full  vigour  and  extension  at  the  present 
day  with  regard  to  Protestants. 

In  the  history  of  every  heresy  two  periods  are  notice- 
able: the  first  is  a  period  of  proselytism  and  aggression, 
which  is  especially  dangerous  to  the  faithful,  and  during 
which  the  heretics  themselves  are  for  the  most  part  mala  fide, 
and  responsible  for  their  guilt,  whilst  very  few,  if  any,  can  be 
presumed  to  be  really  in  good  faith.  The  second  is  a  period 
of  calm  which  is  much  less  dangerous,  and  during  which, 
though  some  may  be  mala  fide,  yet  very  many,  perhaps  the 
greater  number,  are  innocent  victims  of  error.  Now,  we 
should  remark  that  the  Council  of  Lateran  and  Martin  V.  had 
precisely  in  view  heresies  that  were  in  their  first  period,  those,. 
viz.,  of  the  Albigenses,  the  Hussites,  and  others  of  the  sort.  • 

And  so  enactments  such  as  we  speak  of  had  their 
application  in  the  case  of  Protestants  in  the  sixteenth  century,, 
at  the  time  of  the  extension  of  that  heresy ;  and,  as  they  have 
in  our  own  day,  with  regard  to  the  Old  Catholics.  But  they 
are  not  applicable  in  the  same  way  to  whole  populations  born, 
in  heresy,  with  an  ancestry  for  many  generations  belonging 
to  this  or  that  old  sect. 

Hence,  Canons,  which  were  originally  directed  against  all 
the  heretics  of  a  sect — with  good  reason  presumed  to  be  mala 
fide,  though  with  some  individuals  possibly  in  good  faith, — i 
may,  during  the  course  of  centuries,  and  under  changed 
circumstances,  be  mitigated  in  their  severity  with  due  pru- 

1See  Rituale  Rom.  De  Exequiis.     Constit.  Apostolicae  Sedis. 


(\ni  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?  145 

deuce  and  discretion ;  and  when  the  Church  has  not  clearly 
pronounced  a  decision,  it  is  for  theologians  to  judge  of  the 
particular  case. 

Now,  as  we  have  already  noted,  it  is  quite  clear,  by  the 
positive  law  of  the  Church,  that  deceased  Protestants  must 
be  deprived  of  Catholic  sepulture,  and,  consequently,  of  every 
sort  of  public  liturgical  function;  for  they  are,  whether  bona 
or  mala  fide,  all  alike  heretics  in  for o  externo :  and  hence  the 
words  of  the  Lateran  Council  are  generally  applicable  to 
them :  "  Neque  oblatio  fiat  pro  eis  aut  inter  Christianos 
accipiant  sepulturam."  It  is  evident,  too,  in  their  case,  that 
no  claim  for  any  exception  can  be  admitted  with  regard  to 
sepulture,  since  this,  of  its  own  nature,  is  always  something 
public  belonging  to  the  forum  externum.  But  with  regard  to 
the  oblatio,  it  is  thought  that  a  distinction  may  be  fairly 
drawn  between  the  forum  externum  and  the  forum  internum  ; 
and  this  especially  on  account  of  the  large  interpretation 
universally  received,  and  legitimatized  through  use  and 
custom  of  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda. 

No  doubt,  so  far  as  the  oblatio  is  something  public,  and 
regards  the  forum  externum.  it  must  be  refused  to  all  who 

O  «' 

have  lived  and  died  professing  the  religion  of  a  non-Catholic 
sect;  but  so  far  as  the  oblatio  is  something  private  and  inforo 
interno,  it  is  not  at  all  so  clear  that  the  same  rule  holds. 

Here,  moreover,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  words 
of  the  Lateran  Council,  "  qui  in  hoc  peccato  decesserit,"  are 
really  and  strictly  applicable.  The  presumption,  no  doubt, 
is  for  the  affirmative,  and  some  strong  reason  must  be  brought 
against  this  presumption,  viz.,  positive  grounds  for  believing 
that  such  a  non-Catholic  died  bona  fide,  and  with  the  neces- 
sary supernatural  acts.  If  these  are  forthcoming,  one  could 
not  say  that  the  words,  "qui  in  hoc  peccato  decesserit"  are 
verified ;  and  in  foro  interno  such  a  one  may  be  treated  as  a 
non-heretic. 

Take  again  the  Caput  Excommunicamus  : 

"Sane  ckrici  non  exhlbeant  ejusmodi  pestilentibus  ecclesiastica 
sacrameuta,  nee  eos  presumant  tradere  sepulturae,  nee  eleemosynag 
aut  oblationes  eornm  percipiant:  alioquin  suo  priveutur  officio,  etc." 

Now  there  is  no  doubt  at  all  that  with  this  prohibition  it 
VOL.  VIi.  K 


145   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  ^privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

would  never  be  lawful  to  admit  a  Protestant  to  Holy  Com- 
munion. But  consider  such  a  case  as  the  following,  which 
came  to  my  own  knowledge.  A  priest,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
attend  a  large  public  hospital,  had  one  day  to  administer  to 
a  dying  Catholic,  in  one  of  the  fever  wards ;  the  only  other 
patient  there  was  a  Protestant,  whose  recovery  was  also 
hopeless,  in  a  bed  opposite  to  and  near  by  that  of  the  Catholic. 
The  priest  noticed  particularly  the  eager  attention  and 
wistful  gaze  with  which  the  poor  Protestant  regarded  the 
spiritual  care  bestowed  upon  the  dying  Catholic,  and — "vicious 
misertus  est  ei,  quia  erat  vexatus  et  jacens  sicut  ovis  non 
habeiis  pastorem," — purposely  made  his  exhortation,  prayed 
with  and  suggested  the  Christian  acts  to  the  Catholic  in  a 
loud  voice ;  so  that  the  other  might  hear  and  have  the  benefit 
of  them.  He  saw,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  poor  Protestant, 
evidently  affected,  seemed  to  join  in  them.  The  priest  dared 
not  speak  to  him  directly ;  for  absolute  religious  neutrality 
was  imperative  on  him,  for  the  common  good  of  the  Catholic 
patients,  lest  the  Anglican  chaplain  should  make  greater 
reprisals  ;  and  grave  complications  should  arise  with 
the  Protestant  authorities:  there  were,  moreover,  vigilant- 
bigoted  spies  about.  But,  before  leaving,  the  priest  felt 
constrained  to  give  secretly  conditional  absolution  to 
the  poor  Protestant.  Both  patients  died  before  the  morrow 
closed. 

Was  the  Cap.  Excommunicamus  in  its  full  force,  and  in  all 
its  literal  severity  binding,  and  is  that  priest  to  be  held  to  have 
violated  a  strict  ecclesiastical  prohibition  in  the  case  ?  He 
asked  the  question  of  other  learned  and  prudent  priests  who 
replied  :  '  He  must  be  indeed  a  rigorist  who  should  think  so.' 
If  this  was  a  right .  answer,  and  it  was  not  wrong  to  act  thus 
under  the  circumstances  in  foro  externo  :  why,  we  ask,  in  the 
case  of  a  deceased  Protestant,  presumed  on  good  positive 
grounds  to  have  died  boiia  fide  and  with  the  necessary  super- 
natural acts,  should  it  be  held  unlawful  to  offer  holy  Mass  for 
him,  not  indeed  publicly,  for  he  dies  a  heretic  in  foro  externo, 
but  privately,  and,  so  to  say,  in  solo  foro  interne  ?  And  must 
it  be  held  that  the  last  prohibitory  clause  of  Excommunicamus 
in  its  full  literal  strictness  and  severity  is  also  binding  on 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?  147 

priests  with  regard  to  Protestants :    "  nee  eleemosynas  aut 
oblationes  eorum  percipiant :  alioquin,  etc  f 

We  fail  to  see  how  Ferraris  can  be  said  to  "  discuss  this 
question,"  or  come  to  any  conclusion,  when  absolutely  all 
that  he  says  in  the  place  referred  to  is  : 

"  Non  potest  Missa  offerri  pro  defunctis  haereticis  et  inndelibus 
Greg.  III.  Ep.  1.  Concil.  Lat.  III.  can.  27." 

The  words  of  Gregory  III.  in  his  Epistle  to  Boniface 
Bishop  in  Germany  may  be  found  in  the  Corpus  Juris : l 

In  poeuitentia  Defunctis  bona  pros  wit  vicentittm.  "  Pro  obeunti- 
bus  O  quippe  consuluisse  dignosceris,  si  liceat  oblationem  offerre. 
Sancta  sic  tenet  Ecclesia  ut  qaisquis  pro  suis  mortuis  vere  Christianis 
offerat  oblationes,  atque  Presbyter  eorum  memoriam  faciat,  et  quani- 
vis  omnes  peccatis  subjaceamus ;  congruit  ut  sacerdos  pro  mortuis 
Catholicis  memoriam  faciat  et  intercedat.  Non  tamen  pro  impiis 
(quamvis  Christiani  fuerint),  tale  quid  agere  licebit." 

We  may  remark  that  Ferraris  in  the  same  place  n.  10,  says  without 
any  limitation  that  it  is  unlawful  to  offer  Mass  u  pro  mortuis  excommnni- 
catis."  Whereas  theologians  hold  as  the  more  probable  opinion  that 
Mass  may  be  offered  for  such  iolerati  as  may  reasonably  be  presumed 
to  have  died  with  contrition.  Again,  in  discussing  the  question 
whether  Mass  maybe  said  for  the  tolerati  in  general,  he  goes  against 
the  commonly  received  opinion  of  De  Lugo,  maintained  by 
St.  Alphonsus2  as  the  more  probable,  when  ho  says  t'.iat  the  Holy 
Sacrifice  cannot  be  offered  up  for  them  nomine  Ecclesia e. 

Privation  of  Catholic  Sepulture,  and  consequently  of  all 
public  liturgical  suffrages  is  a  penalty  inflicted  by  ecclesiastical 
law,  not  only  on  public  heretics  and  schismatics,  but  also  oil 
all  who  die  notoriously  excommunicate3  as  well  as  on  all 
impenitent  public  and  notorious  sinners,  011  manifestly 
deliberate  suicides,  and  on  duellists.4  But  it  does  not  thence 
follow  that  in  all  cases  without  exception,  it  would  be 
unlawful  privately  to  offer  up  Mass  for  such  deceased. 

Take  the  case  of  a  duellist,  who  by  his  crime  becomes  ipso 
facto  excommunicate ;  before  death  he  gives  evident  signs  of 
contrition ;  nay,  suppose  that  the  priest  arrives,  hears  his 
confession,  and  absolves  him  from  sins  and  censure  ;  still  the 

1  Decreti  ii.  Pars.  Causa  xiii.  Qu.  ii.  xxi. 

2  Th.  Mor.  Lib.  vi.  De  Euch.  309,  et  L.  vii.  De  Censuris,  164. 
^Rollings.  Th.  Mor.  1699,  and  the  llesp.  S,  Penitent,  10  Dec.  1830,  there 

given, 

*  See  Kituale  Rom.  De  Exequiis. 


148   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

pcena  remains  upon  him,  and  (juxta  Coiistit.  Ben.  xiv.  Desta~ 
bilem)  he  is  deprived  of  ecclesiastical  sepulture,  and  of  all 
public  prayers.  But  surely  in  this  case  the  priest  may  say 
Mass  for  him  privately ;  for  what  law  would  exclude  from  the 
Holy  Sacrifice  one  who  had  died  reconciled  with  God,  and  in 
full  communion  with  the  Church  ? 

The  following  from  Voit1  may  serve  to  throw  some  light 
on  this : 

Ho  is  formally  discussing  the  case  of  a  young  man  who  dies  by 
duel  unabsolved  in  loco  conjiictus,  but  before  death  shows  signs  of 
contrition.2 

Voit  had  said  :  "  Si  constet  excommunicatum  vitandum  obiisse 
contritum,  nondum  licet  pro  illo  directe  offerre  Sacrum  ;  quia  licet 
sit  contritus,  non  tamen  est  ab  excommunicatione  absolutus."  (The 
generally  received  opinion,  however,  is  that  the  deceased  should  be 
h'rst  absolved,  and  then  Mass  may  be  offered  for  him.)  Voit  then 
goes  on  to  ask :  "  An  licite  fuerint  sacrificia  oblata  pro  occiso  in 
duello?  Resp.  cum  Sporer  in  V.  Praeceptum  cap.  2,  sect.  iv..  213. 
Probabile  est,  quod  licite  offeratur  Sacrum  pro  occiso  in  duello, 
modo  noil  constet  euni  in  mortali  obiisse :  quia  licet  mortuus  fuerit 
excommunicatus,  non  tamen  fuerit  denuntiatus  tanquam  vitandus : 
soli  autem  excommunicati  denuntiati  et  non  tolerati,  aut  notorii  per- 
cussores  clericorum,  et  ut  tales  mortui,  privantur  sufiragiis  Ecclesiae 
et  orationibus  in  Missa."  Voit  refers  to  several  Authors  on  his  side, 
amongst  others  Lacroix,  L,  6,  p.  2,  n.  34,  who  in  turn  refers  to 
Sanchez,  Fagund,  De  Lugo,  &c.  "In  praxi  tamen  (pergit  Voit) 
solemnes  Missae"  (fortasse  melius  publicae)  "pro  ejusmodi  defunctis 
non  solent  offerri."  See  also  Lacroix,  I.e.,  u.  36. 

It  is  no  doubt  quite  true  that  what  Voit  here  says  as  to 
the  lawfulness  per  se  of  offering  the  Suffragia  Ecclesiae,  etc., 
in  his  case,  would  not  hold  good  now  that  ecclesiastical 
sepulture  is  so  clearly  by  positive  law  to  be  denied  to  a 
duellist,  even  though  absolved  before  death ;  for  the  public 
Suffragia  are  the  complement  of  Catholic  sepulture,  and  as 
such  are  implicitly  forbidden  whenever  sepulture  is  prohibited, 


1  Tom.  ii.  n.  413,  14. 

2  We  must  note  that  Voit  seems  to  treat  the  case  exclusively  ratione 
exCommuniccttionis,  and  does  not  advert  at  all  to  the  other  penalty  of  privatio 
kepulturae  inflicted  on  the  duellist  independent  of  that  censure  ;  perhaps  at 
the  time  he  wrote,  the  infliction  of  the  penalty,  as  distinct  from  an  effect 
of  excommunication,  was  not  so  clear  as  it  has  been  since  the  Constitution 
of  Benedict  XIV.,  and  some  other  more  recent  utterances. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?  149 

and  by  the  self-same  positive  law.      But  this  does  not  per  se 
affect  the  lawfulness  of  privately  applying  the  suffrages. 

"  D'Aunibale,  now  Kpiscopus  Carystensis  in  Partibus,  and  Con- 
suitor  of  the  Holy  Office,  an  author  of  eminent  repute  and  erudition, 
in  liis  Summula  Th.  Mor.  torn,  i.,  n.  354,  when  treating  of  the 
excommunicate  both  living  and  dead,  says  :  "  Sed  pro  toleratis,  etiam 
publicis,  licet  Sacrum  facere  ;  quae  aut  verier  sententia,  aut  aequior 
certe,  quia  contraria  non  caret  incommodis.''  Nor  does  he  make  any 
exception  with  regard  to  heretics. 

I  now  come  to  Sporer,  and  so  far  from  regarding  him,  as 
Fr.  Flanagan  does,  clearly  opposed  to  the  opinion  I  have 
advocated,  I  hold  that  he  gives  it  more  direct  support  in  the 
passage  cited,  especially  when  this  is  collated  with  some  other 
passages  I  shall  give  from  him,  than  perhaps  any  other  single 
Author  among  the  older  theologians ;  in  proof  of  this  I  shall 
quote  the  words  of  Sporer,  together  with  a  summarised 
paraphrase ;  and  the  learned  reader  must  judge  whether  I 
fairly  render  the  Author's  meaning. 

Sporer  had  said  that  most  rightly  is  the  Holy  Sacrifice  offered 
up  for  the  souls  in  Purgatory ;  but  by  no  means  can  it  be  offered  for 
the  damned.  Who  precisely  these  are  the  Church  leaves  to  the 
inscrutable  judgment  of  God  ;  still,  in  the  application  of  her  laws, 
that,  for  instance,  of  communicating  or  withholding  her  suffrages,  she 
is  directed  by  external  circumstances  :  and  consequently  she  forbids  ID. 
general  Holy  Mass  to  be  offered  for  any  persons  who  have  notoriously, 
to  all  human  appearance,  died  in  a  state  of  mortal  sin. 

But  whilst  it  is  unlawful  in  such  evident  case,  thus  publicly  to  com- 
promise the  sanction  of  the  Church :  there  is,  says  Sporer,  nothing 
against  privately  praying  conditionally  in  Mass  at  the  Memento  of  the 
dead  (any  more  than  saying  the  Rosary  for  them,  which  all  would 
allow,)  in  behalf  of  such  unfortunate  deceased.  Take  the  case  of  the 
Suicide  ;  though  appearances  should  be  all  against  him,  and  nothing  in 
his  favour;  still  human  judgment  is  fallible,  and  before  God  he  may  not, 
after  all,  have  really  been  responsible  for  his  act,  or  he  may  have  truly 
repented  of  it  before  death.  So,  in  the  same  way,  whether  priests  or 
laymen,  we  may  pray  also  for  Protestants  apparently  deceased  in 
formal  heresy ;  and  we  may  tell  their  surviving  relations  and  friends, 
in  order  to  console  them,  that  we  will  thus  pray  for  them;  for 
though  there  was  no  positive  presumption  in  their  favour,  but 
perhaps  the  contrary,  still  before  God,  for  all  we  know,  they  may 
have  died  in  only  material  heresy,  and  have  been  for  the  rest  in  a 
state  of  grace. 

"  Rectissime  ergo  Sacrificium  offertur  pro  animabus  defunctorum 
in  Purgatorio  detentis.  .  .  .  At  vero  nee  valide,  nee  licite  offertur 


150   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

pro  damnatis,  id  est  notorie  in  statu  peccati  mortalis  defunctis.  .  .  . 
Quodtamen  postalios  Gob.  n.  170,  recte  intelligit  de  commemoratioue 
publica,  per  collectam  v.g.  nomine  Ecclesiae  facienda.  Nihil  euim 
obstat  quin  in  tuo  memento  mortuorum  ex  privata  devotione  dicas  : 
Domine  commendo  tibi  etiam  animam  illius  qui  se  nuper  suspendit, 
vel  submersit,  si  forte  ex  inculpata  amentia  fecit,  aut  si  ante  mortem 
vere  poenituit.  Certe  poles  pro  tali  privatim  recitare  rosarium : 
quidni  etiam  irteminisse  in  £acro?  Jdem  dicendum  pro  solatio 
eorum  quorum  parentes,  consanguinei,  etc.  in  haeresi  Lutherana  vel 
Calviniana  decesserunt.  Possunt  enim  et  privatim  pro  eis  orare,  et 
si  sacerdotes  sint  in  Sacro  eornm  meminisse  sub  simili  conditione, 
puta,  si  forte  decesserunt  in  haeresi  solum  materiali,  et  alioquin  in 
statu  gratiae  fuerunt." 

My  contention  is  that  in  this  place  Sporer  is  speaking  of 
suicides  and  heretics  in  general,  qua  tales,  and  in  whose  case 
there  is  nothing  to  afford  presumption  that  they  were  any- 
thing else,  and  that  the  external  act  or  state  in  which  they 
died  was  not  one  of  formal  mortal  sin ;  and  who,  therefore,  in 
human  judgment,  are  ordinarily  presumed  to  be  amongst  the 
damnati,  of  whom  he  is  here  treating.  And  Sporer,  so  far 
from  leaning  to  the  more  rigorous  side,  is  showing  here  how 
far  we  may  go  in  indulgent  charity  to  help  even  these,  but 
does  not  thereby  limit  what  may  be  done  for  any  others. 

When  Sporer  treats  ex  professo  of  suicide  (in  V.  Praecept. 
cap.  iii.,  sect.  1),  he  defines,  limits,  and  makes  distinctions ; 
and  shows  how  a  proof  or  a  presumption  of  bona  fides,  or  of 
ignorance,  or  of  contrition  before  death  avails  to  make  the 
offering  of  Holy  Mass  lawful  for  one  who  has  even  voluntarily 
and  deliberately  died  by  his  own  hands. 

Thus  n.  40 :  "  lllos  dumtaxat  qui  voluntarie  et  deliberate  se 
ipsos  occiderunt  Ecclesia  sepultura  et  suffragiis  privandos  .  .  . 
Addit  recte  Dian.  P.  v.,  Tr.  4,  Resp,  30,  neque  eos  qui  ex  ignorantia 
invincibili  et  bona  fide  (quam  in  hoc  casu  dari  posse  supra  notatum 
est)  se  ipsos  occidant  in  certo  casu.  .  .  >.' 

41.  "  Quando  tamen  constat,  quod  sibi  ipsi  mortem  intulerit, 
dubitatur  autem  an  deliberate,  an  vere  ex  amentia,  vel  errore  invin- 
cibili sit  factum,  jura  significant,  et  Ecclesia  observat,  quod  talis 
sepultura  et  ecclesiasticis  suffragiis  privatus  sit,  quia  sicut  in  aliis 
criminibus,  ita  etiam  in  hoc  inspicitur  factum  exteruum  per  se  malum, 
censeturque  voluntarie  admissum,  et  poena  statuta  dignum,  nisi  in 
contrarium  adsit  praesumptio  vel  probatio :  qualis  praesumptio  in 
contrarium  esset,  si  homo  probatae  vitae,  religionis,  probitatis  et 
scientiae,  etc." 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant?  151 

43.  "  Etiamsi  aliquis  volnntarie  sibi  ipsi  mortem  conscivisset,  si 
tamen  vcra  signa  contritionis  dedit  antequam  expiravit,  jam  in  loco 
cum  consuetis  suffragiis  sepelire  posse,  et  si  confessus  et  abbolutus  f  uit, 
etiam  debere  communis  D.D.  et  praxis  est  Ecclesiae,  teste  Layman. 
Quamvis  in  foro  judiciali  saeculari  propter  talem  poenitentiarn  non 
remittatur  poena  legibus  decreta " 

Now,  we  do  not  of  course  mean  that  all  Sporer  says 
with  regard  to,  as  it  seems,  public  ecclesiastical  sepulture  and 
suffrages,  is  applicable  to  the  practice  and  discipline  of  the 
present  day ;  in  his  time  too  the  condition  "  secluso  scandalo  " 
would  have  to  be  taken  into  account.  We  are  here  insisting 
on  Sporer 's  principles,  and  from  them  we  think  it  evident  that 
in  the  case  of  a  notorious  suicide,  held  generally  in  popular 
opinion,  or  even  by  legal  sentence  to  be  voluntary  and 
deliberate,  and  where  consequently  on  account  of  scandal, 
any  public  ecclesiastical  act,  v.g.  sepulture,  or  public  Mass 
must  be  withheld ; — yet,  if  from  private  personal  knowledge, 
or  from  information  of  others  the  priest  had  a  good  presump- 
tion in  the  poor  deceased  man's  favour,  he  would  be  certainly 
justified  in  saying  Mass  for  his  soul. 

I  remember  well  some  years  since,  being  suddenly  called 
to  see  a  man  next  door  at  his  last  gasp,  who  had  just  com- 
mitted suicide,  clothed  with  the  circumstances  I  have 
supposed,  saving  the  judicial  verdict  of  formal  guilt.  The 
Parish  Priest  told  me  that  on  account  of  a  presumption  he 
had  in  the  poor  man's  favour,  he  had,  when  asked  by  the 
friends,  consented  to  say  Mass  for  him  without  announcing 
it  publicly,  but  so  far  as  I  remember,  that  he  had  refused 
to  "  bless  the  clay." 

We  have  seen  that  Sporer  commenced  with  a  parallel  of 
prayer  for  a  suicide  and  prayer  for  a  deceased  Protestant ; 
and  we  think  that  had  he  gone  on  to  treat  ex  prof es so  the 
case  of  the  latter,  as  he  has  that  of  the  former,  he  would  have 
continued  the  parallel  with  regard  to  the  offering  of  Holy 
Mass.  We  must  content  ourselves  here  with  quoting  some 
words  of  his  which  contain  principles  concerning  heretics, 
and  leave  it  to  the  reader  to  draw  from  them  any  analogical 
reasoning  and  conclusions  : — 

"  Primi  gradus  haeretici  materiales  sunt  Christian!,  sive  alias  illam 
verara  Fidern  Catholicam,  sive  sectam  fa^sam  et  haereticam  professi. 


152   Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant? 

qui  assentinntur  alicui  error!  contra  veritatem  Fidel  ex  invincibili 
omnino,  et  inculpabili  ignorantia  vel  errore,  adeoque  absque  omni 
pertinacia,  qui  proinde  non  tantum  a  crimine  haeresis  sed  etiam  ab 
omni  peccato  contra  Fidem  immimes  sunt,  et  nisi  aliiiDde  deficiant, 
salute  non  excidunt.  Tales  simt  plurimi,  niaxime  rudiores  .  .  . 
inter  haereticos  ;  nam  omnes  rite  baptizati,  sive  a  Catholicis,  sivc  ab 
haereticis  postea  vero  inter  haereticos  vel  infi deles  edncati,  et 
continuo  conversati,  ubi  de  vera  Fide  et  Religione  Catholica,  aut 
omnino  nihil  audiunt,  aut  auditmt  solum  confutando,  irridendo, 
blasphemando  referri,  aut  non  audiunt,  nisi  absurda  ct  infanda  ut 
Papam  esse  Antichristum,  ....  adeoque  vere  invincibili  ignorantia 
verae  Fidei  Catholicae  laborant :  hi  sane  retinent  habitura  fidei  in 
Baptismo  infusam,  qui  non  nisi  per  actum  infidelitatis  formalis 
amittitur.  Deinde  eas  Fidei  veritates,  quas  nobiscum  communes 
habent,  unde  de  SB.  Trinitate  Yerbi  Incarnatione  aliisque  mysteriis 
Symbol!  fide  divina  et  supernatural!  credunt.  Certe  nisi  aliunde  peccent 
a  salute  excludi  minime  possunt.  Lege  D.  Augustini  Epistolam  102 
supra  citatam."  The  words  of  the  holy  Doctor  are  as  follows  : — 
"  Quis  nescit  illo  tempore  (Arianorum)  obscuris  verbis  multos  panel 
sensus  fuisse  deceptos  &c.  .  .  .  Qui  sententiam  suam  quamvis 
falsam,  atque  perversam  pertinaci  animositate  defendant  praesertim 
quam  non  audacia  suae  praesumptionis  pepererjint :  sed  a  seductis 
utque  in  errorem  lapsis  parentibus  acceperunt :  quaerunt  autem  cauta 
solicitudine  veritatem,  corrfgi  parati  cuminveuerunt,  nequaquam  sunt 
inter  haereticos  deputandi." 

It  would  be  well  to  illustrate  this  passage  from  Sporer, 
and  the  words  of  St.  Augustine  which  he  cites,  by  those 
quotations  from  Dr.  Murray  and  Dr.  Crolly  of  Maynooth,  given 
in  Fr.  Flanagan's  letter. 

I  cannot  bid  farewell  to  Sporer  without  transcribing  what 
he  so  lucidly  says  on  the  large  interpretation  to  be  given  to 
the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda : — x 

"Dixi:  saltern  non  toleraiis.  Nam  pro  excommunicate  tolerate,  et 
non  vitando  (quales  sunt  omnes  praetor  vitandos  sc.  solum  nominatim 
denuntiatos  et  uotorios  percussoves  clericorum)  simpliciter  posse  offerri 
sacriticium,  etsi  plures  negent :  attamen  ex  communi  recte  Tannerus 
.  .  .  Tamburinus  .  .  .  Ratio  est,  quia  illud  nullum  jus  clare 
prohibet,  quin  favet  Concil.  Constant.  Extrav.  Ad  evitanda  .  .  . 
universality  permittens  fidelibus  in  quibuslibet  etiam  in  Sacris 
comjr  unicare  cum  excommunicatis  toleratis,  seu  non  vitandis.  Quae 
concessio  ad  dilatandas  conscientias  data,  non  est  restringehda  sine 
fuudameuto,  et  licet  principaliter  data  sit  in  favorem  fideliurn,  et  non 
excommunicatorum,  tamen  etiam  hie  agitur  de  favore  fidelium,  ne 
restringatur  libertas  orandi,  et  sacrificandi  pro  quibuslibet."2 

1  De  Sacram,  P.  II.,  c.  iv.,  276.         2  See  S.  Alph.  Th.  M.  De  Censuris. 


Can  a  Priest  say  Mass  privately  for  a  deceased  Protestant'?  153 

No  doubt  the  opinion  of  Miiller,  adduced  by  Fr.  Flanagan, 
is  expressly  opposed  to  our  thesis ;  the  reasons  however  by 
which  it  is  supported  are  by  110  means  incontrovertible. 

First,  the  dictum  of  Innocent  III. :  "  quibus  11011  communi- 
cavimus  vivis  11011  communicamus  defunctis,"  may  be  said  to 
be  inapplicable  to  the  tolerati, — nay  even  convertible  into 
an  argument  for  the  opposite  opinion ;  which  claims  as  lawful 
to  give  just  so  much  communication  to  a  Protestant  when 
deceased  as,  according  to  theologians,  it  was  lawful  to  grant 
him  when  alive,  viz.,  the  offering  in  our  case  of  the  Holy 
Sacrifice  in  his  behalf. 

It  may  be  noted,  moreover,  that  the  above  dictum,  as  one 
of  Canon  Law,  is  not  a  divine  but  an  ecclesiastical  principle, 
admitting  modification  and  change  according  to  circum- 
stances, as  evidenced  by  the  Constitution  Ad  evitanda,  and 
by  one  or  other  fact  which  might  be  adduced  from  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  an  earlier  date. 

Secondly,  with  regard  to  the  inference  Mtiller  draws  from 
the  Briefs  of  Gregory  XVI.,  other  theologians  are  of  a  different 
opinion.  It  is  clear,  they  say,  that  these  Briefs  condemned 
whatever  would  seem  to  give  ecclesiastical  sanction  to 
funeral?  of  deceased  non-Catholics,  as  being  utterly  opposed 
to  the  holy  Canons  and  tradition  of  the  Catholic  Church ;  but 
that  there  is  nothing  in  them  that  would  condemn  the  private 
application  of  Mass,  in  the  quiet  and  unobtrusive  way 
Fr.  Lehmkuhl  suggests,  in  some  particular  case  where  there 
were  positive  grounds  for  presuming  that  a  non-Catholic  had 
died  bonafide  in  only  material  heresy,  and  with  the  necessary 
supernatural  dispositions. 

That  some  persons  externally  outside  the  pale  of  the 
Catholic  Church  may  still  belong  to  the  soul  of  the  Church 
and  be  saved,  is  a  doctrine  entirely  conformable  with  Catholic 
Faith,  taught  in  all  dogmatic  theology,  and  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  truth  that  Catholic  Faith  is  necessary  for  the 
attainment  of  salvation,  and  "  extra  Ecclesiam  nulla  salus." 

THOMAS  LIVIUS,  C.SS.R. 


[    154    ] 


ON  THE  BEST  MEANS  OF  SAVING  OUR  YOUTH, 
WHEN  THEY  LEAVE  SCHOOL,  ESPECIALLY  IN 
LARGE  TOWNS. 

A    GOOD   deal  lias  been   said   and   written   lately   about 
"  payment  by  results."   I  would  ask  what  are  the  results 
of  all  that  we  pay  in  England  to  keep  our  Catholic  schools  at 
work  ?     What  do  our  poor  schools  really  cost  us  ? 

I.  We  have  often  a  hard  time  of  it  to  get  a  building. 
II.  A    large    and    expensive    machinery    of    Training 
Colleges,  with  collections  throughout  the  country. 

III.  The  difficulty  of  getting  and  keeping  a  proper  staff, 

IV.  The  trouble  of  getting  children  into  school  regularly 
and  punctually,  requiring  the  perpetual  visits  of  the 
clergy. 

V.  The  constant  harass  of  getting  the  fees. 
VI.   Subscriptions  and  collections  at  charity  sermons. 
VII.  The  wear  and  tear  of  complying  exactly  with  the 
multitudinous  requirements  of  Government. 

These  are  some  of  the  costs  of  educating  our  children ; 
and  all  this  expressly  and  only  that  we  may  turn  them  out 
f/ood  Catholics. 

We  all  work  hard  to  get  our  children  into  Catholic 
schools,  and  make  it  a  "  sine  qua  non  "  in  the  working  of 
our  mission — fighting  with  the  guardians,  quarrelling  with 
the  parents,  urging  the  teachers,  and  visiting  the  schools 
and  the  parents  incessantly :  but  I  have  frequently,  when  on 
my  rounds,  with  a  long  list  of  absentees,  asked  myself  the 
question  "  cui  bono,"  getting  the  children  into  school  is 
indeed  an  important  work,  but  when  it  is  all  over  what  are 
the  results  ?  Of  course  we  all  labour  to  teach  them  the 
love  of  their  Religion,  Reverence,  Humility,  Obedience,  and 
Purity ;  but  do  they,  as  a  rule,  carry  these  virtues  practically 
away  with  them  into  the  world  ? 

Is  it  not  true,  that  a  large  number  of  our  children,  when 
they  have  left  school  a  couple  of  years,  begin  to  leave  off 
going  to  the  Sacraments  ?  and  how  many  neglect  Mass  and 
eventually  marry  Protestants  and  drift  away  ? 


On  the  best  means  of  Saving  Our  Youth.  155 

I  have  consulted  London  priests,  and  those  in  charge  of 
large  schools  for  years,  and  this  is  the  one  sad  response — the 
number  of  the  lost  is  very  great,  too  great.  If  we  look 
round  in  our  churches,  where  are  the  vast  number  of  youth 
that  have  passed  through  our  schools  during  the  past  five 
years  ?l 

This  is  the  question  before  us,  where  are  they  ?  First 
Cause  of  Loss  :  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  if  we  had  in  all 
cases  good  Catholic  parents,  the  number  of  failures  would 
be  few  and  far  between  ;  but  we  know  and  are  conscious 
that  for  the  most  of  our  poor  children  home  influence  .means 
the  undoing  of  almost  all  the  moral  and  religious  training 
acquired  in  school.2  But  many  of  these  very  parents  have 
themselves  passed  through  our  schools,  and  we  come  upon 
a  "  vicious  circle  "  in  our  argument,  or  rather  a  circle  of  vice. 
The  children  are  bad,  because  the  parents  are  bad;  and 
the  parents  are  bad  because  having  had  bad  parents,  they 
too  were  bad  children.  What  are  we  to  do  ?  Where  is  this 

1  There  ought  to  be  at  Mass  on  Sundays  an  almost  equal  number  of 
young  people,  lo,  14,  15,  16,  17  and  18,  corresponding  to  the  number  of 
oar  children  7,  8,  9,  10,  11  and  12.     Where  do   they   sit   in   the   chinch, 
where  is  their  place,  do  they  pay  at  the  door,  what  becomes  of  them  ? 

2  It  has  been  often  said  that  Drunkenness  is  at  the  bottom  of  almost 
all  the  mischief.     I  have  scarcely  ventured  to  touch  upon  this  sore  place — 
it  is  a  big  subject.     How  is  this  evil  to  be   removed  from  amongst  us  ? 
Not  entirely,  in  my  opinion,  by  any  panacea  such  as  total  abstinence  for 
all.    No  doubt  many   are   bound   in   conscience   to  renounce  intoxicants 
altogether  ;  but  that  will  not  remove  the  huge  scandal,  which  is  well  nigh 
swamping  all  our  endeavours  to  save  our  youth.   Nothing  short  of  a  general 
uprising  of  both  priests  and  people  against  the  real  occasions  of  this  sin,  viz., 
drinking    in    public-houses    or    any    rendezvous   of   drinking,    will  ever 
overcome  so  universal  a  scandal.      One  who   is  leading  a  sober  life   is 
rarely   bound    in    conscience    to    renounce    the    lawful    use    of     God's 
creatures,  but  all  are  bound  to  remove  as  far  as  possible  and  to  influence 
others  to  remove  and  give  up  the  real  occasions  of  this  sin.   While  thousands 
are  taking  the  total  abstinence  pledge,  millions  are  being  trained  in  public- 
houses  to  habits  of  treating  and  standing  treat  and  excessive  drinking.    The 
scheme  for  this  has  been  before  the  public  for  years,  not  the  pledge,  nor  a 
temperance  society,  but  an  organized  uprising  to  make  drinking  in  public- 
houses  and  drunkenness  unpopular.  Vide  "Holy  War;"  Washbourne ;  and 
"  Catholic    Association  for    the  Suppression  of  Drunkenness.'1'1      These  have 
too  often  been  worked  as  isolated  confraternities  or  Temperance  societies, 
This  has  been  a  mistake.   They  are  both  intended  to  embrace  all  the  good, 
and  make   every   one  feel  himself  guilty  of   abetting   and  encouraging 
intemperance  unless  he  joins  a  society  which  demands  of  him  what  he  can 
easily  perform,  and  what  is  really  the  duty  of  Christians. 


156  On  the  lest  means  of  Saving  Our  Youth, 

chain  of  the  Devil  to  be  broken  ?  How  are  we  to  hold  our 
children  on  the  line  of  virtue  and  religion  until  they  them- 
selves enter  upon  Catholic  family  life  ? 

This  much  is  certain,  that  so  long  as  we  have  the  children 
in  our  schools,  we  are  "  in  loco  parentis,"  and  accordingly  we 
have  got  to  teach  our  children,  not  only  their  catechism,  but  the 
daily,  hourly  practice  of  Catholic  life.  Now  for  a  work  such  as 
this  we  want  very  good  Religious,  or  very  pious  and  zealous 
laymen  and  women  well  supported  and  assisted  by  the  priest ; 
but  when  we  have  done  our  best,  the  awful  majesty  of  the 
Government  Inspection,  claims  more  reverence,  more  time, 
more  anxiety — the  Government  will  have  her  children 
thoroughly  trained. 

In  some  schools,  we  hear  the  children  execute  for  the 
•Inspector  some  really  good  part  singing,  whilst  the  same 
children  will  sing  for  God  in  the  church  very  miserably. 

You  will  find  the  time  appointed  for  religious  instruction 
broken  in  upon,  as  the  awful  day  approaches,  not  the  day  of 
judgment,  but  what  is  presently  more  dreaded,  the  day  of 
Inspection  of  secular  knowledge.  It  is  no  use  denying  it,  even 
good  holy  Religious  feel  this  terrible  temptation  to  do  more 
for  the  secular  than  the  religious  Inspector. 

It  is  true  we  have  Religious  and  Diocesan  Inspectors,  but 
they  cannot  test  the  heart  training  as  the  others  test  the  mind 
training;  they  cannot  reach  with  their  examination  the 
Catholic  tone,  the  religious  feeling  of  the  heart,  and  the  spirit 
of  piety,  which  are  really  the  three  Rs  we  are  working  for. 
I  have  known  a  drunken  Catholic  master  to  get  rewards  of 
merit  for  his  skill  in  Catholic  training,  and  many  Protestant 
children  in  our  schools,  who  have  carried  off  the  palm  in 
religious  knowledge. 

We  must,  therefore,  I  imagine,  be  prepared  to  sacrifice,  even 
a  portion  of  the  hard  earned  grant,  rather  than  one  iota  of 
•Catholic  training ;  be  prepared  to  give  the  preference  to  a 
pious,  zealous  teacher  over  one  who  is  deficient  in  zeal  and 
piety,  but  who  holds  first-class  certificates.  I  wonder  what 
share  the  evil  spirit  had  in  the  Government  Inspection  scheme  '* 
Under  the  head  of  supplying  the  place  of  parents  in  the 
matter  of  religious  education,  there  are  many  things  we  have 


wheniihey  leave  School,  especially  in  large  towns.         157 

not  time  here  to  touch  upon.  One  of  the  questions  discussed 
at  the  great  German  Catholic  Congress  this  year  was,  "  how  to 
teach  children  true  reverence  for  the  Blessed  Sacrament;" — - 
certainly  not  by  boxing  their  ears  in  the  church,  or  cramming' 
them  into  any  corner  out  of  sight  of  the  altar  during  Holy  Mass. 
We  must,  however,  turn  to  consider  Second  Cause  of  Loss. 

So  far  we  have  spoken  only  of  those  who  are  in  our  schools, 
and  given  some  suggestions  as  to  the  best  method  of  preparing 
them  for  their  future  fight  with  the  world ;  but  what  is  to  be 
done  with  the  big  boys  and  girls  when  they  have  left  school  £ 
Behold  the  crux  of  many  priests. 

We  Catholics  in  England  are  a  comparatively  small  body 
in  the  midst  of  a  people  who  know  very  little  of  the  Catholic 
virtues  of  purity,  humility  and  Jpiety,  and  who  despise  us  as 
a  body  on  account  of  our  religious  practices.  Our  children 
when  they  leave  school  to  go  to  work,  mingle  at  once  in  the 
thick  of  the  fight.  The  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil  are 
upon  them  before  they  are  aware  of  it ;  their  theology  gets 
many  a  bang ;  their  virtue  is  tried  by  temptation  to  drink,  by 
loose  and  dissolute  company,  and  an  impure  street  literature  ; 
and  nothing  can  save  them  as  we  all  know,  but  the  constant 
recourse  to  the  Sacraments.  When  at  school  they  too  often 
Avent  to  Communion  either  because  they  were  urged  to  do  so 
or  were  actually  sent  into  the  church  from  school :  now  the 
case  is  very  different,  they  have  to  go  in  spite  of  every  obstacle, 
and  must  keep  on  going  regularly  if  they  are  to  fight  their 
way  through.  Hence  a  question  of  vital  importance  arises : — 
"  At  what  age  and  with  ivhat  religious  accessories  ought  children  to 
make  their  first  Communion?"  The  practice  of  well-informed 
zealous  priests  is  that  they  should  be  carefully  prepared  by  the 
priest,  or  some  one  having  the  entire  confidence  of  the  priest, 
and  make  their  first  Communion  as  early  as  possible;  first, 
because  being  more  innocent  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Sacrament 
works  in  their  souls  more  fruitfully,  and  even  though  they  are 
not  quite  so  well  instructed  as  they  might  be  when  older,  the 
Holy  Sacrament  produces  "  ex  opere  operate "  great  fruit 
in  the  soul  of  an  innocent  child.  Secondly,  because 
they  will  then  have  time  before  leaving  school  to  form 
a  habit  of  going  regularly.  As  far  as  possible  these 


158  On  the  lest  means  of  Saving  Our  Youth, 

communions  should  be  made  free  from  the  trammels 
of  school,  and  this  regularity  might  be  secured  by  a 
good  Confraternity  requiring  monthly  Communion.  In  fact 
what  they  most  need  is  to  be  quite  out  of  leading  strings 
before  they  leave  school.  The  careless  and  indifferent  ones 
would,  of  course,  require  more  watchfulness  and  some  little 
pressure,  but  if  they  cannot  be  trained  so  as  to  induce  them 
to  go  of  themselves,  they  will  scarcely  go  afterwards. 

But  this  done,  they  would  require  to  continue  attached 
to  a  Confraternity  having  all  the  ceremonial  and 
devotional  exercises  calculated  to  impress  them ;  and  this 
Confraternity  should  embrace  the  young,  and  those  who  are 
15  or  16  or  even  21  years  of  age,  or  until  they  get  married, 
when  they  might  join  "the  Holy  Family."  Some  have 
suggested  clubs  for  our  big  boys  and  young  men,  but  on  this 
a  separate  paper  would  be  necessary.  These  clubs  would 
only  be  accessory.  What  I  am  urging  is  the  necessity  of  a 
good  religious  organisation  to  keep  all  our  youths  to  the 
Sacraments,  and  to  find  them  Catholic  work  to  do  on  Sundays ; 
and  then  wherever  they  go  during  the  week  they  will  not  go 
far  astray,  and  must  remain  good  Catholics.  For  the  girls 
the  Confraternity  of  the  "  Children  of  Mary  "  is  an  immense 
help,  though  not  quite  so  suitable  for  the  poorer  class  of  girls 
to  be  found  in  our  mission.  It  is  very  well  adapted  for  girls  in 
Convent  Schools,  where  under  the  care  of  nuns  it  is  doing  a 
good  work. 

In  order,  therefore,  to  answer  our  question  it  will  be 
necessary  to  sketch  the  outline  of  such  a  Confraternity  as  shall 
embrace  all  our  requirements  for  our  missions. 

1st.  It  must  admit  both  sexes,  and  of  any  age. 

2nd.  It  should  have  a  special  work  of  charity  to  give 
occupation  to  the  elder  ones.  This  might  be  the  care  of  all 
Catholic  children  in  the  parish ;  to  look  after  them  in  the 
church,  and  visit  them  at  their  houses  when  absent — (a  kind 
of  Sunday  School  Teacher.) 

3rd.  There  should  be  a  devotional  exercise  every  Sunday, 
at  which  the  priest  would  give  a  short  catechetical  instruction — 
a  sort  of  catechism  of  perseverance.  As  a  rule,  it  would  be 
very  desirable  that  those  under  nine  should  be  kept  a;>art — 


when  they  leave  School,  especially  in  large  towns.         151) 

big  lads  will  otherwise  say,  "  We  are  too  old  to  go  to  catechism 
with  children." 

4th.  There  should  be  some  sort  of  devotion  to  practise  at 
home,  however  short,  and  have  a  fixed  monthly  day  for 
Communion. 

5th.  There  should  be  a  badge  or  Confraternity  habit,  and 
this  should  be  rich  and  good.  This  is  where  many  often  make 
a  mistake,  the  badge  is  too  common  and  too  poor.  We  must 
remember  that  these  young  people  are  the  foundation  of  the 
future  Church,  and  a  little  money  added  to  the  member's 
subscription  might  be  well  expended ;  they  prize  the  badge 
more,  and  wear  it  oftener  and  more  willingly. 

6th.  There  should  be  different  officers  and  ranks,  all  under 
the  direction  and  guidance  of  the  chaplain. 

It  is  of  very  great  importance  that  the  attendance  of  all 
both  at  the  Mass  and  afternoon-service  should  be  marked  in  a 
book. 

The  roll-call  is  perhaps  the  best  means  of  bringing  any 
number  of  young  persons  together  regularly.  The  example 
of  the  famous  picture  of  Miss  Thompson  will  show  IIOAV  sternly 
the  roll-call  is  carried  out  in  the  army. 

I  have  but  here  given  you  a  summary  of  the  rules  of  the 
Confraternity  of  St.  Joseph,1  which  has  done  this  work  in  some 
missions.  You  may  call  this  Confraternity  by  whatever  name 
you  please,  place  it  under  whatever  patron  saint  you  choose, 
add  anything  that  you  think  good ;  and  if  you  have  already 
the  Confraternity  of  the  Children  of  Mary,  work  it  for  the  boys 
side  by  side.  It  is  one  of  the  rules  of  the  Confraternity  of 
St.  Joseph,  that  Children  of  Mary,  where  there  is  the 
Confraternity  of  St.  Joseph,  rank  as  professed  members  of 
St.  Joseph's ;  but  if  you  wish  to  save  your  young  people,  I 
would  say  keep  the  substance  of  these  rules. 

Let  us  then  sum  up  what  we  ha,ve  said : 

1st.  We  must  have  religion  taught  and  practised  in 
our  schools. 

2nd.  Children  should  be  early  trained  to  go  of  themselves 
to  Holy  Communion. 

1  Vide  "  Lily  of  St.  Joseph"  Washbourne,  Tatemoster-row,  London. 


160  Theological  Questions. 

3rd.  Any  catechetical  instruction  given  in  the  Church 
should  be  surrounded  with  devotional  exercises  and  adapted 
o  young  men  and  young  women. 

4th.  The  elder  ones  should  have  something  to  do  on 
Sundays: 

5th.  The  Roll  call  must  be  regularly  made. 

There  are  other  subjects  which  are  very  closely  allied 
with  this  question  ; — 

1st.  Benefit  sick  clubs  for  youths.  2nd.  Good  lending 
Library  of  useful  books.  3rd.  Penny  Banks  to  encourage  a 
spirit  of  thrift.  4th.  Clubs  for  recreation  and  mutual  inter- 
course, of  which  1  should  doubt  the  final  success;  and  lastly, 
whether  an  occasional  social  gathering  might  not  help  to  keep 
them  away  from  dangerous  places.  Dancing  is  taught  in  our 
convents  and  colleges,  and,  with  a  little  supervision,  might 
become  a  healthful  and  invigorating  exercise.  There  is  a 
time  for  sowing  and  for  reaping- — there  is  a  time  for  dancing 
and  a  time  for  weeping — says  the  wise  man — "  unusquisque 
in  suo  sensu  abundet."  I  hope  I  have  not  appeared  to 
dictate  to  my  reverend  brothers,  readers  of  the  IRISH 
ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD,  many  of  whom  have  had  such  long 
experience  in  the  working  of  missions.  I  have  here  given 
you  honestly  the  fruits  of  thirty  years'  experience,  and  I 
commend  these  matters  to  your  serious  consideration. 

R.    RlCHARDSOX. 


THEOLOGICAL  QUESTIONS. 
THE  FIFTH  PRECEPT  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

"The  faithful  are  instructed  by  the  Catechism  that  they  are 
bound  in  conscience  and  in  justice  under  the  above  precept  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  their  Pastors.  "Would  you  therefore 
kindly  inform  me  on  the  following  points : — (//)  Who  are  bound  by 
it?  Are  (1)  married  women  who  may  happen  to  be  possessed  of 
private  means  ?  Are  (2)  grown-up  children  who,  though  living  with 
their  parents,  have  a  small  salary  or  allowance  of  their  own? 
Are  (3)  domestic  servants,  labourers,  clerks,  shop-assistants,  et  hoc 


Theological  Questions.  161 

genus  omne,  who  find  it  a  pretty  sharp  struggle  to  keep  afloat  ? 
(b)  How  much  are  they  bound  to  contribute  ?  And  (c)  When  or  how 
often  are  they  so  bound  ? 

"  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  precept,  grounded,  as  the  Catechism 
states,  on  1  Cor.  ix.  14,  is  only  to  be  found  in  poor,  generous, 
Ireland  ;  it  is  unknown  in  England,  nor  is  it  to  be  met  with  amongst 
the  "  praecepta  Ecclesiae "  in  any  handbook  of  theology  I  have 
come  across.  It  is  perhaps  due  to  this  fact  that  so  many  Priests 
differ  in  answering,  if  indeed  they  answer  at  all,  the  above  questions. 

PASTOR. 

St.  Paul  in  the  passage  mentioned  by  our  correspondent 
states  and  proves  conclusively  that  those  who  preach  the 
Gospel  have  a  right  to  live  by  the  Gospel.  Such  is  the 
ordinance  of  Christ.  Such  too  is  the  law  of  nature.  If  the 
minister  of  grace  spends  his  life  in  attending  to  the  spiritual 
wants  of  the  faithful,  those  who  expect  and  benefit  by  his 
holy  services  are  assuredly  bound,  one  and  all,  according  to 
the  means  of  each,  to  supply  his  temporal  support.  This 
is  not  merely  a  duty  of  sacrificing  something  to  acknowledge 
God's  supreme  dominion,  from  a  motive  of  religion ;  it  is 
proximately  a  sacred  debt  of  justice  arising  out  of  a  solemn 
contract  implied  in  the  reception  of  baptism.  The  Church 
too,  for  her  part,  provides  pastors  on  the  understanding  that 
the  faithful  will,  as  far  as  possible,  secure  them  becoming 
maintenance  in  return  for  spiritual  services.  This,  no  doubt, 
is  only  an  aspect  ot  the  natural  obligation.  It  suffices,  how- 
ever, to  show  how  the  Church  could  withdraw  for  a  time 
the  ministrations  of  her  priests,  if  no  better  means  could  be 
found  of  compelling  her  children  to  discharge  the  duty  of 
maintaining  their  pastors.  Happily,  as  our  correspondent 
so  truly  hints,  in  Ireland  there  is  only  question  of  who  in 
particular  come  under  the  law  proclaimed  in  our  Catechism. 
The  commandment  is  intended  to  enforce  by  ecclesiastical 
authority  in  a  definite  way  an  obligation  that  comes  already 
in  substance  from  the  natural  and  divine  law.  Our  fore- 
fathers had  stored  permanent  support  in  benefices  and 
foundations  for  the  priests  of  the  land ;  but  alien  rapacity 
devoured  the  sacred  inheritance  and  made  it  necessary  for 
Irish  bishops  and  councils  to  call  on  the  people  for 
VOL.  VH.  L 


162  Theological  Questions. 

such  provision  as  was  possible  in  the  ruin  that  supervened. 
'The  system,  in  one  sense  voluntary,  is  in  truth  a  modified 
application  of  tithe  legislation  and  must  accordingly  be 
in  some  measure  obligatory.  To  explain  this  inference  we 
must  go  back  a  little. 

In  the  first  centuries,  though  all  priests  could  not  hope  to 
earn  their  bread  by  manual  labour  like  St.  Paul,  the  contribu- 
tions of  the  faithful  towards  clerical  support,  were,  for  the 
most  part,  voluntary.  First-fruits  (primitiae)  and  offerings 
•(oblationes),  which  were  meant  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
public  worship  and  feed  the  poor,  conjointly  with  maintaining 
the  clergy,  came  without  the  asking.  It  was  a  time  when 
charity  gave  more  than  justice  could  demand.  But  after 
some  years  the  Church  thought  well  to  legislate  on  the 
subject,  and  enforce  by  her  Canons  the  payment  of  certain 
customary  contributions.  Soon  first-fruits  fell  into  disuse, 
but  the  offerings  of  various  kinds,  some  free,  others  of 
obligation,  continued  as  before,  and  tithes  were  almost 
everywhere  imposed.  These  tithes  were"  of  three  kinds, 
prcedial,  mixed  and  personal,  the  latter  falling  on  the 
produce  of  industry  and  labour  and  accordingly  affecting  all 
classes  of  persons.  In  Ireland  the  law  began  with  the  Synod 
of  Kells  before,  and  the  Synod  of  Cashel  after,  the  English 
Invasion.  Although  the  Council  of  Trent  endeavoured  to 
protect  them,  tithes  have  gradually  passed,  in  most  countries, 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Catholic  priesthood.  The  general 
establishment  of  benefices  and  foundations  had  rendered  them 
less  necessary  than  before,  and  the  hostility  of  govern- 
ments hastened  their  disappearance.  As  a  rule  then  the  law 
of  paying  a  fixed  proportion  of  yearly  produce  has  gone  into 
disuse,  or,  as  with  ourselves,  though  it  may  still  run  "  to  pay 
tithes  to  the  lawful  pastors  of  the  Church,"  it  means  to  pay 
the  dues  fixed  as  a  yearly  contribution  to  our  true  pastors, 
since  tithes  properly  so-called  have  been  seized  for  another 
purpose.  This  is  the  least  the  Catechism  implies,  and  we  are 
now  free  to  examine  the  precept  in  detail. 

1.  In  Ireland  the  extent  of  contributions  has  wisely 
l)een  left  in  great  measure  to  the  generosity  of  the  faitbiul. 
Obligation  seems  to  affect  only  the  fixed  dues  or  collections. 


Theological  Questions.  163 

Hence  everything  else  is  perfectly  free  so  long  as  the  priest 
is  suitably  maintained.  But  should  he  fail  to  derive  from  the 
appointed  stipends  such  a  living  as  becomes  his  position,  the 
Commandment  certainly  intends  to  enforce  the  obligation  that 
would  at  once  arise  from  the  natural  law,  and  bind  every 
parishioner  according  to  his  means,  to  help  in  supplying  the 
pastor's  wants. 

2.  Who  are  bound  by  the  Commandment  ?    As  a  rule  those 
who  are  on  the  priest's  list  for  annual  stipends.     The  heads  of 
families,  male  and  female,  are  of  the  number.     So  in  some 
instances  are  officials,  clerks,  and  even  servants.     But  usage 
varies  for  these  classes,  and  everywhere  allowance  is  made  for 
peculiar  circumstances,  such  as  their  means,  the  distance  of 
their   employment   from    home,    the    kind    of    contribution 
demanded. 

3.  Excusing  causes  are  often  present,  and  even  if  there 
be  nothing  to  justify  a  refusal,  we  must  think  twice  before 
proclaiming  our  rights.  Voluntary  offerings  on  other  occasions 
may  cover  the  obligation,  or  failure  may  be  of  rare  occurrence. 
Again,    the    charm    of    a    clergy   maintained    by  the    free 
•contributions  of  the  people  should  not  be  broken  for  a  trifle. 
It  is  much   better   to   keep   the    question  of  right   in  the 
,back-ground.      No  reasoning  on  the  subject,  at  least  in  a 
public  and  disputatious  way,  would  improve  the  spirit  of  the 
faithful    in    regard  to   clerical    dues.     What  is  true   of  the 
people  at  large,  on  this  head,  is  also  applicable  to  the  case  of 
individuals.     Unless  there  be  good  hope  of  success  it  is  useless 
to  proclaim  and  insist  on  rights  in  justice.     At  the  same  time 
laymen  who  know  their  obligations  and  refuse  to  discharge 
them,  without  any  excuse  or  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
priest  does  not  press  his  right,   are  plainly  committing  an 
offence    against     God,    His    Church,    and    the    neighbour. 
But,  owing  to  the  voluntary  character  that  in  some  measure 
has  passed  to  the  whole  system  by  which  the  priesthood  is 
supported,  a  materia  gravis  is  not  so  readily  reached  in  these 
.transactions  as  in  ordinary  dealings. 


164  Theological  Questions. 

SERVILE  WORKS  ox  SUXDAY. 

"The  people  of  this  district,  living  on  the  sea-coast,  depend,  in 
great  measure,  for  their  support,  &c.,  on  fishing.  They  are  all 
indeed  very  poor.  The  custom  of  going  out  on  Sunday  evenings  for 
this  purpose  has  prevailed  among  them  now  some  years.  They  all  hear 
Mass,  and  observe  the  Sunday  in  an  edifying  and  becoming  manner. 
At  six  o'clock,  however,  they  take  out  their  boats,  and  ro\v,  say  an 
hour  at  most,  on  to  sea.  Having  reached  the  fishing  ground,  they 
set  their  nets,  and  perform  that  business  in  about  ten  minutes.  After 
this  they  return,  leaving  the  nets  outside  until  Monday  morning, 
when  they  haul  them. 

"  A  difference  of  opinion  exists  among  the  priests  of  this  district 
in  regard  to  this  matter.  Some  hold  the  Sabbath  is  violated  by  the 
fishermen — have  even  preached  it  from  the  altar.  Others  maintain 
there  is  a  justifying  cause,  namely,  the  loss  the  poor  fishermen  would 
sustain,  or  be  likely  to  sustain,  did  they  cease  the  practice  referred 
to.  I  may  add,  that  the  fishing  season,  for  small  boats,  lasts  about 
six  weeks,  and  that  the  take  of  fish  depends  a  great  deal  on  chance. 
A  boat  may  take  the  value  of  five,  ten,  twenty,  thirty  pounds  or 
more  in  one  night,  and  be  many  nights  without  taking  anything. 

"  Having  explained  the  case  thus  fully  and  fairly,  will  you  please 
say — Firstly,  is  there  a  violation  of  the  Sabbath  under  the  circum- 
stances? Secondly,  if  the  justifying  cause  be  sufficient  excuse,  is  the 
person  who  ex  profenso  prevented  the  people  from  fishing  bound  to 
make  restitution  for  the  loss  they  are  sure  to  sustain  by  following  his 
advice  ? 

1.  In    such  circumstances  the  fishermen  are  abundantly 
justified  in  plying  their  oars  and  setting  their  nets,  as  stated. 
Indeed,  the  reasons  alleged  should  excuse-  them,  even  though 
their  work  were  considerably  more  servile  than  it  is  described 
to  be.     The  law    was  never  intended  to  bind  in  detail  at 
such  inconvenience. 

2.  At  the  same  time,  everyone  knows  that  a  priest  must 
now  and  then,  though  not,  by  any  means,  always,  in  his 
public   pronouncements,  insist   rather    on  the  obligation   of 
general   observance   than   on  the   causes  that  ground  just 
exemptions,  if  he  wishes  to  have  the  law  fairly  well  observed. 
And   in   this  particular   case,   although  the  practice  of  the 
fishermen  should  not  have  been  discouraged,  we  do  not  think 


Theological  Questions.  165 

that  an  obligation  of  restitution  was  incurred  by  ordering 
them  to  desist.  A  priest's  work,  in  practically  interpreting 
for  his  people  the  application  of  general  laws  to  individual 
cases,  is  attended  with  many  difficulties ;  and  so  long  as  he 
does  not  declare  the  existence  of  an  obligation  where  the 
common  opinion  is  against  his  view,  it  would  appear  inequit- 
able to  make  him  responsible  for  the  temporal  disadvantages 
which  follow.  This,  we  think,  is  the  state  of  rights  between 
priest  and  people ;  and,  though  the  pastor  may  err  and  sin 
by  imposing  duties  at  best  only  doubtful,  he  does  not 
«eem  to  incur  the  obligation  of  restitution  when,  as  in  the 
case  before  us,  a  difference  of  opinion  exists  among  "the 
priests  of  the  district  in  regard  to  the  matter." 


ON  "  IGNORANTIA  RESERVATIONS." 

"  As  I  find  a  very  great  difficulty  in  trying  to  reconcile  theory 
with  practice  on  the  question  of  ignorance  of  a  reserved  case,  I  have 
determined  to  get  your  help  in  order  to  clear  me  out  of  the  difficulty. 

"  Gury,  treating  of  ignorance  of  a  reserved  case  (vol.  ii.  No.  571), 
lays  down  the  law  pretty  clearly  on  the  matter.  He  makes  the 
distinction  between  what  are  called  Papal  reserved  cases  and  Epis- 
copal reserved  cases.  The  former,  he  tells  us,  being  reserved  '  ratione 
ceusnrae  adnexae,'  necessarily  are  void  where  there  is  '  Ignorantia 
poenae.'  As  to  the  latter,  he  assures  us  that  Doctors  differ. 

"  Some  hold,  then,  that  a  penitent  having  committed  a  sin,  the 
reservation  of  which  to  the  Bishop  he  did  not  know,  can  be  absolved 
by  any  priest  having  ordinary  faculties.  The  teaching  then,  on  this 
.point,  has  at  least  the  grade  of  probability.  Although  one  might  hold 
this  doctrine,  it  does  not  follow  that  should  he  adopt  it  in  practice  he 
would  be,  by  any  means,  justified  in  not  pointing  out  to  penitents  the 
.reservation  of  those  sins,  in  order  to  deter  them  from  them  in  the 
future.  The  power  of  absolving  from  such  sin  is  probable. 
"  This  is  all  I  want  to  have  for  certain,  in  order  to  explain  my 
difficulty.  That  others  deny  this  doctrine  goes  only  to  prove  that  it 
is  not  absolutely  certain ;  and  the  word  of  Gury,  *  melius,'  is 
answered  by  the  axiom :  Magis  aut  minus  noji  mutant  speciem. 

"  Well,  sir,  if  a  priest  told  me  he  acted  up  to  the  above  theory,  I 
could  not  condemn  him ;  but  I  would  assure  him  that  I  would  not 
<lo  so. 

"The  difficulty  that  presents  iteelf  to  me  in  th3  mattter  comes  to 


Theological  Questions. 

me  in  the  form  of  the  following  question  : — Am  I  perfectly  right  in 
my  interpretation  of  Gary  ?  and  if  I  am  right,  is  the  great  weight  of 
theological  authorities  in  Ireland  against  me  ? 

"If  you  will  help  me  in  any  way  in  the  clearing  up  of  my 
difficulty  I  shall  feel  obliged  to  you.  That  you  may  have  touched 
upon  this  question  in  some  former  number  of  the  RECORD  is  quite 
possible ;  but  as  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  notice  of  this 
question  in  the  numbers  I  examined,  I  determined  on  applying  to- 
yourself.  Many  of  your  readers,  too,  may  have  a  similar  difficulty, 
and  then,  l  uno  ictu,'  you  may  clear  the  v>ray  for  all." 

We  beg  to  refer  our  respected  correspondent  to  the 
RECORD,  page  498,  year  1880,  where  he  will  find  this  impor- 
tant qnestioii  fully  treated. 


MONEY  GIVEN  TO  SAY  A  PRAYER. 

'  A  custom  prevails  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  of  giving 
money  to  priests  accompanied  with  the  request  that  they  c  would 
say  a  prayer '  or  '  make  a  commemoration  '  for  the  donor. 

"  Is  it  lawful  to  accept  money  in  such  cases,  assuming  that  the 
money  is  not  intended  merely  as  a  gift  ?" 

There  need  be  no  difficulty,  as  a  rule,  about  taking  money 
offered  in  this  way.  Of  course  if  the  donor  meant  to 
exchange  gold  or  silver  for  the  priest's  prayers  his  act  would 
be  simoniacal,  and  could  not  be  allowed.  But  such  is  not  the 
case.  On  the  contrary,  the  more  generous  of  the  faithful,, 
well  aware  of  how  difficult  it  may  be  for  the  minister  of  the 
altar  to  procure  that  becoming  maintenance  to  which  he  is 
entitled,  or  out  of  pure  good  will  towards  their  priest,  use 
from  time  to  time  the  plea  of  a  prayer  or  memento,  in  giving 
occasional  contributions,  to  relieve  his  acceptance  of  all 
unpleasantness  on  the  ground  of  benefaction  or  dependence.. 
Sometimes,  no  doubt,  a  donor  will  desire  the  priest's 
intercession,  and  intend  his  gift  as  an  impulsive  motive  to 
attain  that  end,  without,  however,  going  the  length  of 
imposing  an  obligation.  If  this  be  so,  his  money  is. 
given  by  way  of  enticement  to  prayer,  and  not  by  any 
means  as  its  price.  Hence  a  priest  is  free  to  take  the  offering. 
Again,  an  obligation  in  gratitude,  fidelity  or  justice,  may  be 


Theological  Questions.  167 

intended ;  and  even  in  this  supposition  there  seems  to  be  no 
reason  prohibiting  acceptance,  provided  always  that  the 
money  be  given  and  received,  riot  as  in  any  way  commensu- 
rate with,  or  comparable  in  value  to,  a  prayer,  but  solely  on 
the  title  of  a  sustenance-stipend  to  one  who  is  maintained  by 
similar  contributions,  as  well  as  by  fixed  dues,  for  the 
purpose  of  being  ever  ready  to  supply  the  spiritual  wants  of 
the  people.  Now,  although  sums  given  to  laics  for  prayers, 
whether  to  poor  or  to  pious  persons,  might  wear  the  aspect, 
and  in  some  instances  involve  the  reality,  of  price-money, 
there  is  not  much  more  danger  of  such  an  evil  where  priests, 
are  the  recipients,  than  arises  from  the  practice  of  receiving 
honoraria  for  masses.  The  office  which  they  hold,  and  the 
annexed  right  of  maintenance,  enable  them  to  take  and  even 
demand  money,  titulo  sustentationis,  from  those  who  benefit 
by  their  ministrations.  And  just  as  independently  of  every 
pecuniary  advantage  they  can  by  promise  bind  themselves  in 
justice  to  say  mass,  or  perform  any  other  function.,  so  on  the 
occasion  of  receiving  contributions  towards  maintenance, 
they  can  be  similarly  bound  by  law,  or  private  arrangement,  or 
both  together,  to  exercise  some  spiritual  office  on  behalf  of 
those  who  give  them  money.  In  short,  such  offerings  may  be 
accepted,  "  titulo  stipendii  sustentationis,"  whether  with  or 
without  an  obligation  to  say  the  prayer,  unless  there  be  reason 
for  suspecting  the  simoniacal  intention  already  mentioned, 
and  no  certainty  of  being  able  to  instruct  the  donor. 


THE  OBLIGATION  OF  DENOUNCING  THE  HEADS  OF  SECRET 
SOCIETIES. 

"In  the  constitution  Apostolicae  Seclis,  under  the  heading 
'  Excommunicationes  latae  sententiae  Romano  Pontifici  reservatae  * 
(fourth  section),  those  who  do  not  denounce  to  the  proper  authority 
the  unknown  heads  of  secret  societies,  are  declared  excommunicated. 
Please  say  in  the  next  number  of  the  RECORD  whether  this  obligation 
of  denouncing  and  the  excommunication  to  be  incurred  for  neglect  of 
it  are  still  in  force,  and  what  is  the  practice  in  this  country  regarding 
them." 

The  obligation  of  denouncing  the  unknown  heads  of 
condemned  secret  societies  under  penalty  of  excommunication, 


168  Theological  Questions. 

is  still  in  force  in  this  country.  It  does  not,  however,  follow 
that  the  duty  has  to  be  often  performed,  albeit  oppression 
has  unfortunately  left  us  many  shoots  from  the  unsightly  under- 
growth it  always  fosters.  Sometimes  the  "  duces  et  cory- 
phaei "  are  generally  known.  Sometimes  the  bishop  from 
his  peculiar  opportunities  is  among  the  very  few  who  know 
them.  Frequently  the  old  heads  have  ceased  all  activity  in 
connection  with  these  organizations.  Or,  again,  some  priest 
in  the  parish  may  be  able  to  effectually  put  an  end  to  the 
destructive  career  of  such  men,  and  bring  them  to  repentance. 
But,  lastly,  outside  these  cases  which  the  censure  does  not 
affect,  there  remains  that  of  a  condemned  society  new  in  the 
district,  or,  if  old,  still  active  for  mischief,  under  acknowledged 
heads,  who  are  so  unknown  that  one  cannot  reckon  for 
certain  on  the  bishop's  being  aware  of  their  existence  and 
movements.  It  is  here  the  burthen  of  denunciation  rests  on 
the  shoulders  of  every  one  happening  to  have  accurate  infor- 
mation about  the  facts.  Of  course  those  who  are  ignorant 
of  the  precept  cannot  be  expected  to  observe  it,  and  from  the 
silence  of  the  Maynooth  Synod  on  this  subject,  it  is  reasonable 
to  infer  that  a  confessor  should  weigh  the  consequences  well 
before  undertaking  to  explain  the  obligation  to  penitents. 
At  the  same  time,  obviously  the  natural  law  might  require 
this  to  be  done,  especially  if  it  be  the  means  of  preventing 
some  great  evil.  When  aware  of  the  obligation,  the  faithful 
are  not  bound  to  make  a  judicial  denunciation.  It  will 
suffice  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  bishop,  through  their 
confessors.  As  an  illustration  of  how  widely  this  law  is 
obligatory,  it  may  be  interesting  to  read  the  following  extract 
from  an  instruction  of  the  S.  Cong.  S.  M.  Inquisitionis,  dated 
15th  June,  1870 : — 

"  At  quaeris  cui,  et  a  quibus  fieri  ejusmodi  denunciationes  in  mis- 
sionibus  debeant  ?  Obscurum  esse  minime  potest,  a  quibus  faciendae 
sint.  Generale  quippe  est  praeceptum  omnibus  fidelibus  injunctum. 
Cui  vero  sunt  faciendae  manifestum  quoque  est,  nimirnm  ei  qui  pro 
pastorali  officio  vigilare  et  cavere  debet  ne  oves  sibi  concreditae  in 
lupos  incurrant,  neve  peste  inficiantur ;  cujusmodi  est  quicuinque 
episcopale  vel  quasi-episcopale  munus  in  Missionibus  gerit,  vicarius 
videlicet  vel  Praefectus  Apostolicus,  vel  ab  iis  ad  hunc  effectum 
delegatus." 


Theological  Questions.  169 

THE  MASSES  TO  BE  SAID  IN  UNITED  PARISHES. 

"  You  will  oblige  by  informing  the  readers  of  the  next  number 
of  the  RECORD  whether  parish  priests  whose  livings  in  Ireland  are 
•composed  of  a  union  of  several  parishes,  are  bound  on  Sundays  and 
festival  days  to  say,  or  get  said,  as  many  Masses  as  there  are  parishes 
•comprised  in  the  union." 

Parishes  may  be  united  in  any  one  of  three  ways,  and 
unless  the  union  be  plenary  and  extinctive  there  is  an  obliga- 
tion of  having  separate  Masses  applied  on  Sundays  and 
Holidays  for  the  parishioners  of  each.  The  words  of  the 

S.  Congregation  are  " Parochi  teneantur  applicatione 

supradictae  Missae  pro  populo  ....  in  unaquaque  ex 
ecclesiis  parochialibus,  quae  vel  aeque  principaliter,  vel 
subjective  conjunctae  sunt,  atque  incorporatae,  cum  appli- 
<3atio  Missae  unius  tantummodo  pro  populo  locum  habeat  in 
iis  parochialibus,  quae  invicem  adeo  unitae,  conjunctae 
aeque  incorporatae  sunt.  ut  ex  duabus  una  prorsus  cum 
•extinctione  tituli  alterius  evaserit." 

SACRAMENTAL  CONFESSION. 

1.  "In  the  definition  of  Sacramental  Confession  we  find  such 
phrases  as, '  inordine  ad  absolutionem/  '  ad  remissionem  impetrandam.' 
Do  these  mean  any  greater  formality  than  that  the  penitent  come 
bona  fide  to  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  ?" 

2.  "When  a  confessor  to  get  Materia  Sacramenti  asks  for  a  sin 
of   past   life   thus  : — "  Have  you   been  angry   in   your    past   life  ?" 
*  Have  you   been  disobedient  ?"  etc.,   sometimes  the  penitent  replies 
i  Yes ;"  sometimes,  "  Yes,   but  I  told  it  before."     Are   both  these 
replies  sufficiently  '  in  ordine  ad  absolutionem '  ?" 

1.  No  greater  formality  is  required.     Sacramental  confes- 
sion implies  that  faults  are  told  with  the  object  of  submitting 
them   to   the  potestas   clavium,  and  not  merely   by   way   of 
narrative. 

2.  Both  replies  are  sufficient  in  case  of  penitents  who  are 
well  instructed  in  the  Christian  Doctrine.     But  it  is  much 
safer  for  the  confessor   to    add,    "  and  you  now  confess  it 
over  again  and  are  sorry  for  it." 


LITURGICAL  QUESTIONS. 

I. 

MAY  A  NUN  SERVE  AT  BENEDICTION  ? 

"  I  can  find  in  the  books  to  which  I  have  access,  no  distinct 
answer  to  a  difficulty  that  arises  very  frequently  in  England  and 
Scotland,  if  not  in  Ireland  :  Is  it  lawful  in  any  way  for  a  nun  to 
enter  the  Sanctuary  or  minister  to  a  priest  during  the  rite  of 
Benediction  ?  ,  .  .  .  , 

"  Theologians  discuss  whether  a  woman  may  serve  at  Mass.  All 
appear  to  be  agreed  that  in  no  case  may  she  approach  the  altar. 
The  more  lenient  view  is  that  she  may  make  the  responses  from  a 
distance,  while  the  celebrant  ministers  to  himself  the  wine  and  water, 
or  is  served  by  a  man  who  is  not  able  to  answer  to  the  prayers. 
St.  Alphonsus  says  that  this  may  be  done  sometimes,  or  under 
certain  circumstances — quandoque — especially  if  the  woman  is  a 
nun.  But  in  discussing  this  question  the  holy  doctor  declares  that  it 
would  be  a  mortal  sin  to  allow  a  woman  to  minister  at  tha  altar,, 
porrigendo  iirceolos,  etc.  Now  the  authority  in  Canon  Law,  which 
he  refers  to,  seems  to  be  referable  to  Benediction  no  less  than  to- 
Mass.  '  Prohibendum  est,  ut  nulla  foemina  ad  altare  praesumat 
accedere,  aut  presbytero  ministrare  aut  intra  cancellos  stare  sive 
sedere.'  Cap.  I.,  In  Prohibendum  de  Cohab.  Cler.  Benedict  XIV.. 
quotes  the  words  of  Pope  St.  Gelasius :  Impatienter  audivimus 
1  We  have  heard  with  surprise  and  displeasure  that  women  have 
been  allowed  to  serve  at  the  altar.' 

"  Practice,  however,  seems  to  distinguish  between  Mass  and 
Benediction.  I  have  never  heard  of  a  nun  actually  serving  at  Mass  : 
but  nuns  often  serve  at  Benediction,  even  in  chapels  under  the  eyes- 
of  dignitaries.  Sometimes,  when  there  is  no  boy  to  serve,  a  nun 
places  the  humeral  veil  on  the  priest's  shoulders  and  removes  it. 
Sometimes  this  is  avoided  and  the  veil  is  placed  beforehand 
«n  a  small  table  or  on  the  predella,  to  be  taken  up  and  deposed 
by  the  officiant.  As  regards  incense  the  more  common  practice 
is  for  a  nun  to  bring  in  the  thurible  when  wanted,  hold  it  while 
the  priest  places  in  it  the  incense,  give  it  to  him  and  receive  it 
from  him.  Some  priests  only  allow  her  to  bring  tho  thurible  when 
wanted  and  lay  it  carefully  on  the  step,  so  that  they  may  be  able  to- 
put  incense  in  by  stooping  and  then  gather  up  the  chain,  not  without- 


Liturgical  Questions.  171 

risk  of  accident.  The  thurible,  however,  in  this  case,  is  brought  to 
and  removed  from  the  altar,  not  before  and  after,  but  during  the 
rite.  If  it  lay  there  throughout,  the  coals  would  be  extinct  before 
the  second  incensation,  and  the  smoke  would  be  intolerable  while 
they  were  burning.  Besides,  nothing  is  gained  by  this  manoeuvre. 
All  this  is  acknowledged  to  be  irregular,  but  (they  say)  what  can  be 
done '?  Are  the  nuns  to  be  deprived  of  Benediction  ?  No  boy  can 
be  got  to  serve ;  or  the  nuns  refuse  to  allow  to  enter  their  convent 
and  domestic  chapel  such  big  youths  as  are  alone  available.  I  would 
ask,  therefore,  whether,  under  such  difficult  circumstances,  a  nun 
may  be  allowed  to  approach  the  altar  and  minister  to  the  priest? 
Could  it  be  done  quite  exceptionally  if  the  boy  appointed  did  not 
come  ?  If  so,  what  method  of  service  may  be  permitted?  Or  could 
any  means  be  devised  by  which  a  priest  could  bring  and  replace  the 
thurible  without  assistance  ?'' 

This  question,  whether  a  nun  may  minister  to  a  priest 
at  the  altar,  is  usually  raised  under  the  heading  of  the 
serving  of  Mass,  because  the  occasions  occur  most  frequently 
in  connection  with  this  function,  when  it  would  be  a 
convenience  to  have  such  a  server ;  and  also  because  the 
decisions  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  (27  Aug.  1836,  4782,. 
10),  expressly  forbidding  women  to  minister  the  wine  and 
water,  and  determining  under  what  conditions  they  might  be 
allowed  to  make  the  responses,  were  given  in  reply  to 
questions  regarding  the  serving  of  Mass. 

But  the  law  forbidding  women  to  serve  at  the  altar,  or  to 
minister  to  the  celebrant,  or  to  assist  within  the  sanctuary 
at  a  function,  is  general;  and  accordingly  applies  to  Benediction 
.as  well  as  to  Mass.  You  quote  correctly  the  words  of  the 
prohibition  which  is  found  in  cap.  Prohibendum  lit.  3  Decretalium 
tit.  3 :  "Prohibendum  quoque  est  ut  nulla  femina  ad  Altare  pre- 
sumat  accedere,  aut  Presbytero  ministrare,  aut  intra  cancellos 
stare  sive  sedere."  The  ruling  is  founded  on  the  manifest 
impropriety  of  such  a  practice. 

Such  customs  as  you  describe  should  not  be  tolerated,  and 
we  cannot  believe  but  those  concerned,  both  celebrant  and 
moniales,  will  readily  find  a  remedy  for  the  abuse,  as 
soon  as  they  understand  that  this  mode  of  serving  is  strictly 
forbidden. 


172  Liturgical  Questions. 

Surely  a  little  boy  of  from  eight  to  ten  years  old  can  be 
engaged  to  be  in  attendance  whenever  Benediction  is  to  be 
given.  This  is  the  more  easily  arranged,  as  the  hours  for 
the  function  are  generally  fixed.  A  mere  child  will  be  able 
to  hand  the  humeral  veil  to  the  priest  and  to  present  the 
thurible. 

In  case  of  an  unexpected  Benediction,  when  such  a 
server  cannot  be  found,  the  humeral  veil  can  be  laid  on  the 
steps  or  railing,  and  the  thurible  placed  on  a  convenient 
:stand  outside  the  sanctuary  rails ;  but  in  no  case  is  the 
monialis  to  put  the  veil  on  the  shoulders  of  the  celebrant  or 
•serve  within  the  sanctuary. 

II. 

THE  BENEDICTIO  Loci  BEFORE  MASS  IN  A  PRIVATE  HOUSE. 

"  May  1  ask  if  there  be  an  obligation  on  the  part  of  a  clergyman 
who  celebrates  Mass  in  a  private  house  to  give  the  'Benedictio  Loci ' 
before  the  Holy  Sacrifice  ? 

"  1  should  wish  also,  in  the  event  of  an  affirmative  answer,  to  know 
where  is  the  Rubric  directing  it  to  be  found  ?"  . 

1.  There  is  no  rubric  as  far  as  I  know,  which  enjoins  the 
•saying  of  the  Benedictio  Loci  before  the  celebration  of  Mass  in 
a  private  house. 

2.  There  is  no  such  obligation. 

3.  The  Benedictio  Loci  has  no  special  connection  with  the 
Mass,  but  is  the  general  form  for  blessing  an  apartment1  of  a 
house,  or  a  place,  meaning  thereby  a  street,  or  parish,  or 
district.2      Indeed   in   the   mind   of  the   Church   it   has   no 
-connection  with  the  Mass,  since  the  Church  does  not  contem- 
plate the  saying  of  Mass  in  a  common  room  of  a  private 
house,  and  consequently  does  not  provide  for  the  case  in  her 
Ritual. 

There  is,  however,  a  custom  of  using  this  blessing  in  the 
circumstances  described,  and  as  it  is  an  appropriate  and 
laudable  custom  it  ought  to  be  continued.  Its  appropriateness 
is  obvious  from  these  facts :  1°,  the  Church  prescribes  in 
her  Ritual  a  special  form  of  blessing  for  public  Oratories 

1  Cavalieri,  Tom.  iy.  Dec.  ccclxxxiv.  cap.  xxiv,  n.  5. 

2  Baruffaldus  Tit.  xlix,  7. 


Liturgical  Questions.  17$ 

before  Mass  is  celebrated  in  them ;  2°,  she  prescribes  a  form  of 
blessing  and  purification  of  the  apartment  in  which  her  priest 
is  to  administer  the  Blessed  Eucharist  or  Extreme  Unction  to 
the  sick.  It  is  then  most  fitting  that  there  should  be  a 
blessing  and  purification  of  the  apartment  in  which  the  holy 
Sacrifice  is  to  be  offered;  and  the  Benedictio  Loci  is  an 
appropriate  form  for  the  purpose. 

III. 

GLASS  LUNETTE. 

In  many  churches  the  glass  lunette  is  still  in  use.  May  one  in 
these  churches  consecrate  the  particle  upon  the  glass  placed  on  the 
corporal ? 

Yes;  but  it  is  the  duty  of  those  in  charge  of  the  church 
to  introduce  the  proper  form  of  lunette  as  soon  as  convenient. 
The  glass  lunette  can  be  altered  to  the  proper  form  by  a 
silversmith. 

IV. 

ANOINTING  THE  KENES  OF  MEN. 

Has  any  change  in  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament  of 
Extreme  Unction  been  effected  by  the  Maynooth  Synod  ?  For 
instance,  if  previous  to  the  Synod  it  .was  not  customary  to  anoint  the 
loins  of  men,  may  not  such  usage  be  still  continued,  or  may  it  be 
continued  at  l&ast  in  public  institutions  ? 

The  Synod  of  Maynooth  introduced  no  change  in  this 
matter,  for  it  prescribes  in  the  same  worcjs  which  the  Synod 
of '  Thurles  used,  "  Orationes  et  Unctiones  omnes  juxta 
normam  Ritualis  Romani  in  Sacramento  hoc  confereiido 
perficiantur."  We  must  then  follow  the  Ritual,  which  pre- 
scribes the  anointing  of  the  Renes  of  men,  except  when  it 
cannot  be  done  without  inconvenience  to  the  patient.  In  the 
Ritual  published  for  the  use  of  the  English  clergy  (Richardson, 
Derby,  1856),  writes  O'Kane,1  the  unction  of  the  loins  is  not 
mentioned;  and  in  the  Excerpta  ex  Rituali  for  the  use  of  the 
clergy  of  the  United  States,  it  is  observed  in  a  note  that  the 
usage  throughout  the  States  is  always  to  omit  the  unction  of 

1  Notes  on  the  Rubrics  of  the  Roman  Ritual,  n.  893. 


174  Liturgical  Questions. 

the  loins.  These  facts  point  to  the  conclusion  that  any 
considerable  incommoclum  would  justify  the  omission,  and 
your  experience  probably  teaches  you  that  there  is  such  an 
incommodum  in  anointing  the  loins,  where  men  are  together 
in  a  public  institution.  The  "  Institutiones  Morales  Alphon- 
sianae,  just  published  at  Rome,  writes  :  "  Romae  usitatum 
est  ungere  renes  vironim  ab  utroque,  vel  ab  uiio  saltern 
la t ere,  super  os,  quod  nominant  ischion  (coxa)  :  sic  enim  vix 
moveri  debet  aegrotus.  Alibi,  rerum  iiiunctio  in  omnibus 
indiscriminatim  omittitur.  Servanda  est  consuetudo  diocesis." 
Tom.  II.,  p.  iii.,  Fr.  vi.  De  Ex.  Unct.,  cap,  I.,  Art.  II.  n.  1875, 

V. 

MUST  THE  HOST  AND  CHALICE  BE  PLACED  ON  THE  ALTAR-STONE. 

"  I  have  a  wooden  altar  in  the  centre  of  which  I  place  an  altar- 
stone  when  saying  Mass.  The  stone  is  a  small  one,  but  I  have  a 
large  corporal.  Is  it  sufficient  to  place  the  Chalice  and  Host  anywhere 
within  the  corporal,  or  is  there  any  strict  rule  of  placing  them 
within  the  limits  of  the  stone  itself  ?  An  answer  in  your  next  will 
•oblige.-  S.  J." 

There  is  a  rubric  which  requires  the  Host  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  Chalice  to  be  placed  on  the  altar-stone. 
"Vel  saltern  ara  lapidea,  .  .  .  quae  tarn  ampla  sit,  ut  Hostiam 
et  majorem  partem  calicis  capiat.  (Rub.  Gen.  Missalis.  Tit. 
xx.  1) 

VI. 
PRIVATE  REQUIEM 'MASS  WITHIN  OCTAVE  OF  ALL  SAINTS. 

"  Was  I  within  the  law  in  saying  a  private  Requiem  Mass  on  the 
5th,  6th,  and  7th  November,  Semidoubles  within  the  Octave  of  All 
Saints  ?" 

,  Yes  ;  for  this  is  not  one  of  tthe  privileged  Octaves.  The 
privileged  Octaves  are  five  in  number,  namely,  Christmas, 
Epiphany,  Easter,  Pentecost,  and  Corpus  Christi. 


[    175     J 


DOCUMENTS. 

[SANCTISSIMI    DOMINI  NOSTRI  LEONIS   DIVINA  PROVIDENTIA 
PAPAE    XIII.    LITTERAE    ENCYCLICAE    QUIBUS    EXTRA- 

ORDINARIUM   JlJBILAEUM  INDICITUR.] 

VENERABILIBUS  FRATRIBUS  PATRIARCHIS  PRIMATIBUS  ARCHIE- 
PISCOPI3  ET  EPISCOPIS  ALIISQUE  LOCORUM  ORDINAR1IS 
GRATIAM  ET  COMMUNIONEM  CUM  APOSTOLICA  SEDE  HABENTIBUS. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 

VENERABILES  FRATRES 

SALUTEM    ET  APOSTOLICAM   BENEDICTIONEM. 

[SPECIALIS     HUJUSCE     JlJBILAEI     OPPORTUNITAS.J 

Quod  auctoritate  Apostolica  semel  iam  atque  iterum  clecrevimus, 
ut  annus  sacer  toto  orbe  christiano  extra  orclinem  ageretur,  oblatis 
bono  publico  caelestium  munerum  thesauris,  quorum  est  in  Nostra 
potestate  dispensatio,  idem  placet  in  annum  proximum,  Deo  favente, 
decernere.  Cuius  utilitas  rei  fugere  vos,  Veuerabiles  Fratres, 
nequaquam  potest  gnaros  temporum  ac  morum :  seel  quaedam 
singularis  ratio  facit,  ut  in  hoc  consilio  Nostro  maior,  quam  fortasse 
alias,  inesse  opportunitas  videatur.  Mmirum  cum  de  civitatibus 
superiore  epistola  Encyclica  docuerimus,  quanti  intersit,  eas  ad 
veritatem  formamque  christianam  propius  accedere,  intelligi  iam  licet 
quam  sit  huic  ipsi  proposito  Nostro  consentaneum  dare  operam, 
quibuscumque  rebus  possumus,  ut  vel  excitentur  homines  ad 
Christianas  virtutes,  vel  revocentur.  Tails  est  enim  civitas,  qualis 
populorum  fingitur  moribus :  et  quemadmodum  aut  navigii  aut 
aedium  bouitas  ex  singularum  pendet  bonitate  aptaque  suis  locis 
€ollocatione  partium,  eodem  fere  modo  rerum  cursus  publicarum 
rectus  et  sine  offensione  esse  non  potest,  nisi  rectam  vitae  cives  con- 
scquantur  viam.  Ipsa  disciplina  civilis,  et  ea  omnia,  quibus  vitae 
publicae  constat  actio,  nonnisi  auctoribus  hominibus  nascunttir, 
intereunt :  homines  autem  suarum  solent  opinionum  morumque 
expressam  imaginem  iis  rebus  affingere.  Quo  igitur  eis  praeceptis 
Nostris  et  imbuantur  penitus  animi,  et,  quod  caput  est,  quotidiana 
vita  singulorum  regatur,  enitendum  est  ut  singuli  inducant  animum. 
christiane  sapere,  christiane  agere  non  minus  publice  quam 
privatim. 


176  Documents. 

[TANTO  MAJOR  EST   ADHIBENDA   CONTENTIO,  QUANTO  PLURA 

NOSTRIS  TEMPORIBUS  IMPENDENT  UNDIQUE  PERICULA.] 
Atque  in  ea  re  tanto  maior  est  adhibenda  contentio,  qtianto 
plura  impendent  vmdique  pericula.  Non  enim  exiguam  partem 
magnae  illae  patrum  nostrorum  virtutes  cessere  :  cupiditates,  quae 
per  se  vim  liabent  maximam,  maiorem  licentia  quaesiverunt : 
opinionum  insania,  nullis  aut  parum  aptis  coirpressa  frenis,  manat 
quotidie  lon^ius :  ex  iis  ipsis,  qui  recte  sentiant,  plures  praepostero 
quodam  pudore  deterriti  non  audent  id  quod  sentiunt  libere  profiteri, 
multoque  minus  reipsa  perficere  ;  deterrimorum  vis  exemplorum  in 
mores  populares  passim  influit :  societates  hominum  non  honestae, 
quae  a  Nobismetipsis  alias  designatae  sunt,  flagitiosarum  artium 
scientissimae,  populo  imponere,  et  quotquot  possuut,  a  Deo,  a 
sanctitate  officiorum,  a  fide  Christiana  abstraliere  atque  abalienare 
contendunt. 

Tot  igitur  prementibus  mails,  quae  vel  ipsa  diuturnitas  maiora 
facit,  nullus  est  Nobis  praetermittendus  locus,  qui  spem  sublevationis 
aliquam  afferat.  Hoc  consilio  et.hac  spe  sacrum  lubilaeum  indicturi 
sumus,  monendis  coliortandisque  quotquot  sua  est  cordi  salus,  ut 
colligant  paullisper  sese,  et  demersas  in  terram  cogitationes  ad  meliora 
traducant.  Quod  non  privatis  soluin,  Sed  toti  futurum  est  reipublicae 
salutare,  propterea  quod  quantum  singuli  profecerint  in  animi  per- 
fectione  sui,  tantundem  honestatis  ac  virtutis  ad  vitam  moresque 
publicos  accede t. 

[SELIGANT  EPISCOPI  SACERDOTES  QUI  PUS  CONCIONIBUS  AI> 
VULGI  CAPTUM  ACCOMMODATIS  MULTITUDINEM  ERUDIENT, 
MAXIMEQUE  AD  POENITENTIAM  COHORT ABUNTUR.] 

Sed  optatum  rei  exitum  videtis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  in  opera  et 
diligentia  vestra  magnam  partem  esse  positum,  cum  apte  studioseque 
populum  praeparare  necesse  sit  ad  fructus,  qui  propositi  sunt,  rite 
percipiendos.  Erit  igitur  caritatis  sapientiaeque  vestrae  lectis  sacer- 
dotibus  id  negotium  dare,  ut  piis  concionibus  ad  vulgi  captum 
accommodatis  multitudinem  erudiant,  maximeque  ad  poenitentiam 
cohortsntur,  quae  est,  auctore  Augustino,  bonorum  tt  humilium  fidelium 
poena  quotidiana,  in  qua  pectora  tnridimus,  dicentes :  dimitte  nobis  debita 
nostraJ  Poenitentiam,  quaeque  pars  eius  est,  voluntariam  corporis- 
castigationem  non  sine  caussa  primo  commemoramus  loco.  Nostis 
euim  morem  saecnli :  libet  plerisque  delicate  vivere,  viriliter  animo- 
que  magno  nihil  agere.  Qui  cum  in  alias  incidunt  miserias  multas, 

'  Epifet.  108. 


Documents.  17 T 

turn  fingunt  saepe  caussas,  ne  salutaribus  Ecclesiae  legibus  obtem- 
percnt,  onus  rati  sibi  gravius,  quam  tolerari  possit,  impositum,  quod 
vel  abstiaere  certo  ciborum  genere,  vel  ieiunium  servare  paucis  anni 
diebus  iubcantur.  Hac  enervati  consuetudiue,  miram  non  est  si 
sensim  totos  se  cupiditatibus  dedant  maiora  poscentibus.  Itaque 
lapsos  a ut  proclives  ad  mollitiam  animos  consentaneum  est  ad  tem- 
perantiam  revocare  :  proptereaque,  qui  ad  populum  dicturi  sunt,, 
diligenter  et  enucleate  doceant,  quod  non  modo  Evangelica  lege,  sed 
etiam  natural!  ratioue  praecipitur,  imperare  sibimetipsi  et  domitas 
habere  cupiditates  unumquemque  oportere :  nee  expiari,  nisi  poeni- 
tendi  posse  delicta.  Et  huic,  de  qua  loquimur,  virtuti,  ut  diuturna 
permaneat,  non  inepte  consultum  fuerit,  si  rei  stabiliter  institutae 
quasi  in  fidem  tutelamque  tradatur. 

[INOITANTUR  EPISCOPI  AD  SODALITATES  TERTH  ORDINIS  S.  FRAN- 
CISCI  IN  SUIS  DIOECESIBUS  PROTEGENDAS  ET  AMPLIFICANDAS.] 

Quo  id  pcrtineat,  facile,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  intelligitis :  illuc 
scilicet,  ut  sodalium  Franciscalium  ordinem  Tertium,  quern  saecularem 
nominant,  in  Dioecesi  quisque  vestra  tueri  et  nmplificare  perseveretis. 
Prof ec to  ad  conservandum  alendumque  poenitentiae  in  cliristiana 
multitudine  spiritum,  plurimum  omnino  valitura  sunt  exempla  et  gratia 
Francisci  Assisiensis  patris,  qui  cum  siimma  iunocentia  vitae  tantum 
coniunxit  stadium  castigandi  sui,  ut  Jesu  Christi  crucifix!  imaginem 
non  minus  vita  et  moribus,  quam  impressis  divinitus  signis  rctulisse 
videatur.  Leges  eius  Ordinis,  quas  opportune  temperavimu?,  longe 
sunt.  ad  perferendum  leves  :  momentum  ad  cliristianam  virtuteni 
liabent  non  leve. 

[COMMEND ATUR  STUDIUM  PRECANDI  CONST ANS,  ET  PRAECIPUE 
FORMA  ILLA  PRECANDI  PULCHERRIMA,  ROSARIUM  MARIALE^ 
QUAE  NOSTRIS  TEMPORIBUS  CONVENIT,  ET  USU  FACILIS,  ET 
UTILITATE  UBERRIMA.] 

Deinde  vero  in  his  privatis  publicisquo  tontis  necessitatibus,  cum 
tota-^pes  salutis  utique  in  patrocinio  tutelaque  Patris  caelestis  cou- 
sistat,  magnopere  vellemus,  studium  precandi  constant  et  cum  fiduci:i 
coniunctum  reviviscere.  In  omni  magno  christianae  reipublicae 
tempore,  quoties  Ecclesiae  usuveflit,  ut  vel  externis  periculis,  vel 
intestinis  premeretur  incommodis,  praeclare  maiores  nostri,  sublatis 
in  caelurn  sOppliciter  oculis,  docuerunt,  qua  ratione  et  unde  lumen 
auimi,  unde  vim  virtiftis  et  apta  temporibus  adi amenta  petere 
oporteret.  Inhaerebant  enim  penitus  in  mentibus  fllti  lesu  Chrieti 
VOL.  VII.  M 


178  Documents. 

praecepta,  petite  et  daUtur  volris  ;*  oportet  semper  or  are  et  nan  de/icere? 
Quibus  resonat  Apostolorum  vox :  sine  intermissione  orate  :s  olsecro 
igitur  primum  omnium  fieri  olsecrationes,  orationes,  postulcAiontit 
gratiarum  actiones  pro  omnibus  homitiibus.*  Quam  ad  rem  non  minus 
acute  quam  vere  illud  loannes  Chrysostomus  scriptum  per  similitu- 
dinem  reliquit :  quo  modo  homini,  cum  nudus  idemque  egens  rebus 
omnibus  suscipiatur  in  lucem,  manus  natura  dedit,  quarum  ope  res  ad 
vitam  necessarias  sibi  compararet ;  ita  in  iis,  quae  sunt  supranaturam, 
cum  nihil  per  se  ipse  possit,  largitus  est  Deus  orandi  facultatem,  qua 
ille  sapienter  usus,  omnia  quae  ad  salutem  requiruntur,  facile  im- 
petraret.  Hjs  ex  rebus  singuli  statuite,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quam 
gratum  et  probatum  Nobis  studinm  vestrum  in  provehenda  sacratis- 
siini  Uosarii  religione  his  praesertim  proximis  annis,  Nobis  auctoribus, 
positum.  Neque  est  silentio  praetereunda  pietas  popularis,  quae 
omnibus  fere  locis  videtur  in  eo  genere  excitata :  ea  tamen  ut  magis 
inflammetur  ac  perseveranter  retineatur,  summa  cura  videndum  est, 
Idque  si  insistimus  hortari,  quod  non  semel  idem  hortati  sumus,  nemo 
mirabitur  vestrum,  quippe  qui  intelligitis,  quanti  referat,  llosarii 
Marialis  apud  christianos  florere  consuetudinem,  optimeque  nostis, 
earn  esse  huius  ipsius  spiritus  precum,  de  quo  loquimur,  partem  et 
formam  quamdam  pulcherrirnam,  eamdemque  convenientem  tempori- 
•bus,  usu  facilem,  utilitate  uberrimam. 

[INTER    FRUCTUS    PERCIPIENDOS    PROPONITUR    CHARITAS 
FRATERNA]. 

Quoniam  vero  lubilaei  prior  et  maximus  fructus,  id  quod  supra 
indicavimus,  emendatio  vitae  et  virtutis  accessio  esse  debet,  neces- 
sariam  nominatim  censemus  eius  fugam  mali,  quod  ipsis  superioribus 
litteris  Encyclicis  designare  non  praetermisimus.  Intestina  intelligi- 
mus  ac  prope  domestica  nonnullorum  ex  nostris  dissidia,  quae 
cai'itatis  vinclum,  vix  dici  potest  quanta  cum  peroicie  animorum, 
solvunt  aut  certe  relaxant.  Quam  rem  ideo  rursus  commemoravimus 
hoc  loco  apud  vos,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  ecclesiasticae  disciplinae 
mutuaeque  caritatis  custodes,  quia  ad  prohibendum  tarn  grave  incom- 
modum  volumus  vigilantiam  auctoritatemque  vestram  perpetuo  esse  con* 
versam.  Monendo,  hortando,  increpando  date  operam,ut  orrmcs  solliciti 
sint  servare  unitatem  spiritus  in  vinculo pads,  utque  redeant  ad  officium, 
si  qui  sunt  dissidiorum  auctores,  illud  in  omni  vita  cogitantes,  Unigeni- 
turn  Dei  Filium  in  ipsa  supremorum  appropinquatioue  cruciatuuni 
nihil  a  Patre  contendisse  vehementius,  quam  ut  inter  se  diligerent, 

1  Matth.  vii,  7.     2  Luc.  xviii,  1.    8 1  Thessal.  v,  17.     *  I  Tiinoth.  ii.  1. 


Documents.  179 

qui  crederent  ant  crecliluri  esscnt  in   eum,  ut  onmes  unum  sint,  sicut 
tu,  Pater,  in  me,  et  ego  in  te,  ut  et  ipsi  in  nobis  unum  suit? 

[COXDITIOXES  AD  LUCRAXDAM  JUBILAEI  INDULGENTIAM 
DIPLEXDAE. — (a)  AB  nS  QUI  ROMAE  DEGUXT—  (b)  AE  HS 
QUI  EXTRA  ROMAM  DEGUXT.  AXIMABUS  IX  PURGATORIO 
DETEXTIS  APPLICARI  POTEST]. 

Itaque  cle  omnipotentis  Dei  misericordia,  ac  beatorum  Apostolorum 
Petri  et  Pauli  auctoritate  confisi,  ex  ilia  ligandi  atquc  solvendi 
potestate,  quam  Nobis  Dominus  licet  indignis  contulit,  universis  et 
singulis  utriusque  sexus  Christi  fidelibus  plenissimam  peccatorum 
omnium  indulgentiam,  ad  generalis  lubilaei  modum,  concedimus,  ea 
tameu  conditione  et  lege,  ut  intraspatium  anni  proximiMDCCCi.xxxvi 
liaec,  quae  infra  scripta  sunt,  effecerint. 

Quotquot  Romae  sunt  cives  hospitesve  Basilicam  Lateranensem, 
item  Vaticanam  et  Liberianam  bis  adeant :  ibique  aliquandiu  pro 
Ecclesiae  catholicae  et  hums  Apostolicae  Sedis  prosperitate  et 
exaltatione,  pro  extirpatione  haeresum  omniumque  errantium  con- 
versione,  pro  christianorum  Principnm  concordia  ac  to  tins  fidelis 
populi  pace  et  unit  ate,  secundum  mentem  Nostram  pias  ad  Deum 
preces  eifundant.  lidem  duos  dies  esurialibus  tantum  cibis  utentes 
ieiunent,  praeter  dies  in  quadragesimali  indulto  non  comprehensos, 
atit  alias  simili  stricti  iuris  ieiunio  ex  praecepto  Ecclesiae  consecratos  : 
praeterea  peccata  sua  rite  confessi  sanctissimum  Eucharistiae  sacra- 
mentum  suscipiant,  stipemque  aliquam  pro  sua  ^uisque  facultate, 
adhibito  in  consilium  Confessario,  in  aliquod  pium  conferant  opus, 
quod  ad  propagationem  et  incremeutum  fidei  catholicae  pertineat. 
Integrum  unicuique  sit,  quod  malit,  optare :  duo  tamen  designanda 
nominatim  putamus,  in  quibus  erit  optime  collocata  beneficientia, 
utrumque  multis  locis  indigens  opis  et  tutelae,  utrumque  civitati  non 
minus  quam  Ecclesiae  fructuosum  ;  nimirum  privatas  puerorum 
scholas,  et  Seminaria  Clericorwn 

Ceteri  vero  ornnes  extra  Urbem  ubicumque  degentes  tria  templa 
a,  vobis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  aut  a  vestris  Vicariis  seu  Officialibus, 
aut  de  vestro  eorumve  mandato  ab  iis  qui  curam  animarum 
exercent  designanda,  bis ;  vel  duo  tantum  si  templa  fuerint,  ter ;  vel, 
si  unum,  sexies,  dicto  temporis  inlervallo  adeant :  item  alia  opera 
omnia,  quae  supra  commemorata  sunt,  peragant. 

Quam  indulgentiam  etiam  animabus,  quae  Deo  in  caritate  coniunctae 
ex  hac  vita  migraverint,  per  modum  suffragii  applicari  posse  volumus. 

lo.  xvii,  21. 


180  Documents. 

Yobis  praetcrea  polestatcm  facimus,  ut  Capitulis  et  Congregationibus 
tarn  saccularium  qnam  regularium,  sodalitatibus,  coufraternitatibus, 
universitatibus,  collegiis  quibuscumqne  memoratas  Ecclesias  pro- 
cessionaliter  visitantibus,  easdem  visitationcs  ad  minorcm  numcrum 
pro  vestro  prudenti  arbitrio  reclucere  possitis. 

[COXCESSIOXES  IX  GRATIAM  XAVIGAXTIUM,  ITER  AGEXTIIDI,  ET 
ALIORUM,  QUI  QUALIBET  JUSTA  CAUSA  D1PEDIUXTUR 
QUOMINUS  MEMORATA  OPERA  VEL  EORUM  ALIQUA  PRAESTANT].. 
Concedimns  vero  ut  navigantes  et  iter  agentes,  ubi  ad  sua 
domicilia,  vel  alio  ad  certain  stationern  sese  receperint,  visilato  sexies 
templo  maximo  sen  parochiali,  ceterisque  operibus,  qitae  supra 
praescripta  sunt,  rite  peractis,  eamdem  indulgentiam  consequi 
queant.  Regularibus  vero  personis  utriusque  sexus,  etiarn  in 
claustris  perpctuo  degentibus,  nee  non  aliis  quibuscumqne  tarn  laicis, 
quam  ecclesiasticis,  qui  carcere,  infirmitate  corporis,  aut  alia 
qualibet  iusta  causa  impediantur,  quominus  memorata  opera,  vel 
eorum  aliqua  praestent,  concedimus,  ut  ea  Confessarius  in  alia 
pietatis  opera  commntare  possit,  fact  a  ctiam  potestate  dispensandi 
super  Commimionem  cum  pueris  nondum  ad  primam  Communionem, 
adrnissis. 

[FACULTAS   COXFESSARIUM  APPROBATUM  ELIGEXDI     MEMBRIS 
GUJUSVIS  ORDIXIS  ET  IXSTITUTI  COXCESSA.] 

Insuper  univeTsis  et  singulis  Christ!  fidelibus,  tarn  laicis 
quam  ecclesiasticis,  saecularibus  ac  regularibus  cuiusvis  Ordinis  et 
Instituti,  etiam  specialiter  nominandi,  facultatem  concedimus,  ut  sibi 
ad  hunc  effe^tmn  eligere  possint  quemctimquc  presbyterum  Confes- 
sarium  tarn  saecularem  quam  regularem  ex  actu  approbaiis  :  qua 
facilitate  uti  possint  etiam  Moiiiales,  Novitiae,  aliaeque  mulieres  intra 
claustra  degentes,  dummoclo  Confessarius  approbatus  sit  pro  moniali- 
bus.  Confessariis  autem,  hac  occasione  et  durante  buius  lubilaei 
tempore  tantum,  omnes  illas  ipsas  facultates  largimur,  quas  largiti 
sum  us  per  litteras  N^stras  Apostolicas  Pontijlces  maxlmi  datas  die 
XT.  mensis  Februarii  anno  MDCCCLXXIX,  iis  tamen  omnibus 
exceptis,  quae  in  eisdein  litteris  excepta  sunt. 

Ceterum  snmma  cura  studeant  universi  inagnam  Dei  parcutem 
praecipuo  per  id  tempus  obsequio  cultuque  demereri.  Nam  in 
patrocinio  sanctissimac  Virginis  a  Jlosario  Sacrum  hoc  lubilaeum 
csse  volumus :  ipsaque  adiutxsice  conndiinus,  non  paucos  futuroa, 
quorum  animus  detersa  acknissorupi  labe  cxpietur,  fi deque,  pietate, 


Documents.  181 

iustitia  non  moclo  in  spem  salutis  sempitcrnae,  sed  etiam  in  auspicium 
pacatioris  aevi  renovetur. 

Quorum  beneficiorum  caelestium  auspicem  paternaeque  Nostrae 
benevolentiae  testem  vobis,  et  Clcro  populoque  universo  vestrae  fidei 
vigilantiaeque  commisso  Apostolicam  Benedictionem  peramanter  in 
Domino  import  imus. 

Datum  Romae  apnd  S.  Petrum,  die  xxu.  Decembris  anno 
iMDCCCLXxxv.  Pontificatus  Nostri  Octavo. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 


LETTER  OF  LEO  XIII.  TO  THE  BISHOPS  OF  ENGLAND  ENCOURAG- 
ING THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  DENOMINATIONAL  SCHOOLS. 

VENERABILIBUS  FRATRIBUS,  HENRICO  EDUAUDO  TITULO  SS.  ANDREAE 
ET  GREGORII  IN  MONTE  COKLIO  S.R.E.  PRESBYTERO  CARDINALI 
MANNING,  ARCHIEPISCOPO  WESTMONASTERIENSI  CETERISQUE 
ANGLTAE  EPISCOPIS. 

LEO  PP.  XIII. 

VENERABILES  FRATRES, 

SALUTEM  ET  APOSTOLICAM  BENEDICTIONEM:. 

Spectata  fides  et  singularis  in  hauc  Sedem  Apostolicam  pietas 
vesira  mirabiliter  elucet  in  communibus  litteris  quas  a  Yobis  proximc 
^iccepimus.  Quae  quidem  mulfo  gratiores  ob  hanc  causam  Nobis 
-accidunt,  quod  praeclare  confirmant  id  quod  probe  cognoveramus, 
magnam  par  tern  vigiliarum  cogitationumque  vcstrarum  in  re  versari 
<le  qua  nullac  propemodum  curae  possunt  esse  tantae,  quin  majores 
pro  ea  suscipiendas  putemus.  Christianum  intelligimus  adolescen- 
tulorum  vestrorum  institutionem,  de  qua  nuper,  collatis  consiliis, 
uonnulla  decrevistis  utiliter,  ot  ad  Nos  referendum  censuistis. 

Ea  vero  Nobis  est  perjucunda  cogitatio  in  opere  tanti  momcnti, 
Vos,  Venerabiles  Fratrcs,  non  elaborare  solos.  Neque  enim  sumus 
nescii  quantum  in  hac  parte  universe  Presbyterorum  vestrorum 
brdini  debcatur;  qui  scholas  pueris  aperiendas  caritate  summa  et 
invicto  a  difficultatibus  auimo  curaverunt :  iidemque,  docendi  munere 
suscepto,  in  fingenda  ad  Christianos  mores  et  primordia  litterarum 
juventute  ponuut  operam  suam  industria  et  assiduitate  mirabili. 
•Quam  ob  rem,  quantum  vox  Nostra  potest  vel  incitamenti  addere, 
vel  debitae  uu'dis  tribuere,  pergant  Clerici  vestri  bene  de  pueritia 
mereri,  ac  fruantur  commendatione  benevolentiaque  Nostra  singulari, 
longe  majora  a  Domino  Deo,  cnjus  causa  desudant,  expectantes. 

minore  commeudalione    dignarn  judicamus  Catholicorum 


182  Documents. 

in  eodem  genere  beneficentiam.  Siquidem  novimus  solere  ipsos, 
quidquid  in  scholarum  tutionem  opus  est,  alacri  voluntate  suppeditare ; 
neque  id  eos  facere  solum,  quibus  major  est  census,  sed  tenues  etiam 
atque  inopes  ;  quos  quidem  pulchrum  et  permagnum  est,  saepe  in 
ipsa  egestate.nancisci  quod  in  puerilem  institutionem  libentes  conferant. 

Profecto  his  temporibus  ac  moribus,  cum  ingenuae  puerorum- 
aetatulae  tot  pericula  undique  impendeant  tamque  varia,  vix  quidquam 
cogitari  potest  opportunius,  quam  ut  institutio  litteraria  cum  germana. 
fidei  morumque  doctriua  coujungatur.  Idcirco  scholas  ejusmodi  quas 
appellant  liber  as,  in  Gallia,  in  Belgio,  in  America,  in  colouiis  Imperil 
Britannici  privatorum  opera  et  liberalitate  constitutas,  probari  Wobis 
vehementer  non  seinel  diximus,  easque,  quantum  fieri  potest,  augeri 
atque  alumnorum  frequeritia  florere  cupimus.  Nosque  ipsi,  spectata 
rerum  Urbanarum  conditione,  curare  summo  studio  ac  magnis  sump- 
tibus  rion  desistimus,  ut  harum  scholarum  copia  Romania  pueris 
abunde  suppetat.  In  eis  enim  et  per  eas  conservator  ilia,  quam  a 
majoribus  noslris  accepimus,  maxima  atque  optima  hereditas,  nimirum 
fidei  catholicae  incolumitas ;  praetereaque  parentum  libertati  con- 
sulitur ;  etjquod  est  in  tanta  praesertim  seutentiarum  actionumque 
licentia  maxime  necessarium,  bona  civium  soboles  reipublicaa 
educitur  :  nemo  enim  melior  quam  qui  fidei  Christianam  opinione  et 
moribus  a  pueritia  complcxus  est.  Initia  et  quasi  semina  totius 
humanitatis,  quam  Jesus  Christus  hominum  generi  divinitus  peperitr 
in  Christiana  adolescentulorum  educatione  consistunt  :  propterea  quod 
lion  fere  aliae  futurae  sunt  civitates,  quam  quos  prima  institutio 
pueros  conformant.  Delet  igitur  omuem  sapientiam  veterem,  ipsisque 
civitatum  fundamentis  labem  affert,  peruiciostis  error  eorum  qui 
puerilem  aetatem  malunt  sine  ulla  institutione  religiosa  adolescere. 
Ex  quo  intelligitis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quanta  animi  provisione 
cavere  patresfamilias  oporteat,  ne  liberos  suos  iis  committant  ludis 
litterariis  in  quibus  praecepta  religionis  non  queant  accipere. 

Ad  Britanniam  vestram  quod  attinet,  id  Nobis  est  cognitum,  11011 
modo  Vos,  sed  generatim  plurimos  e  gente  vestra,  de  erudiendis  ad 
religionem  pueris  non  mediocriter  esse  soliicitos.  Quamvis  enim  non 
ornni  ex  parte  Nobiscum  consentiant,  intelligunt  tamen  quanti  vel 
privatiui  vel  publice  intersit  non  interire  patrimonium  sapientiae 
Christianae,  quod  a  Gregorio  Magno,  decessore  Nostro,  per  Beatum 
Augustinum  accepere  proavi  vestri,  quodque  vehementes,  quae  postea 
consecutae  sunt,  tempestates  non  omnino  dissiparunt.  Scimus  esse 
hodieque  complures  excellenti  animarum  habitu,  qui  fidem  avitam 
retinefe,  quoad  possunt,  diligenter  student,  ueque  raros  aut  exiguos 
edunt  caritatis  fructus.  j^De  qua  re  quoties  cogitamus,  toties  com- 


Notices  of  Books.  183 

movemur :  prosequimur  enim  caritate  paterna  istam,  quae  non 
immerito  appellata  ast  altrix  Sanctorum  Insula ;  atque  in  eo,  quern 
diximus,  animorum  habitu  videmus  spem  maximam  et  quoddam 
quasi  pignus  esse  positum  salutis  prosperitatisque  Britannorum. 
Quapropter  perseverate,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  curam  praecipuam  de 
adolescentia  gerere  ;  urgete  in  omnes  partes  episcopale  opus  vestrum 
et  nuaecumque  intelligitis  esse  bona  semina  cum  alacritate  et  fiducia 
colitote ;  dives  autem  in  misericordia  incrementum  dabit. 

Caelestium  munerum  auspicem  benevolentiaeque  Nostrae  testemr 
Vobis  et  clero  populoque  unicuique  Vestrum  commisso  Apostolicam 
Benedictionem  peramanter  in  Domino  impertimus. 

Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Petrum  die  xxvii.  Novembris  anno 
MDCCCLXXXV.,  Pontificatus  Nostri  Octavo. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

HANDBOOK  OF  GREEK  COMPOSITION.    Henry  Browne,  S.J. 

Dublin  :  Browne  &  Nolan. 

IN  no  other  department  of  its  comprehensive  programme  has  the 
Intermediate  Education  system  presented  such  repellent  features  as 
in  Greek  Composition.  No  doubt  for  years  past  we  have  had  an 
almost  endless  profusion  of  both  elementary  and  advanced  works, 
professing  to  treat  this  subject  methodically  and  interestingly.  Some 
of  these,  such  as  Sidgwick's  and  Sargent's,  are  admirably  suited  for 
senior  grade  students ;  but  none  of  them  are  judiciously  adapted  to 
the  requirements  of  our  junior  or  middle  grade  pupils,  so  as  neither 
to  clog  their  memory  with  unnecessary  details  and  exceptional  forms 
and  usages,  nor  yet  to  supply  them  with  too  meagre  and  disjointed  a 
skeleton.  The  melancholy  experience  of  blighted  hopes  and  profitless 
labours  on  the  part  of  numbers  of  pupils  and  teachers,  can  testify  that 
there  was  here  a  want  long  felt  and  deplored.  In  our  judgment  the 
above  attractive  handbook  adequately  supplies  this  want.  No 
superfluous  words  encumber  its  pages,  and  yet  each  subject  is  treated 
with  sufficient  exhaustiveness,  according  to  the  scope  and  design  of 
the  book.  It  will  relieve  teachers  from  an  immense  deal  of  worry, 
unattended  by  a  corresponding  amount  of  success,  and  it  will  enable 
pupils  to  make  the  eye  render  incalculable  assistance  to  the  memory. 
An  experienced  teacher  will  at  once  recognise  that  it  bears  the  impress 
of  solid,  unpretentious  scholarship,  combined  with  a  perfect  mastery 


184  -Notices  of  Books. 

of  the  art  of  conveying  knowledge  in  the  most  practical  and  com- 
pendious way.  The  concise  wording  of  rules ,  the  variety  of  type 
bringing  the  important  facts  of  grammar  and  prosody  into  relief,  the 
copious  and  familiar  examples,  and  the  natural  arrangement  of 
matter,  tend  to  minimise  the  labour  of  the  pupil,  and  to  consolidate, 
instead  of  displacing  the  knowledge  already  acquired.  In  these  latter 
days,  many  ephemeral  productions,  undertaken  as  a  commercial 
speculation,  and  without  a  tithe  of  the  originality  that  pervades  the 
entire  conception  and  execution  of  the  work  before  us,  betray  the 
superficial  scholarship  and  inexperience  of  their  compilers  by  the 
perpetual  recurrence  of  the  most  difficult  terminology  culled  from 
various  sources  inaccessible  to  ordinary  students.  No  traces  of  such 
pedantry  stain  the  pages  of  this  admirable  handbook.  It  sometimes 
happens,  too,  that  a  gifted  and  experienced  teacher  has  been  constantly 
using  some  convenient  and  ingenious  technical  expressions  in  his 
class-hall  for  years,  until  theybecome  so  familiar  to  himself  and  his 
pupils,  that  he  forgets  where  they  were  first  placed  on  the  anvil,  and 
believes  them  to  be  universally  received  and  understood.  The 
<;  Handbook  of  Greek  Composition"  contains  just  one,  and  that  a  not 
very  faulty,  illustration  of  this  latter  tendency,  in  the  distinction 
between  the  "Converted"  and  "  Unconverted"  Sequence  of  Mood. 
We  congratulate  the  distinguished  author  on  having  placed  within 
the  easy  reach  of  classical  masters  and  pupils  such  a  reliable  and  much- 
needed  aid  in  grappling  with  the  difficulties  of  Greek  Composition, 
and  we  wish  it  a  cordial  and  universal  welcome  at  their  hands. — E.  M. 

THE  LIFE  OF  MARY  WARD,  Vol.  II.    By  Mary  C.  E.  Chambers. 
Edited  by  Fr.  Coleridge,  S.  J.     Burns  &  Gates :  London. 

THE  unusually  long  interval  between  the  publication  of  the  first 
volume  of  this  biography  and  that  of  the  second,  which  is  now  offered 
to  the  public,  is  due  to  the  difficulty  of  collecting  the  necessary 
materials  from  different  sources  of  information,  especially  from  the 
Roman  Archives,  "  that  are  slow  in  yielding  their  treasures."  We  are> 
however,  more  than  compensated  for  the  delay  by  the  fulness  and 
accuracy  with  which  the  chief  incidents  in  the  life  of  this  remarkable 
Englishwoman  are  treated.  The  present  volume  is  in  every  respect 
worthy  of  its  companion,  and  must  prove  a  welcome  contribution  to 
all  who  take  an  interest  in  the  growth  and  development  of  modern 
religious  life.  It  deals  with  the  second  and  by  far  the  most  eventful 
period  of  Mary  Ward's  life,  commencing  with  her  visit  to  Rome  in 
1622,  to  lay  her  plans  before  the  Holy  See,  and  ending  with  her 


Notices  of  Booh.  185 

xleatli  in  1G15.  In  it  is  published  for  the  first  lime  a  number  of 
documents  taken  from  contemporary  records  that  will  serve  to  remove 
some  of  the  obscurity  surrounding  her  life,  and  enable  us  io  form  a 
fair  estimate  of  a  character  on  which  very  opposite  judgments  have 
sometimes  been  passed.  There  is  not,  however,  forthcoming  as  much 
historical  evidence  as  we  should  wish,  to  show  how  far  precisely  she 
was  guilty  of  the  charge  imputed  to  her  in  the  famous  Bull  "  Quamvis 
justo  "  of  Benedict  XIV.,  viz.,  that  she  wrote  to  the  members  of  her 
Institute  forbidding  them  to  obey  the  orders  of  Urban  VIII.  for  its 
suppression.  At  an  early  age  she  conceived  the  idea  of  introducing 
a  system  of  female  religious  life,  principally  for  the  education  of  the 
young,  without  requiring  those  who  would  embrace  it  to  observe  the 
rules  of  enclosure.  To  carry  out  this  plan  she  founded  the  Institute 
-of  English  Virgins,  which  spread  with  such  rapidity ,  that,  withiir  a 
very  short  time,  numerous  branches  of  it  were  to  be  found  in  every 
country  in  Europe.  In  many  places  it  was  opposed  by  priests  and 
bishops,  who  were  inclined  to  view  it  with  suspicion  on  account  of  the 
novelty  of  its  mode  of  life  ;  and  in  no  place  was  it  more  violently  opposed 
than  by  the  clergy  of  her  own  country.  This  opposition  culminated  in 
the  suppression  of  the  Institute  by  Urban  VIII.,  and  the  imprisonment 
of  its  foundress  in  1 635.  In  the  present,  as  in  other  cases  of  a  similar 
kind,  the  Holy  See  was  forced  to  adopt  this  course  from  motives  of 
expediency. 

In  working  out  her  scheme  and  bearing  up  against  the  many 
trying  difficulties  which  she  had  to  encounter,  Mary  Ward  showed 
that  she  was  a  woman  of  great  intellectual  powers,  singleness  of  rnind, 
and  firmness  of  purpose.  Her  determination,  in  a  few  instances, 
carried  her  so  far  taat  some  writers  have  not  hesitated  to  give  it  the 
name  of  "  obstinacy." 

There  can  be  very  little  doubt,  that  Mary  Ward,  in  framing  the 
constitution  of  her  Institute,  drew  he*1  inspiration  chiefly  from  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  the  rules  of  which  she  appears  to  have  adopted  as 
far  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case  could  permit.  It  was  clearly  her 
intention  to  do  for  her  own  sex  what  St.  Ignatius  had  so  effectively 
done  for  his  in  the  great  work  of  education.  Hence,  we  find  her 
followers  sometimes  called  Jesuitesses,  by  which  name  they  are 
designated  in  the  Bull  of  Suppression. 

About  sixty  years  after  her  death  the  work  for  which  she  had 
aboured  and  suffered  was  approved  by  Innocent  XI.,  and  re-established 
under  the  title  of  the  "  Institute  of  Mary."  It  has  spread  over  the 
Catholic  world,  and  has  become  one  of  the  most  powerful  instruments 
in  the  hands  of  the  Church  for  the  intellectual  and  religious  training 


186  Notices  of  Books. 

of  the  young.  It  is  still  governed  by  the  rules  drawn  up  for  it  by 
Mary  Ward,  and  continues  to  fulfil  most  efficiently  the  mission  so 
distinctly  marked  out  for  it  by  its  "  Mother."  The  Institute  was 
introduced  by  Mrs.  Ball  in  Ireland,  where  its  members  are  known  a& 
the  Sisters  of  Loretto.  There  is  a  full  and  instructive  introduction 
from  the  pen  of  Fr.  Coleridge,  who  has  also  performed  the  work  of 
editor — a  circumstance  which  by  itself  is  a  guarantee  of  the  value  of 
the  book. — T.  GILMARTIN. 

"A  CATECHISM  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  RELIGION;  PRECEDED  BY 
A  SHORT  HISTORY  OF  RELIGION."  By  the  Rev.  Joseph 
Deharbe,  S.J.  New  edition,  collated  with  the  latest 
German  edition,  by  the  Rev.  George  Porter,  S.J. 
London :  Burns  &  Gates. 

ONE  of  the  most  valuable  catechetical  works  on  the  Christian 
Doctrine  has  been  written  by  Father  Deharbe,  a  German  Jesuit. 
Through  its  French  translation,  it  is  known  to  many  of  our  priests, 
who  find  it  useful  when  preparing  their  instructions  on  the  Creed, 
the  Commandments,  and  Sacraments.  Large  catechetical  works 
of  this  kind,  such  as  those  of  Deharbe,  D'Hauterive,  and  Gaume,  are 
excellent  repertories  of  sound  practical  theology,  illustrated  by 
examples  from  sacred  and  profane  history.  They  are  invaluable  to- 
preachers.  For  priests  more  particularly  who  have  the  direction  of 
Sodalities  and  Confraternities,  who  are  obliged  to  address  the  same 
audience  every  week,  and  who  can  thus  deliver  a  continuous  course 
of  instructions  on  the  truths  of  our  faith  and  the  practices  of  our 
religion,  we  know  no  more  serviceable  books.  The  shortest  of  the 
three  we  have  named  is  that  of  Father  Deharbe,  which  is  published, 
in  the  French  translation,  in  three  octavo  volumes. 

The  little  Manual  we  are  asked  to  notice  now,  is  a  compendium 
of  Father  Deharbe's  Catechism,  although  it  does  not  profess  to  be  so 
on  its  title  page.  We  give  the  title  as  we  find  it  there ;  but,  on  the 
back  of  the  cover  in  which  the  book  is  bound,  it  is  entitled  ';  Fander's. 
Catechism,"  and  by  this  name  it  is  invariably  known  in  England, 
where  it  is  much  used  and  highly  esteemed.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  trans- 
lation of  Fander's  abridgment  of  Father  Deharbe's  standard  work. 
We  heartily  commend  it  to  all  catechists.  After  a  few  introductory 
prayers,  it  begins  with  a  short  History  of  Religion,  which  occupies 
only  fifty-seven  pages ;  but  is  interesting,  accurate,  and  judiciously 
constructed.  Next  comes  a  chronological  list  of  the  Popes.  Then 
comes  the  catechetical  part,  divided,  as  usual,  into  three  sections,. 


Notices  of  Books.  187 

which  treat  respectively  of  the  Creed,  of  the  Commandments, 
and  of  Grace  and  the  means  to  obtain  it.  There  is  not  a  single 
useless  or  superfluous  question  :  all  of  them  are  important.  The 
answers  to  them  are  clear,  brief,  and  simple.  When  we  add  that  the 
amount  of  theological  information  afforded  is  marvellously  large  for 
so  small  a  book,  that  the  translation  is  published  with  the  approval 
of  Cardinal  Manning,  and  that  it  is  sold  at  a  very  moderate  price,., 
nothing  further  remains  to  be  said  in  favour  of  •'  Fander's  Catechism." 

L.S. 

THE  CHAIR  OF  PETER.    By  John  Nicholas  Murphy. 
London  :  Burns  &  Gates. 

AN  event  of  momentous  import  in  connection  with  the  subject  of 
the  above  handsome  volume,  has  recently  been  enacted,  which  makes 
its  republication  in  its  present  enlarged  and  attractive  form,  most 
fitting  and  opportune  just  now.  When  in  1870,  Victor  Emanuel 
crowned  his  long  career  of  injustice,  aggression,  and  dissimulation, 
by  seizing  on  the  Eternal  City  and  establishing  himself  in  the  papal 
palace  of  the  Quirinal,  the  governments  of  the  world  looked  on  with 
frigid  and  unmoved  indifference.  France  had,  no  doubt,  before 
dispersed  by  timely  interference  the  dark  clouds  of  oppression  and 
revolution  that  had  been  long  gathering  over  the  fated  city,  but 
France  was  now  a  suppliant  begging  life  and  liberty  from  her 
conqueror,  and  the  venerable  successor  of  St.  Peter  was  made  the 
victim  of  the  grossest  spoliation  the  world  has  ever  witnessed.  The 
sacred  independence  of  the  chief  spiritual  ruler  falls  before  the 
grasping  ambition  and  machinations  of  an  unscrupulous  usurper,  for 
whose  unobstructed  progress  the  way  had  been  paved  by  the  ring- 
leaders of  secret  societies,  revolution  and  infidelity — Mazzini  and  his 
nefarious  associates.  The  enemies  of  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Pope  snatched  a  temporary  victory.  And  though  it  was  purchased 
by  the  flagrant  infringement  of  the  most  sacred  obligations,  and  by 
a  huge  and  palpable  violation  of  justice ;  though  its  natural  con- 
sequence would  be  to  shackle  and  impede  the  vicegerent  of  Christ  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  chief  Pastor,  and  to  shorten  his  days 
by  confinement  in  the  Vatican  ;  they  who  had  compassed  the 
assassination  of  the  Pontifical  Prime  Minister,  Count  Rossi,  were 
quite  prepared  to  go  farther,  if  necessary,  for  their  dark  designs,  and 
even  to  echo  that  fiendish  sentiment  of  the  Jews,  whom  they 
emulated  in  their  fanatical  hatred  of  religion  and  its  representatives, 
"  Sanguis  ejus  super  nos  et  super  filios  nostros."  The  voice  of 


188  Notices  of  Books. 

Christ's  vicar,  which  for  ages  had  been  listened  to  with  unquestioning 
•obedience  and  filial  respect,  alike  by  monarch  and  subjects,  was  now 
hushed  and  unheeded  even  within  the  precincts  of  his  own  city. 
The  sceptre  was  dashed  from  his  hands,  and  only  on  sufferance  was 
he  allowed  to  retain  the  tiara  on  his  head,  and  that  in  the  capital  and 
centre  of  the  Catholic  world,  in  the  very  city  of  the  Popes  !  But 
at  last,  after  fifteen  long  dismal  years,  a  bright  gleam  of  hope  has 
passed  over  this  cheerless  prospect,  emerging  from  a  source  from 
which  history  would  have  least  authorised  us  to  expect  it.  What 
must  have  been  the  horror  and  amazement  of  his  enemies,  when  the 
Head  of  the  Church,  despoiled  though  he  was  of  all  his  temporal 
possessions,  was  appealed  to  a  short  time  ago,  by  one  of  the  most 
influential  of  living  potentates, 'Prince  Bismark,  to  arbitrate  on  the 
important  question  of  the  Caroline  Islands  ?  The  request  was 
promptly  acceded  to,  and,  as  our  readers  are  aware,  the  Pontiff's 
mediation  has,  as  it  was  wont  of  old,  been  attended  with  the 
most  successful  and  beneficial  results  to  both  States  concerned. 
This  partial  revival  and  recognition  of  the  Papal  prerogative,  so  long 
in  abeyance,  has  shocked  the  feelings  and  disturbed  the  dreams  of 
those  who  fancied  that  the  Pontiff's  claims  as  a  temporal  ruler  had 
oeen  denied  and  relinquished  for  ever.  It  has,  moreover,  forcibly 
directed  anew  the  minds  of  men,  especially  of  thinking  and  unpre- 
judiced non-Catholics,  to  the  general  question  of  the  history,  nature, 
and  scope  of  the  Pope's  authority.  And  of  the  voluminous  litera- 
ture on  this  subject  in  the  English  language,  there  is  no  more  com- 
plete, reliable,  and  interesting  work  than  this  new  and  popular  edition 
•of  the  ' '  Chair  of  Peter."  Catholics,  whether  priests  or  laymen,  will 
read  it  with  interest  and  profit,  as  they  will  find  in  it  an  amount  of 
matter,  presented  in  the  most  orderly  and  succinct  form,  which  they 
would  experience  extra  difficulty  and  labour  in  collecting  together 
from  lengthy  and  uninviting  tomes.  The  value  of  the  book  is  very 
much  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  the  statistics  are  corrected  down  to 
date,  and  by  the  addition  of  130  pages — making  a  total  of  over  700 — 
of  most  interesting  matter  intimately  connected  with  the  subject. 
It  is  now  a  complete  handbook  of  everything,  theological  as  Avell  as 
historical,  which  a  well-informed  layman  could  be  expected  to 
know  about  the  spiritual  and  temporal  power  of  the  Pope.  The  style  is 
simple  and  fascinating,  the  facts  are  concisely  stated,  the  arguments 
are  forcibly  and  convincingly  just ;  but  what  one  must  admire  most  of 
all,  is  the  transparent  candour  of  the  accomplished  author,  whose 
obvious  aim  throughout  the  entire  work  is  to  avoid  exaggeration  and 
intemperateness  in  language  and  prejudice  in  judgment.  It  needs  no 


Notices  of  Books.  189- 

commendation  from  ns.  It  is  sure  soon  to  find  an  honoured  and 
foremost  place  in  all  Catholic  libraries,  since  it  furnishes  its  readers 
with  handy  and  undeniable  solutions  and  answers  to  all  the  current 
objections  and  calumnies  against  the  Papacy.  Parents,  too,  will  find  it 
a  useful,  and  in  some  instance  an  almost  necessary  safeguard  to  put  in, 
the  hands  of  their  grown-up  children.  We  are  perfectly  confident 
that  the  present  impression  of  the  "  Chair  of  Peter''  will  not  be  allowed 
to  reach  even  the  brief  period  of  existence  attained  by  its  predecessor,. 
until  it  is  followed  by  another,  and  we  hope  that  the  honest  and 
earnest  author  may  live  to  see  his  admirable  book  widely  circulated 
and  read  in  all  English -spcading  countries. — E.  M. 

THE  LIFE  OF  ST.  THOMAS  BECKET.   By  the  Rev.  J.  Morris,  S.  J. 
Burns  &  Gates.     London. 

A  BIOGRAPHER  of  St.  Thomas  Becket  has  advantages  which  very 
few  writers  of  biography  can  expect  His  subject  is  full  of  the- 
deepest  interest,  and  one  on  which  he  has  at  his  disposal  many  souices 
of  authentic  information.  The  life  of  the  saint  has  been  written  by 
as  many  as  eleven  of  his  contemporaries,  all  of  whom  were  his 
acquaintances,  and  some  his  faithful  and  constant  companions.  There 
has  recently  appeared  an  excellent  edition  of  these  biographies  in  the 
Rolls  Series,  published  under  the  critical  editorship  of  Canon 
Robertson.  It  possesses  many  advantages  over  the  former  ones  brought 
out  by  Lupes  and  Dr.  Giles,  especially  in  point  of  accuracy  and  in  the 
chronological  order  observed  in  the  publication  of  the  saint's  corre- 
spondence. These  different  sources  of  information  have  been  freely 
availed  of  by  Fr.  Morris,  who  has  succeeded  in  producing  a  biography 
worthy  of  his  great  and  sainted  subject. 

The  present,  which  ie  the  second  edition  of  the  book,  has  been 
much  increased  in  size,  being  half  as  large  again  as  its  predecessor,, 
owing  to  the  addition  of  a  number  of  historical  notes  in  the  form  of 
an  appendix,  and  of  much  fresh  matter  that  has  already  appeared  in 
the  Dublin  fieview. 

We  should  wish  to  direct  special  attention  to  the  part  of  the  book 
which  treats  of  the  extent  to  which  St.  Thomas-  accepted  the  Consti- 
tutions of  Clarendon.  It  shows  clearly  the  nature  of  the  evidence  on 
which  the  opinions  of  those  historians  rest,  who  assert  so  dogmatically 
that  the  saint  signed  and  sealed  the  Constitutions.  That  St.  Thomas 
sealed  them  rests  on  the  authority  of  only  one  contemporary  biographer, 
while  four  others— viz.,  Roger  of  Pontigny  (p.  37),  Grim  (p.  383), 
G-arnier  (p.  21),  and  Herbert  of  Bosham  (p.  288),  deny  that  he 
attached  his  seal.  When  asked  to  do  so  he  replied  :  "  By  the  Lord 
Almighty,  during  my  lifetime,  seal  of  mine  shall  never  touch  them.* 


190  Notices  of  Books. 

And  if  St.  Thomas  did  not  seal  the  Constitutions,  it  is  bu  t 
reasonable  to  infer,  in  the  absence  of  any  direct  evidence  to  the  contrary, 
that  he  did  not  even  sign  them,  for  he  could  not  consistently  agree  to 
the  one  and  refuse  the  other.  We  are  not,  however,  left  to  mere 
conjecture  on  this  point,  as  we  have  the  authority  of  a  contemporary — 
viz.,  the  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  who  says  that  he  had  it  on  the  "  most 
excellent  testimony  of  others,"  that  St.  Thomas  did  not  sign  the  Con- 
stitutions. Thus  while  admitting  that  the  saint,  under  the  influence 
of  undue  pressure,  promised  to  observe  the  royal  customs  and 
privileges,  the  writer  denies  that  he  either  signed  or  sealed  those 
cmtoms  as  subsequently  set  forth  t>y  the  King's  orders  in  those 
sixteen  Constitutions  that  have  invested  the  name  of  Clarendon  with 
"its  historical  notoriety. 

In  the  Appendix  is  added  a  scries  of  historical  notes  in  which 
many  incidents  but  briefly  referred  to  in  the  previous  portion  of  the 
book  are  discussed  at  greater  length  ;  as,  for  instance,  the  legend  of 
his  Saracen  parentage,  the  consistency  of  his  conduct  as  Chancellor 
find  as  Archbishop,  the  fate  of  his  murderers,  and  other  subjects  of  a 
not  less  attractive  character.  We  are  sorry  that  the  limited  space  at 
our  disposal  will  not  allow  us  to  notice  the  book  as  fully  as  it 
deserves  and  as  we  should  wish.  It  is  full  without  being  voluminous, 
and  possesses  all  the  attractions  .of  an  agreeable  style.  No  one  can  read 
•over  its  six  hundred  pages  without  appreciating  the  more  the  saintly 
grandeur  of  that  character  that  is  there  so  faithfully  described,  and 
at  the  same  time  feeling  how  unjust  is  the  estimate  which  those  have 
formed  of  St.  Thomas  who,  as  Mr.  Froude,  have  been  accustomed  to 
view  him  as  the  "  proud  and  ambitious  priest." — T.  GILMARTIN. 

CATHOLIC  CONTROVERSIAL  LETTERS.    By  Rev.  Philip 
Sweeney,  D.D. 

THESE  "  Letters,"  now  forming  a  volume  of  168  pages,  originally 
appeared  as  a  series  of  contributions  to  a  non-Catholic  journal  in 
England.  They  were  written  by  Dr.  Sweeney  in  defence  of  Catholic 
doctrine  against  the  attacks  of  some  local  adversaries.  The  "  Letters  * 
include,  in  one  way  or  another,  nearly  all  the  points  in  dispute  between 
Catholic  and  Protestant  theologians.  They  do  not  observe  any 
scientific  order  in  the  treatment  of  their  subject.  Dr.  Sweeney  took 
up  the  different  questions,  as  they  were  suggested  by  his  adversaries 
without  regard  to  their  connection  with  what  preceded.  This  mode 
of  treatment,  though  it  may  have  many  local  interests,  certainly  labours 
under  disadvantages  in  a  work  intended  for  universal  circulation. 
Catholic  doctrine  has  not  suffered  in  Dr.  Sweeney's  hands  ;  it 


Notices  of  Books.  191 

has  found  in  him  a  skilful  and  an  able  advocate.  The  arguments  in 
favour  of  Catholic  teaching  are  set  forth  clearly  and  forcibly ;  the 
objections  raised  by  adversaries  meet  with  a  satisfactory  solution;  and 
the  incongruities  of  the  Protestant  system  are  mercilessly  exposed. 
In  some  cases,  however,  we  consider  that  his  arguments  would  gain 
in  force  for  the  untheological  reader  by  having  been  more  fully 
insisted  on  and  drawn  out.  The  style  is  simple,  terse  and  lucid; 
and  everywhere  the  "  Letters  "  give  evidence  of  sound  reasoning,  deep 
learning,  and  a  wide  acquaintance  with  philosophy  and  theology. 

THE  IRISH  TONIC  SOL-FA-IST,  FOE  THE  USE  OF  IRISH  CATHOLIC 

SCHOOLS.    By  a  Priest  of  St.  Vincent's  College,  Castleknock. 

London :  J.  Curwen  &  Sons.     Dublin :  M.  H.  Gill  &  Sons. 

WE  feel  great  pleasure  in  calling  the  attention  of  priests  and 
others,  interested  in  the  progress  of  singing  in  primary  schools,  to 
this  little  book.  It  is  a  collection  of  songs,  suitable  for  Irish 
Catholic  children,  compiled  by  an  Irish  priest.  The  Eev.  Editor 
has  done  his  work  well.  Besides  some  compositions  of  his  own, 
very  suitable  for  young  voices,  the  book  contains  a  number  of 
Moore's  melodies  and  other  old  National  airs,  which  should  make 
it  attractive  in  any  Irish  school. 

But  a  word  as  to  the  notation.  The  songs  are  not  written  in  the 
old  notation  of  bars,  lines,  and  clefs,  but  according  to  what  is  as  yet 
comparatively  unknown  in  this  country,  the  tonic  sol-fa  method. 

We  think  the  Eev.  Editor  has  made  a  mistake  in  not  prefacing 
the  brochure  with  a  few  explanatory  paragraphs  concerning  this 
method.  It  must  suffice  to  say  here,  that  in  the  primary  schools 
of  England,  Scotland,  and  Wales,  wherever  singing  is  taught 
according  to  any  system,  the  tonic  sol-fa  system  has  practically 
superseded  all  others.  This  system  was  invented  by  a  Miss  Glover, 
some  fifty  or  more  years  ago,  and  was  afterwards  much  improved 
upon  by  an  English  clergyman,  Eev.  Mr.  Curwen,  who  felt  the 
very  great  difficulty  of  teaching  children  by  the  other  methods. — D.  P. 

WORDS  SPOKEN  AT  THE  MONTH'S  MIND  OF  CARDINAL  M'CLOSKEY. 

By  the    Archbishop-Elect   of  New   York.     New   York  : 

Benziger  Brothers, 

THIS  is  a  well  deserved  and  graceful  tribute  paid  by  the 
present  Archbishop  to  his  predecessor  in  the  See  of  New  York — the 
great  prelate  who  has  been  lately  taken  from  his  people.  After  an 
appropriate  introduction,  he  sketches  the  character  of  the  late  Cardinal 
M'Closkey,  and  briefly  recites  the  history  of  his  labours — and  a 


192  Notices  of  Books. 

wonderful  and  highly  interesting  history  it  is — for  the  advancement 
of  religion  in  the  great  Republic  of  the  West.  As  a  sermon,  it  has 
all  those  qualities  which  constitute  an  excellent  discourse. 

A  TROUBLED  HEART  AND  How  IT  WAS  COMFORTED  AT  LAST. 
Notre  Dame,  Indiana  :  Joseph  A.  Lyons. 

THIS  is  a  very  entertaining  volume  of  autobiography.  In  it  the 
author  tells  the  story  of  that  portion  of  his  life,  during  which  he 
had  been  troubled  at  heart,  and  tortured  by  religious  doubt.  His 
description  of  the  various  mental  states  through  which  he  passed, 
of  the  heretical  sects  of  which  he  had  experience,  of  their  worship 
and  usages,  is  most  interesting  and  entertaining. 

The  author  brings  to  his  task  a  very  correct  and  graceful  English 
style,  and  shows  in  many  passages  of  his  book  that  he  is  gifted  with 
descriptive  powers  of  a  very  high  order.  This  book  can  be  read  both 
with  pleasure  and  profit. 

THE  POET  IN  MAY.  By  Evelyn  Pyne.  Keegan  Paul  &  Co. 
VAGRANT  VERSES.  By  Rosa  Mulholland.  Keegan  Paul  &  Co. 

A  few  months  ago  I  undertook  to  introduce  Miss  Tynan  to  the 
readers  of  the  RECORD  ;  I  again  venture  to  call  their  attention  to 
two  other  children  of  song. 

Poetry  is  simple,  like  colour,  flavour,  or  perfume  ;  it  cannot  be 
described  but  felt.  The  subtle  essence  impregnates  both  these 
volumes  ;  one  feels  its  presence  in  every  page.  I  shall  not  attempt 
to  explain  wherein  the  charm  lies  ;  it  would  be  impossible.  Nor 
shall  I  quote  specimens,  which  would  be  almost  unfair.  Get  copies 
and  read  for  yourself;  you  will  not  be  disappointed. 

Mr.  Pyne's  blank  verse  is  even  better  than  his  rhyme,  and  that  i* 
no  mean  praise.  He  is  endowed  with  two  great  talents, — a  keen 
appreciation  of  beauty  whether  of  mind  or  of  sense,  and  a  remarkable 
power  of  stringing  musical  words  together.  The  latter  gift  is  always 
dangcrou?,  and  in  Mr.  Pyne's  case  has  led  to  some  noticeable  defects. 

Miss  Mulholland's  reputation  has  been  long  established,  and 
cannot  fail  to  be  increased  by  this  collection  of  "  Vagrant  Versos.'*' 
Many  of  the  pieces  will  be  recognised  by  readers  of  another  Irish 
magazine,  who  will  find  their  former  high  opinions  strongly  confirmed.. 
Miss  Mulholland  did  well  to  make  this  collection  ;  she  does  not  suffer 
by  comparison  with  herself,  because  her  treasury  is  so  rich,  she  dues 
not  need  to  repeat  herself. 

It  may  be  well  to  add  that  both  these  little  volumes  are  very 
suitable  for  presents.  W.  M'D. 


THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD. 


MARCH,    1886. 


CANONS  AND  CHAPTERS. 

THE  terms  are  used  in  different  senses.  Even  when  run 
one  after  the  other,  as  in  our  heading,  they  are  as  likely 
to  suggest  well-known  divisions  of  a  Council's  work,  as 
clergymen  of  distinguished  place  and  their  corporate  array. 
It  is  right,  then,  we  should  state  at  once  that  the  discursive 
remarks,  here  strung  together,  apply  only  to  persons,  whether 
apart  or  collectively,  and  that  our  treatment  aims  no  further 
than  to  give  a  brief  outline  of  what  Canons  and  Chapters  are 
in  the  history  and  organisation  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

"Eminent,"  writes  the  profound  Nardi,  "in  antiquitate- 
splendidis  conspicui  attributiombus  Canonici."  Indeed  their 
splendor  far  fore  dates  their  name.  For,  whatever  be  the 
etymology  of  the  word,  it  is  found  first  applied  during  the 
sixth  century,  whereas  the  office  it  designates  had  been 
substantially  in  existence  from  Apostolic  times.  The  word 
capitulum,  too,  as  applied  to  a  body  of  Canons,  though  still 
less  ancient  by  two  or  three  centuries,  in  substance  represents- 
the  same  aggregation  of  clerics  as  was  known  in  the  first 
century  and  afterwards  by  the  term  presbyterium.  Bishops,, 
from  the  days  of  the  Apostles,  were  wont  to  gather  round 
them  organised  bodies  of  clergymen,  to  help  in  instructing,, 
sanctifying,  and  ruling  their  flocks.  For  three  hundred  years 
the  typical  arrangement  was  that  of  twelve  priests  and 
seven  deacons,  united  together  as  members,  under  a  bishop  as 
head,  in  imitation  of  Christ,  the  twelve  Apostles,  and  seven 
deacons.  In.  Rome,  because  of  its  Primacy,  the  numbers 
VOL.  VII.  N 


194  Canons  and  Chapters. 

•were  much  larger,  and  everywhere  inferior  clerics  were 
found  to  serve  the  Church  in  lower  ranks,  and  qualify 
for  promotion,  in  clue  season,  to  the  deaconate  and 
presbyterate.  But  these  latter  had  no  share,  at  this  time, 
in  the  cura  animarum,  neither  were  they  members  of  the 
bishop's  council.  No;  the  presbyterium,  composed  of 
priests  and  deacons,  formed  a  Diocesan  Senate,  which  he  was 
bound  to  consult  in  all  matters  of  importance.  These  clergy- 
men were,  by  common  law,  the  bishop's  advisers,  during  life, 
in  the  management  of  his  diocese,  and  at  death  became 
the  depositaries  in  solidum  of  ordinary  jurisdiction  until  his 
successor  was  appointed.  Moreover,  down  to  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century,  they  alone,  but  under  episcopal 
direction,  had  the  cure  of  souls.  Sees,  at  the  time,  were 
numerous,  and  few  Christians  dwelt  in  rural  districts ;  so  that 
for  a  long  period  the  necessary  country  work  could  be  done 
iby  a  delegate  from  the  urban  clergy.  But,  as  the  rural 
population  began  to  yield  to  the  Gospel,  it  was  found  indis- 
pensable to  appoint  special  pastors  for  them.  Hence  the 
origin  of  the  parochial  system,  which  began  to  take  form  in 
country  districts  from  the  end  of  the  third  century,  although 
It  did  not  show  itself  for  a  thousand  years  after  the  Christian 
era  in  episcopal  capitals.  Hence,  too,  the  early  pre-eminence 
of  city  priests  and  deacons,  and  their  long-continued  exclusive 
right  to  membership  in  the  presbyterium.  This  body  enjoyed 
the  full  prerogatives  of  a  Chapter,  and  the  arch-priest  or  arch- 
deacon, at  its  head,  came  to  have  permanently  the  powers 
that  are  now  vested,  in  a  revocable  manner,  in  a  vicar-general. 
The  archdeacon,  who,  after  some  centuries,  was  generally  in 
priest's  orders,  soon  took  the  lead,  and  had  subject  to  him 
the  whole  diocesan  clergy,  including  the  archdeacons  or 
arch-priests  of  important  rural  divisions,  with  whom  also  he 
formed,  in  "some  instances  of  a  much  later  date,  a  separate 
corporation.  In  short,  the  presbyterium  of  the  early  Church 
had,  in  substance,  the  rights  and  grades  of  a  mediaeval 
Chapter,  and  was  to  a  greater  extent  responsible  for  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments  than  its  better  known  and 
better  equipped  successor. 

Perhaps  it  is  scarcely  correct  to  speak  of  succession  in 


Canons  and  Chapters.  195 

this  context.  In  reality  there  was  only  a  change  of  names 
accompanied  by  such  modification  of  duties  as  the  growth 
of  the  Church  made  expedient.  At  least  this  is  the  common 
view,  although  Muratori  holds  that  before  the  time  of 
Eusebius  of  Vercelli  only  faint  outlines  of  the  new  institution 
are  observable.  He,  however,  alludes  chiefly  to  form,  in 
which,  as  indeed  in  several  functions,  all  must  admit  the 
introduction  about  this  period  of  important  changes.  If  the 
cure  of  souls  was  not  so  extensive  as  before,  the  daily  choir 
service  became  more  stringent  in  obligation,  the  regular  life 
was  more  expressly  sought  after,  and  in  many  important 
churches  which  were  not  cathedral,  Colleges  or  Chapters  of  the 
clergy  were  formed  to  promote  public  worship  without  the 
burthen  of  a  share  in  diocesan  administration.  Ob viously  it  is 
Chapters  Cathedral  that  are  practically  identified  with  the 
ancient  presbyteria,  and  not  the  later  institutions  to  which  we 
have  just  alluded,  and  which  are  known  as  Chapters 
Oollegiate. 

Indeed,  the  latter  so  far  recede  from  the  primitive  form, 
that  Bouix  prefers  treating  them  as  Chapters  improperly  so 
called,  and  includes  in  his  definition  only  such  as  follow  the 
Apostolic  pattern,  "  Capitulum  est  collegium  clericorum  ab 
ecclesia  institutum  ad  auxiliandum  et  supplendum  episcopo 
in  diocesis  suae  regimine."  Choir  service  and  the  splendour 
of  public  worship  being  no  more  than  secondary  objects 
with  Cathedral  Chapters,  this  able  writer  would  not  apply 
the  common  term  univocally  to  them  and  to  other  associations 
of  clergymen,  which  have  for  their  sole  end  what  is  certainly 
subordinate  in  the  original  institution.  As,  however,  the 
Vicar-General  need  not  be  a  Canon,  and  as  it  depends  on 
custom  whether  diocesan  dignitaries  are  or  are  not  members 
of  Cathedral  Chapters,  many  authors,  with  Icard,  think 
it  better  to  make  the  definition  turn  on  what  is  common  to 
all  bodies  going  by  the  name,  and  would  accordingly  define 
a  Chapter  to  be  a  "  collegium  clericorum  qui,  sub  praelato 
constituti,  unum  corpus  efficiunt,  et  ab  ecclesia  cultui  publico 
addicuntur."  It  matters  little  which  method  we  follow, 
provided  we  remember  that  the  definition  of  Bouix  points 
out  what  remains  to  our  own  time  the  chief  functions  of 


19G  Canons  and  Chapters. 

Chapters  in  the  usual  and  more  ancient  form,  that  is,  of 
Chapters  Cathedral.  With  these  alone  have  we  to  deal,  and 
accordingly  we  dwell  no  further  on  Churches  Collegiate  than 
to  remark  that  all  of  them,  even  those  not  decorated  with 
the  title  insignia,  rank  before  such  as  are  merely  parochial. 
To  Chapters  of  Canons  Regular  some  allusion  will  be  made 
after  the  terms  of  Icard's  definition  have  been  more  fully 
explained. 

Whether  secular  priests  borrowed  the  term  capitulum  from 
monastic  usage  or  not,  its  precise  etymology  still  remains 
uncertain.  Some  derive  it  from  the  custom  of  reading  a 
chapter  (capitulum)  of  the  Rules,  or  of  Sacred  Scripture,, 
during  the  divine  office  at  Prime.  According  to  others  it 
owes  its  origin  to  the  practice  of  meeting  under  a  head  or 
caput.  And  others  again  think  the  appellation  is  due  to  the 
individual  way  (capitatim)  in  which  Canons  deliberate  and 
decide  their  capitular  affairs. 

In  any  case  a  Chapter  is  a  college  or  corporate  collection, 
composed  exclusively  of  clerics.  For  valid  institution  at 
least  three  members  are  required,  but  once  established, 
capitular  rights  and  privileges  will  remain,  even  though  the: 
number  of  Canons  be  reduced  to  one.  These  principles, 
which  are  taken  from  the  Civil  Law  on  corporations,  give 
rise  to  some  important  inferences.  For  instance  a  single 
Canon  might  come  to  have  the  sole  right  of  appointing  a 
Vicar  Capitular,  or,  what  is  still  a  greater  prerogative,  of 
naming  the  next  bishop.  An  occurrence  of  the  former  kind 
took  place  in  an  Irish  diocese  within  the  present  century 
owing  to  the  demise  of  all  the  Canons  except  one,  and  the 
latter  privilege  might  similarly  be  called  into  exercise  in 
connection  with  the  few  Sees  in  Germany  whose  bishops  the 
respective  Chapters  have  still  the  right  of  electing  in  the 
strict  canonical  sense. 

The  various  members  of  a  Chapter  are  carefully  arranged 
under  a  chief  who  is  their  corporate  head.  This  head  is 
either  principal  or  numeral,  for  a  capitulum  has  two  capita,  but 
for  different  business.  The  bishop,  or  some  other  prelate, 
having  a  territory  and  quasi-episcopal  jurisdiction  is  the 
principal  head.  The  numeral  head  is  the  first  in  number  of 


Canons  and  Chapters.  197 

those  who  make  up  the  Chapter,  that  is  the  first  dignity, 
whether  dean,  archdeacon,  provost,  or  other  member, 
according  to  custom.  With  us  the  dean  holds  first  place. 

When  Canonists  speak  of  the  bishop  as  not  being  "  de 
corpore  capituli,"  they  allude  to  the  Chapter  considered 
apart  from  the  bishop,  and  having  rights,  interests,  and 
duties  peculiar  to  itself.  Under  this  aspect  its  head  is  the 
caput  numerale,  for  the  bishop  by  Common  Law  has  no  voice 
in  matters  purely  capitular.  Hence  he  is  not  affected  by 
unfavourable  legislation  or  action  in  reference  to  the  Chapter 
as  such.  Still  he  always  remains  the  only  head  to  whom  the 
Canons  belong  as  members,  and  when  they  act  as  his 
Council,  he  is  truly  "  de  corpore  capituli "  and  presides  at 
their  meetings  either  personally  or  through  his  vicar. 

It  is  almost  unneccessary  to  add  that  in  a  normal  state  of 
things  Chapters  are  corporations  with  the  rights  of  perpetual 
succession  and  of  a  public  seal. 

How  well  these  bodies  succeed  in  promoting  the  grand 
solemnity  of  public  worship  can  scarcely  be  realized  to  the 
full  by  one  who  has  not  heard  and  seen  the  magnificent 
choir  service  with  which  homage  and  praise  are  rendered  to 
God  in  the  fine  old  cathedrals  of  Catholic  countries. 

Chapters  are  divided  into — 1°,  Cathedral  and  Collegiate ; 
2°,  Secular  and  .Regular;  3°,  Exempt  and  non-Exempt; 
4°,  Numbered  and  Unnumbered. 

These  divisions  are  more  conveniently  explained  in  con- 
nection with  the  corresponding  classes  of  •  Canons  than  in 
this  place.  At  present  it  is  enough  for  us  to  say  that,, 
although  a  bishop  cannot  erect  a  Chapter  Cathedral,  nor 
most  probably  a  Chapter  Collegiate,  without  Papal  authority 
for  the  purpose,  he  may,  speaking  generally,  appoint  thq, 
usual  Dignitaries  and  Canons,  when  once  the  Chapter  has 
been  canonically  established.  But,  apart  from  custom,  he 
is  expected  by  Common  Law  to  act  in  this  matter  with  the 
consent  of  his  Chapter,  and  not  to  forget  the  two  officials  on 
•whose  appointment  the  Council  of  Trent  lays  so  much  stress. 
These  are  the  Canon  Theologian  and  Canon  Penitentiary. 

By  way  of  definition,  it  suffices  to  describe  Canons  as 
the  members  of  Chapters.  How  the  term  come  at  first  to 


198  Canons  and  Chapters, 

be  applied  is  somewhat  uncertain.  No  doubt  these  clerics 
had  from  the  beginning  particular  rules  to  observe,  although 
community  life  was  not  introduced  among  cathedral  clergy 
until  the  end  of  the  fifth  century.  Hence,  some  assign  the 
derivation  to  /cavcov,  a  rule.  But  much  more  probably  the 
same  word,  in  the  sense  of  a  catalogue  or  list,  gave  rise  to 
the  term.  A  Canon  (canonicus)  then  would  be  one  on  the 
list  of  clergymen  attached  to  a  particular  cathedral. 

Canons  are  divided  into — 1°,  Cathedral  and  Collegiate ; 
2°,  Prebendary  and  non-Prebendary ;  3°,  Numbered  and 
Supernumerary  ;  4°,  Secular  and  Regular.  Passing  over  the 
first  division,  as  having  been  already  explained,  we  shall 
take  up  the  other  three  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
here  given. 

Prebendaries  are  such  as  enjoy  Prebends  in  addition  to 
their  canonries.  For  although  the  Canon  Law  seems  to 
suppose  that  a  Prebend  is  attached  to  each  canonry,  the 
authors  generally  admit  "  praebendam  non  esse  de  substantial 
caiionicatus,"  or  in  other  words  that  a  canonry  can  exist 
without  a  Prebend.  It  is  the  former  and  not  the  latter  that 
constitutes  the  legal  title.  For  a  canonry  is  defined  to  be 
the  title  by  which  one  becomes  a  member  of  a  Chapter,, 
obtains  a  stall  in  choir  and  a  right  to  take  part  in  capitular 
meetings.  The  Prebend,  on  the  other  hand,  is  only  an 
accessory.  It  consists  in  the  right  to  use  the  fruits  of  certain 
ecclesiastical  property  appointed  for  the  becoming  main- 
tenance of  one  on  whom  membership  in  the  Chapter  confers 
honour  and  imposes  obligations. 

A  Canonic  Prebend  ranks  before  benefices  to  which  the 
cure  of  souls  is  annexed,  and  accordingly  in  unfavourable 
dispositions  of  law  with  regard  to  benefices,  it  will  not  be 
held  to  come  under  the  term  beneficium  unless  its  inclusion 
be  declared.  This  privilege  is  the  natural  outcome  of  the 
history  of  Chapters.  From  the  sixth  century,  and  more 
especially  later  OIL,  the  clergymen  composing  them  and  the 
bishops  had  for  the  most  part  common  property  and 
sat  at  a  common  table.  Next  we  find  a  division  made 
between  the  bishop  and  Chapter.  From  this  stage  it  was 
easy  to  pass  to  the  third,  wherein  the  Chapter  property  was 


Canons  and  Chapters.  199 

parcelled  out  among  the  Canons  so  as  to  yield  (pracbere) 
each  a  suitable  and  separate  support  year  by  year.  This 
origin  and  the  fact  of  their  being  annexed  to  Canonries  secured 
for  Prebends  their  higher  rank.  Nor  has  the  status  passed 
away  even  in  our  own  time,  when  the  Church  has  often  to  bo 
content  with  an  annual  stipend  from  Government  or  the 
contributions  of  the  faithful  for  the  yearly  return  which  is 
required  to  support  becomingly  the  title  of  Canon. 

Of  Supernumeraries,  sometimes  called  non-Prebendaries, 
three  classes  are  distinguished  by  our  writers.  To  the  first 
belong  those  who  are  appointed  beyond  the  number  assigned 
for  the  Chapter,  but  with  a  right  in  every  case  to  the  next 
vacant  prebend.  After  the  Tridentine  legislation  (Sess.  xxiv., 
cap.  xix.  de  Reform.)  such  appointments  in  expectancy  are 
invalid,  unless  ordered  by  the  Holy  See,  or  justified  by 
immemorial  custom. 

The  second  class  includes  Supernumeraries  for  whom  new 
Prebends  are  established.  This  is  easily  done  when  the 
number  of  Canons  is  not  fixed  by  the  Holy  See.  If  so  fixed, 
we  are  to  distinguish  between  an  absolute  limitation  on  the 
one  hand,  and  on  the  other,  a  determination  of  the  number 
with  the  object  of  not  allowing  the  Chapter  revenue  to  be 
over  divided.  In  the  latter  event,  increase  of  funds  would 
justify  the  creation  of  a  new  Canonry  and  Prebend. 

Of  all  Supernumeraries,  Honorary  Canons,  constituting  the 
third  class,  are  best  known  at  the  present  day.  They  cannot 
be  appointed  except  where  a  Chapter  already  exists.  Care 
also  must  be  taken  not  to  honour  too  many  clergymen  in  this 
way  lest  the  name  and  office  of  Canon  should  sufier  by  the 
commonness  of  the  appellation.  The  earlier  writers,  indeed, 
look  upon  Honorary  Canons  with  marked  disfavour.  A 
Canonry,  without  a  benefice  actually  or  proximately  annexed, 
seemed  to  them  unworthy  of  ranking  Avith  the  ancient 
preferment  known  by  the  name.  Still  it  scarcely  admits  of 
doubt  that  Honorary  Canons  of  some  kind  date  as  far  back 
almost  as  Chapters  themselves.  Bishops  and  even  kings 
used  to  hold  the  office.  Charlemagne,  for  instance,  w^as  a 
Canon  of  several  Chapters.  And  in  recent  times  great 
Chapters  have  shown  their  appreciation  of  distinguished 


200  Canons  and  Chapters. 

services  to  the  Church  by  enrolling  clergymen  of  eminence 
on  their  list  of  honorary  members.  This,  however,  is 
not  the  chief  motive  for  perpetuating  the  system. 

The  large  numbers  of  Honorary  Canons,  allocated  to 
cathedrals  in  France  and  other  countries,  are  selected  for  the 
purpose  of  enhancing  the  majesty  of  public  worship,  especially 
where  sickness,  absence,  or  fewness  of  members,  might  at 
any  time  leave  a  church  imperfectly  manned,  if  Prebendaries 
alone  were  employed  in  its  service.  They  do  not  take  part 
in  Capitular  meetings.  Neither  are  they  provided  with 
prebends.  They  do  not  even  enjoy  a  right  to  the  distri- 
butions, whether  daily  or  manual,  unless  this  privilege  be 
conceded  by  the  bishop  and  Chapter.  And  yet  they  possess 
Canonries,  inferior  no  doubt  to  those  of  Prebendaries,  but 
sufficient,  all  the  same,  as  titles  to  confer  the  name,  insignia, 
and  choir  stall,  together  with  the  right  of  irremovability, 
except  for  a  Canonical  cause.  Their  number  is  often  fixed 
for  particular  cathedrals  by  the  Holy  See;  and  Canonists 
more  commonly  hold,  that  the  tacit  consent  of  the  Chapter  is 
required,  in  order  that  the  bishop's  creation  may  be  valid. 

In  former  ages  no  division  of  Canons  was  more  celebrated 
than  that  into  Canons  Regular  and  Secular.  And  although 
regular  Chapters  have,  in  many  instances,  been  secularized, 
it  is  well  to  recall  to  mind  the  distinction  which  must  always 
separate  the  two  organisations.  Canons  regular,  besides 
attending  to  the  duties  of  the  sacred  ministry,  as  priests,  in 
a  cathedral,  collegiate  or  parochial  church,  observe,  as 
religious,  the  vows  of  a  true  religious  order.  Canons  secular 
may  indeed  lead  a  community  life,  and  observe  a  special  rule 
in  addition  to  their  active  duties  among  the  people ;  but  they 
do  not  take  the  vows  that  constitute  a  religious  order  in  the 
strict  sense. 

St.  Eusebius  of  Vercelli  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  in 
the  Western  Church  who  combined  the  active  duties  of  the 
sacred  ministry,  with  the  religious  life  of  monks,  in  the 
clergy  under  his  control.  He  was  followed  in  this  direction 
by  the  great  Bishop  of  Hippo.  St.  Augustine  was  most  anxious 
to  introduce,  among  his  working  priesthood,  the  observance 
to  a  large  extent,  of  the  mode  of  living  which  he  had 


and  Chapters.  201 

previously  prescribed  for  his  monks.  Modifications  were,  of 
course,  needed  to  meet  the  requirements  of  toiling  ecclesiastics, 
•whoso  daily  life  was  not  even  mainly  one  of  contemplation. 
The  now  constitutions  were  not  consigned  to  writing, 
perhaps  from  a  motive  of  desiring  long  experience  as  a  test 
of  suitableness,  but  were  wisely  preserved  in  the  daily  life  of 
the  clergy.  In  a  discourse  addressed  to  them,  St.  Augustine 
thus  speaks  of  their  institute  : — 

"  Volni  habere  in  ista  domo  Episcbpi  mecum  monasterium 
clericomm.  Ecce  quomodo  vivimus.  Nulli  licet  in  societate  nostr& 
habere  aliquid  proprium  .  .  .  Ergo  clericus  professns  est  sanctitatem, 
professus  est  communiter  vivendi  societatem  .  .  .  qui  hoc  non  vult 
habeat  libertatem;  sed  videat  utrum  •  habere  possit  felicitatis 
aeternitatem." 

The  Bishop  of  Hippo  did  not  insist  on  his  clergy  joining 
this  holy  institute.  But  his  strong  recommendation  went  far 
with  them  and  others  similarly  placed.  We  must  not,  however, 
suppose  that  this  rule  was  generally  followed  by  cathedral 
clergy  in  the  West.  Indeed  a  strong  tendency  soon  showed 
itself  towards  breaking  up  every  form  of  community  life 
among  Canons.  This  state  of  things  ill  suited  the  needs  of 
the  Church  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  when,  if  not 
preserved  by  the  tie  of  life  in  common,  discipline  and  learning 
were  exposed  to  serious  danger  of  being  forgotten.  To 
grapple  with  this  evil,  Chrodegang  of  Metz,  about  the  middle 
of  the  eighth  century,  endeavoured  to  revive  the  observance 
of  the  religious  life  among  Canons.  His  lead  was  rapidly 
followed  in  several  churches  of  France  and  Germany. 

Soon  after  Charlemagne  lent  the  weight  of  his  influence 
to  the  movement,  by  having  a  law  made  that  all  clerics 
should  follow  either  the  canonical  or  monastic  rule  of  life. 
Several  Councils  were  held  to  enforce  this  discipline.  Two 
convened  at  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century 
under  the  advice  of  St.  Peter  Damian,  insisted  that  Canons 
should  live  in  community,  and  no  longer  hold  private 
property.  Those  who  yielded  to  legislation  such  as  this 
Logan  to  be  called  regular  Canons.  But  it  is  not  certain  that 
at  this  period  they  constituted  a  Religious  Order  in  the  strict 
sense.  Only  in  the  twelfth  century,  Avhen  Popes  began  to 
require  of  them  the  observance  of  what  was  known  as 


202  Canons  and  Chapters. 

S.  Augustine's  rule,  did  they  for  certain  rank  as  true  religious. 
Indeed  Muratori  and  several  other  writers  deny  that  any  body 
of  Canons,  even  the  clergy  of  St.  Augustine's  household,  before 
this  time,  constituted  an  Order  properly  so  called.  However 
this  may  be,  from  the  twelfth  century  downwards  the  Canons 
Regular  were  undoubtedly  a  Religious  Order  in  the  strict 
sense,  and  spread  rapidly  into  all  parts  of  Catholic  Europe. 
They  were  frequently  attached  to  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches,  but  sometimes  lived  in  communities  without 
such  responsibility.  Their  Order  attained  a  high  degree 
of  prosperity  and  success  in  these  countries,  supplanting 
in  many  instances  the  Culdees,  who  were  practically 
secular  Canons.  Even  the  monks  of  St.  Columba  had 
sometimes  to  make  way  for  them  in  our  churches. 

There  were  many  branches  of  Canons  Regular.  The 
Norbertines  or  Premonstratensians,  who  still  remain,  though 
in  reduced  numbers,  and  observe  the  Augustinian  rule,  were 
popularly  known  in  England  as  White  Canons,  whilst  the 
Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine,  from  their  different  dress,, 
received  the  appellation  of  Black  Canons.  Those  of  St.  John 
Lateran  are  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine. 

During  the  middle  ages  the  Chapter  was  a  great  power. 
A  collegiate  or  rural  one  had  its  own  prestige.  But  the- 
Cathedral  Chapter  was  to  the  Bishop  for  his  diocese  what 
the  College  of  Cardinals  was  to  the  Pope  for  the  Universal 
Church.  Indeed,  the  words  "  Cardinal  "  and  "  Canon  "  were 
long  interchangeable,  and  did  not  cease  altogether  to  be 
so,  until  the  former  term  was  confined  to  peculiarly  designate 
the  Canons  who  surround  St.  Peter's  successor.  Traces  of 
this  iisage  are  observable  even  in  the  Anglican  Church 
at  the  present  day;  and  of  course  among  Catholics,, 
wherever  Chapters  are  established,  the  resemblance  to  the 
College  of  Cardinals  is  still  obvious.  But  the  Supreme  Pontiff^ 
whose  own  powers  cannot  be  limited  by  the  will  of  his 
counsellors,  has  thought  well  to  allow  bishops  also  to  free 
themselves  from  many  restrictions  which  the  common  law  had 
imposed  in  favour  of  their  Senates.  What  prescription  and 
the  Council  of  Trent  have  done  in  this  direction  we  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  stating  in  a  future  number  of  the 
RECORD.  PATRICK  O'DOXNELL. 


[     203     J 


ST.  MANCHAN :  HIS  CHURCH  AND  SHRINE. 

ABOUT  three  miles  north-east  of  Ferbane,  King's  County, 
skirting  the  main  road  to  Clara,  may  be  seen  the  site  of 
the  once  celebrated  monastic  establishment  founded  about 
the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  by  St.  Manchan,  of  Liath. 
Standing  on  a  IOAV  swell,  an  armlet  of  well-reclaimed  bog,  it 
gently  rises  above  the  extensive  moors  with  which  it  is  almost 
surrounded.  Here,  in  the  midst  of  scenery  of  a  character 
altogether  desolate  and  lonely,  but  poetic  and  sublime,  are 
to  be  found  what  remains  of  the  Church  and  house  of 
Manchan.  Both  repose  beneath  the  shadow  of  one  of  the 
"  Seven  Fair  Castles  "  of  MacCoghlan  of  Delvin  Eathra,  and 
within  sight  of  St.  Columb's  famous  Durrow,  and  the  now 
celebrated  Intermediate  College  conducted  by  the  Jesuits  at 
Tullabeg.  Lemanaghan  was  originally  subject  to  the  juris- 
diction of  Clonmacnoise,  having  come  out  from  that  great 
centre  of  religion,  science  and  art,  as  a  monastic  foundation. 

Like  so  many  others  of  our  once  famous  abbeys,  it  had  its 
origin  in  royal  munificence,  as  the  following  passage  taken 
from  the  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  will  clearly  show : 

"A.D.  645,  the  battle  of  Carn  Conaill  (probably  Ballyconnell,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Gort,  Co.  Galway),  was  gained  by  Dermot,  King  of 
Ireland,  over  Guiare,  Kiog  of  Connaught,  in  which  the  two  Cuans 
were  killed — viz.,  Cuan,  the  son  of  Enda,  King  of  Munster;  and 
Cuan,  the  son  of  Connell,  Chief  of  Hy-Figente  ;  and  also  Talmnack, 
Chief  of  Hy-Liathin.  Guaire  was  routed  from  the  field.  On  marching 
to  the  battle  King  Dermot  passed  through  Clonmacnoise,  and  the 
congregation  of  St.  Kieran  prayed  to  God  for  his  success,  and  through 
their  prayers  he  returned  safe. 

"  After  the  King's  return  he  granted  Tuaim-n-Eirc,  i.e.,  Liath 
Manchan,  with  its  divisions  of  land,  i.e.  (all  the  lands  included  under 
that  name),  as  an  Altar  Sod  or  Altar  land,  to  God  and  St.  Kieran, 
and  he  pronounced  three  maledictions  on  any  future  King  of  Meath  if 
any  of  his  people  should  take  (with  violence),  even  so  much  as  a  drink 
of  water  there." 

MacGeoghegan,  in  his  translations  of  the  Annals  of  Clon- 
macnoise, gives  much  the  same  account : — 

"  The  battle  of  Carne-Connell,  in  the  Feast  of  Penticost,  was  given 
l>y  Dermot  MacHugh  Slane,  and  going  to  meet  his  enemies  went  to 


204  St.  MancJian  :  his  Church  and  Shrine. 

Clonvicknoise  to  make  his  devotion  to  St.  Queran,  was  met  by  the 
abbots,  prelates,  and  clergy  ot  Clonvickuoise  in  procession,  where  they 
prayed  God  and  St.  Queran  to  give  him  victory  over  his  enemies, 
which  God  granted  at  their  requests,  for  they  had  victory,  and  slew 
Cuan,  King  of  Minister,  and  Cuan,  King  of  Feiginty,  and  so  giving 
the  foyle  to  his  enemies,  returned  to  Clonvicknoise  again  to  con- 
gratulate the  clergy  by  whose  intercession  he  gained  the  victory,  and 
bestowed  on  them  for  ever  Foyminercke,  with  the  appurtenances,  now 
called  Lyavanchan,  in  honour  of  God  and  St.  Queran,  to  be  held  free, 
without  any  charge  in  the  wrorld,  in  so  much  that  the  King  of  Meath 
might  not  thenceforth  challenge  a  draught  of  water  thereout  by  way 
of  any  charge." 

It  was  thus  Clonmacnoise  obtained  the  ownership  of  that 
place,  a  spot  afterwards  celebrated  through  its  connection 
with  him  who  established  thereon  a  monastery.  The  personal 
fame  and  greatness  of  its  founder  and  patron  was  the  occasion 
of  acquiring  for  it  a  new  name — viz.,  Liath  Manchan — a 
name  by  which  not  alone  the  group  of  monastic  ruins,  but 
the  entire  parish — is  called  and  known  even  to  this  day. 

The  founder  and  patron  of  this  old  monastic  establish- 
ment was  Manchan.1  Considerable  uncertainty,  however, 
surrounds  his  identification,  for  there  were  several  saints  of 
that  name.  In  the  Irish  calendars,  records  are  to  be  found  of 
twelve  distinct  festivals  set  apart  to  honour  saints  called 
Manchan.  Just  as  there  have  been  many  saints  called  Ronan 
and  Lasera,  so,  too,  there  have  been  several  Manchans.  Of 
these  the  more  celebrated  were  Manchan,  Abbot  and 
Bishop  of  Tomgraney,  County  Clare;  Manchan,  of  Dysart 
Gallen,  Queen's  County,  who  was  called  the  wise  Irishman. 
The  remains  of  his  church  and  monastery  are  still  to  be  seen 
in  a  sequestered  and  romantic  valley,  surrounded  by  scenery 
of  a  character  charmingly  picturesque  and  lovely.  But 
Manchan,  of  Liath  Manchan,  was  the  greatest  of  them  all. 
Ware  states  that  amongst  the  alleged  works  of  Richard 
Fitzralph,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  was  a  Vita  Sancti  Manchani. 

It  is  even  said  that  Ussher  had  it  in  his  hand,  but  Dr.  Todd 
and  others  searched  for  it  in  Ussher's  Library  and  failed  to 

1  Petrie,  O'Curry,  and  indeed  all  Irish  writers  on  surnames,  are 
unanimous  in  saying  that  Monalian  is  the  modern  name  of  Manchan,  which 
is  derived  from  Monachus  or  Monach,  a  monk.  O.  Maoinachain  (Monahan) 
signifies  esteem,  wealth — 0' Hart's  Pedigrees,  p.  346. 


St.  Manchan  :  7ns  Church  and  Shrine.  205 

find  it.1  Some  say  it  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford.  If  sor 
I  hope  yet  to  read  it.  Meanwhile,  1  shall  set  down  now  what 
appears  to  be  certain  from  present  available  sources  regarding 
Manchan  of  Leinanagh.an. 

The  Annals  of  Clonnmciioise  state  "it  was  erroneously 
affirmed  that  Manehaii  was  a  Welshman,  and  came  to  this 
country  with  St.  Patrick."  It  seems  good  then  to  set 
down  his  pedigree  to  disprove  their  allegations.  Manchan 
was  the  son  of  Failve,  who  was  the  son  of  Augine,  who  was 
son  of  Bogany,  who  was  son  of  Conn  ell  Galban,  the  ancestor 
of  O'Donnell,  as  is  confidently  laid  down  among  the  gene- 
alogies of  the  saints  of  Ireland.  It  is,  moreover,  certain 
that  he  was  a  very  learned  man,  at  least  in  the  Scriptures 
and  Theology,  for  he  was  called  the  Jerome  of  Ireland, 
being  "very  like  unto  him  in  habits  of  life  and  learning. 
He  wrote  a  book  entitled  the  "Wonders  of  the  Scripture," 
which  is  still  extant  in  the  third  vol.  of  St.  Augustine's  works, 
and  is  falsely  ascribed  to  him.  Several  writers  assert  that 
James,  the  Son  of  Zebedee,  propagated  the  Gospel  in  Spain 
and  the  western  countries,  and  came  to  Ireland  and  wrote 
his  canonical  epistle  there.  Manchan  denied  all  that,  and  held 
that  the  epistle  was  written  by  James,  Son  of  Alphoeus,  and 
that  neither  of  the  Apostles  of  the  name  of  James  ever  left 
their  own  country.  "  He  slew  James  with  the  sword,  and  set 
the  people  to  seize  Peter  also."  (Acts  xii.) 

Besides  he  was  a  poet  of  a  very  high  order,  having  com- 
posed that  charming  poem — 

"  Would  that,  O  Son  of  the  living  God  ! 
O  eternal,  ancient  King  ! "  &c.,  &c. 

O'Flaherty  quotes  another  poem  of  Manchan's,  beginning 
with  the  words,  "  Since  Idols  were  expelled." 

It  appears  to  be  beyond  all  doubt  that  he  was  very 
highly  venerated  in  his  time  for  learning  as  well  as  sanctity, 
for  Ti^ernach,  the  earliest  of  our  annalists,  having  recorded 
his  death  as  Bishop  and  Abbot,  speaks  of  him  as  one  of  the 
most  eminent  persons  who  fell  victims  to  that  great  mortality 

1  The  writer  has  made  extensive  and  laborious  searches,  but  in  vain,  for 
Fitzralph's  Vita  S.  Manchani.  The  Librarian  at  Oxford  spared  no  trouble 
in  causing  searches  to  be  made  for  it,  but  so  far  it  has  not  turned  up. 


206  St.  Manclian  :  his  Church  and  Shrine. 

•which,  sparing  neither  sinner  nor  saint,  prevailed  in  Ireland 
about  the  year  661. 

It  is  thus  recorded  in  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  "  A.D. 
661,  Enos  of  Ulster  and  St.  Manchan  of  Leith,  together  with 
many  other  princes,  bishops  and  abbots,  died  of  the  said 
pestilence."  It  was  called  the  Buidhe  Connail,  or  yellow 
plague.  The  Four  Masters  record  his  death  at  the  year  664, 
but  they  are  generally  three,  and  sometimes  five  years  later 
than  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise. 

Archdall,  after  placing  the  death  of  St.  Manchan,  the 
patron  of  Lemanaghan,  under  the  year  661,  adds,  under  the 
year  694 :  "  We  find  another  St.  Manchan  of  Leth,  who 
lived  after  this  year."  For  this  he  refers  to  Colgan,  Acta,  S.S., 
p.  382,  but  the  year  694  there  is  only  a  misprint  for  664,  which 
is  the  date  of  the  Four  Masters,  from  whom  Colgan  trans- 
lated the  passage.  Petrie  thinks  ArchdalFs  mind  was  it  blunt 
one. 

In  the  year  1838  Mr.  Petrie  visited  Lemanaghan,  and  he 
tells  us  in  the  record  of  his  visit  that  he  sketched  the  original 
church  and  oratory  of  St.  Manchan,  and  found  it  to  be  only 
twenty-four  feet  in  length,  and  fifteen  in  width.  He  added  that 
"  it  presents  to  the  antiquary  an  interesting  characteristic 
specimen  of  the  architecture  of  the  seventh  century."  The 
parish  church  still  remains,  and  is  situate  in  the  village  of 
Lemanaghan,  and  in  tolerably  good  preservation.  It  is  of 
much  larger  size  and  of  later  age,  as  is  observable  from  its 
ornamented  doorway,  which  exhibits  unmistakable  features  of 
the  architecture  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century. 

Not  far  distant  are  three  holy  wells,  to  which  the  blind, 
lame,  and  persons  afflicted  with  other  chronic  diseases  come  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  patron  saint's  death,  the  24th  January. 

A  togher  or  paved  causeway  leads  to  one  of  these  wells,  and 
extends  further  on  by  several  yards,  until  it  reaches  the  low 
swell  on  which  is  to  be  seen  the  cell  which  St.  Manchan  built 
for  his  mother.  The  antiquarian  will  be  much  interested  on 
reaching  this  spot.  This  road,  which  resembles  in  many 
respects  that  leading  from  the  Seven  Churches  to  the  Church 
of  the  Nuns,  or  DervogaiVs  restored  Church,  is  paved  with 
large  flag-stones.  At  the  end  of  it  you  come  upon  an  old 


St.  Manchan :  his  Church  and  Shrine.  207 

Cyclopean  building,  surrounded  by  an  ancient  Mur,  or  wall 
of  earth,  faced  with  stonework. 

The  enclosure  is  rectangular  and  measures  fifty  yards  by 
thirty-six 

About  the  centre  of  this  enclosure  stands  a  rectangular  cell 
of  extreme  antiquity,  measuring  about  eighteen  by  ten  feet, 
the  walls  being  over  three  feet  in  width  or  thickness.  The 
doorway  is  squareheaded.  The  lintel  passes  through  the  entire 
thickness  of  the  wall.  There  is  no  sign  of  any  mode  of  hanging 
or  fastening  a  door — the  sides  are  inclined,  and  there  is  no 
window  in  the  sides  of  the  building.  This  is  the  cell  which 
tradition  states  Manchan  built  for  his  mother,  St.  Mella.1 
Hoiv  appalling  was  not  the  rigor  and  severity  of  sanctity  in  those 
days  !  Ivy  now  mantles  this  curious  cell,  and  the  enclosure 
or  Cashel  is  planted  with  trees. 

But  the  most  interesting  object  of  all  connected  with  this 
celebrated  monastic  foundation  is  the  shrine  of  St.  Manchan. 
Scrinium  Sancti  Manchani,  the  Annalists  declare  to  have  been 
called,  opus  pulcherrimum  quod  fecit  opifex  in  Hibernia. 

This  venerable  shrine  certainly  holds  a  conspicuous  place 
amongst  Irish  ecclesiastical  antiquities.  Being  a  monument 
of  very  high  antiquity,  it  cannot  fail  to  awaken  at  all  times 
a  lively  interest  amongst  antiquarians,  affording,  as  it  does, 
an  illustration  of  a  class  of  objects  formerly  numerous,  but 
now  very  rare.  "  It  was  covered  by  Roderick  O'Conor,  and 
an  embroidering  of  gold  was  carried  over  it  by  him  in  as 
good  a  style  as  a  relic  was  ever  covered  in  Ireland." — Four 
Masters. 

There  is,  and  always  was,  an  intimate  connexion  between 
shrines,  reliques,  pilgrimages,  and  processions.  The  shrine 
containing  a  relique  was  at  first  a  plain  chest  of  wood. 
Gradually  it  became  the  subject  of  more  or  less  ornament  in 
proportion  to  the  veneration  attached  to  the  object  it  con- 
tained. Shrines  originally  portable,  thus  became  in  course 
of  time  large  and  stately  structures,  and  were  set  up  in 
churches  for  the  veneration  of  the  faithful.  The  origin  of 
shrines  is  traceable  to  a  very  remote  period.  The  Israelites, 
for  example,  when  they  were  departing  from  Egypt,  took  with 

1  Sweet  name  ;  doubtless  taken  from  our  own  St»  Mel  of  Ardagh. 


208  St.  Manclian  :  Ids  Church  and  Shrine. 

them  the  bones  of  Joseph  (according  to  his  own  direction) 
and  kept  them  during  their  many  years'  journeyings  into  the 
promised  land.  When  the  dead  man  was  restored  to  life  on. 
touching  the  bones  of  the  Prophet  Elisha,  when  diseases 
departed  and  evil  spirits  went  out  of  them,  to  whom  handker- 
chiefs and  aprons  that  had  touched  the  body  of  St.  Paul 
were  applied ;  the  foundation  was  laid  for  that  veneration 
which  found  one  mode  of  expression  in  the  decoration  of  the 
shrine.  The  veneration  amongst  Christians  for  reliques  and 
shrines  began  in  the  Apostolic  times.  St.  Ignatius,  who  was 
a  disciple  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  and  who  is  believed  to 
have  been  the  child  that  our  Lord  took  in  his  arms,  was 
martyred  at  Rome,  A.D.  107,  and  his  bones  were  afterwards 
Collected  and  placed  in  a  napkin,  and  carried  to  Aiitioch,  and 
preserved  as  an  inestimable  treasure  left  to  the  Church. 
Likewise,  after  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Polycarp,  Bishop  of 
Smyrna,  who  is  commended  in  the  "  Revelations,"  and  who 
was  a  disciple  of  St.  John,  the  Christians  who  were  present 
at  his  death,  A.D.  147,  u  took  up  his  bones  more  precious  than 
the  richest  jewels  and  tryed  above  gold,"  and  deposited 
them  where  it  was  fitting,  and  probably  in  some  secure 
depository  until  they  could  be  honorably  enclosed  in  a  shrine. 
In  Ireland,  the  use  of  shrines  is  contemporaneous  with  the 
introduction  of  Christianity.  So  great  has  been  the  veneration 
in  which  our  ancestors  held  them,  that  in  spite  of  the  wars 
and  revolutions  of  so  many  centuries,  a  few  well  authenti- 
cated examples  are  still  to  be  seen  amongst  us.  And  there 
are  many  places  in  Ireland  which  have  been  called  Skryne  or 
Skreen,  owing  to  the  bones  of  some  saint  having  been 
deposited  there  in  a  shrine.  The  shrine  of  St.  Colomba,  per 
varios  casus  per  tot  discrimina  rerum — the  chief  object  for 
so  long  a  time  of  the  roving  and  murderous  northmeii's 
search — was  brought  from  lona  to  Ireland  for  safety. 
Walafridas  Strabus  thus  writes  of  it : — 

"  Ad  sanctum  venere  patrem  pretiosa  melalla 
Reddere  cogentes  queis  sancti  sancta  Colombae 
Ossa  jacent,  quam  quippe  suis  de  sedibus,  arcam 
Tollentes  tumulo  terra  posuere  cavato 
Cespite  sub  denso  gnari  jam  pestis  iniquae 
Hanc  praedam  cupiere  Dani." 


St.Manchan:  Jits  Church  and  Slirinc.  209 

In  England,  Durham  and  Canterbury  possessed  the  most 
celebrated  shrines,  viz.,  those  of  St.  Cuthbert,  the  Venerable 
Bode,  and  Thomas  a  Becket. 

My  the  order  of  Henry  VIII.  both  were  despoiled,  when 
that  of  Cuthbert,  an  Irish  saint,  was  broken  open,  the 
( Commissioners,  to  their  amazement,  observed  the  body  of 
the  saint  entire  and  uncorrupt,  arrayed  in  his  pontifical 
vestments.  Dismayed,  they  stopped  short,  until  they  learned 
the  king's  pleasure.  When  it  was  known,  the  body  was 
buried  beneath  the  place  where  the  shrine  had  been. 

Scott,  following  the  popular  traditions  regarding  the  con- 
cealment of  St.  Cuthbert's  reliques  in  some  part  of  Durham, 
wrote  the  following : — • 

"  Where  his  cathedral  huge  and  vast 

Looks  down  upon  the  Wear, 
There  deep  in  Durham's  Gothic  shade, 

His  relics  are  in  secret  laid  ; 
But  none  may  know  the  place, 

Save  of  his  holiest  servants  three, 
Deep  sworn  to  solemn  secrecy, 

Who  share  that  wondrous  grace." 

In  England,  nearly  all  the  shrines  were  broken  and 
plundered  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 

Those  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  and  of  St.  Werburgh, 
remain,  and  are  preserved  at  Westminster  Abbey  and 
Chester. 

In  Ireland,  the  destruction  was  not  so  complete,  owing  to 
the  tenacity  with  which  its  ever  faithful  Catholics  clung  to 
their  faith.  Its  shrines,  reliques,  and  consecrated  objects, 
they  guarded  as  the  apple  of  their  eye.  It  is  honorable  to 
our  national  character  to  have  preserved,  in  spite  of  the 
strongest  temptations,  with  such  becoming  fidelity,  those 
sacred  deposits,  and  over  so  many  generations  after  they  had 
lost  their  other  possessions.  But  to  return  to  the  shrine  of 
St.  Manchan.  It  is  preserved  in  the  Chapel  of  Boher,  near  to 
the  Prospect  Station,  on  the  Great  Southern  and  Western 
Railway  to  Athlone.  It  was  formerly  kept  in  a  small  thatched 
building  used  as  a  Chapel  in  the  penal  times.  Local  traditions 
state  that  the  Chapel  was  burned,  but  the  shrine  was  mirac- 
ulously saved  from  the  fire. 

VOL.  VTI.  0 


210  St.  Manclian  :  his  Church  and  Shrine. 

It  was  afterwards  cared  by  Mr.  Mooney,  of  Doon,  who 
finally  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  its  natural  and  best  guardian 
and  protector,  the  Parish  Priest  for  the  time  being,  where  it 
now  rests. 

Like  Colomba's  shrine,  it  has  travelled  much,  but  under 
different  circumstances  and  from  different  causes.  It  has 
been  at  two  of  the  great  Exhibitions  in  Dublin.  It  was  at  one 
of  the  great  London  Exhibitions,  and  it  was  at  one  of  the  great 
Exhibitions  of  Paris,  held  during  the  reign  of  Napoleon  III., 
who  sent  a  gold  medal  to  the  then  Bishop  of  Ardagh, 
Dr.  Kilduff,  of  happy  memory,  in  consideration  for  the  loan 
of  so  valuable  a  relic.  The  following  is  the  inscription  on 
the  medal : 

EMPEREUR    NAPOLEON  III. 

Exposition  Universelle 
De   MDCCCLXVII.    A    Paris 

Rev.  EVEQUE  KILDUFF 
Histoire  du  travail  pour  services  rendus. 

In  the  lapse  of  time  it  has  lost  some  of  its  original  orna- 
ments,1 but  a  fair  idea  of  what  it  was  in  its  perfect  state  may 
be  gathered  from  the  fac-simile  (No.  1857)  by  Dr.  Carte,  to 
be  seen  in  the  Gold  Room  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy.  In 
this  fac-simile  the  deficient  parts  have  been  restored  from 
those  which  remain.  In  form  this  very  valuable  relic  (four 
hundred  pounds  sterling  were  offered  for  it,  but  they  would 
not  sell  it  for  money)  resembles  that  generally  belonging  to 
the  ancient  Ciborium,  and  usually  represented  by  the  top  of  the 
stone  crosses.  Some  think  the  form  of  this  ancient  shrine 
was  adopted  in  imitation  of  the  high  pitched  stone  roofs 
which  covered  the  ancient  cells  of  the  Saints  in  whose 
memory  and  honor  they  were  made.  Its  material  is  of  yew, 
and  artistically  covered  with  brass-work,  inlaying  of  ivory 
and  enamelling.  On  each  of  its  two  sides  are  crosses  formed 
in  the  centre,  and  extremities  by  five  large  cups  or  paterae. 
Underneath  are  to  be  seen  figures  in  bass-relief,  formed  of 
brass  also  and  separate  from  each  other.  The  figures  of  one 
side  have  been  lost  altogether,  but  eleven  still  remain  on 

1  The  writer  accidentally  found  one  of  the  lost  ornaments  whilst  he 
was  Parish  Priest  of  Kenagh,  County  Longford. 


NV.  MancJuui :  Ids  Church  and  Shrine.  211 

tho  other.     There  are  fifty-two  figures  missing,  which  filled 
in.  the  other  six  compartments. 

The  vacant  places  in  the  wood  of  the  shrine  proclaim 
their  absence.  Mr.  Graves,  in  his  beautiful  essay  on  this 
shrine, illustrated  by  striking  and  excellent  photographs,  which 
arc  so  valuable  in  connexion  with  such  a  subject,  observes 
that  he  heard  on  undoubted  authority,  the  servant-maid  of 
one  of  its  conservators,  set  to  work  to  clean  it,  and  succeeded 
in  scouring  off  most  of  its  gilding.  It  reminds  one  of  the 
fate  of  the  CONG  IRISH  MANUSCRIPTS,  IN  VELLUM,  SPLENDIDLY 
ILLUMINATED.  One  of  the  figures,  however,  is  in  the  Petrio 
Collection  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy  in  the  same  room  with 
the  Crozier  of  the  Clonmacnoise  Abbots  and  the  Chalice  of 
Ardagh,  objects  of  much  interest  to  the  antiquarian.  There 
is  also  at  present  another  of  these  missing  figures  in  posses- 
sion of  his  Lordship,  Dr.  Woodlock,  the  venerated  Bishop  of 
Ardagh. 

A  learned  writer  on  this  subject  thus  briefly  describes 
this  shrine  :  "  The  Shrine  of  St.  Manchan  is  a  wooden  chest 
of  cruciform  figure — that  is  of  a  wedge  resting  on  its  base 
with  the  edge  uppermost.  The  two  principal  sides  which 
slope  upwards  after  the  manner  of  a  double  reading  desk, 
overlap  both  the  base  and  the  triangular  ends  or  gables." 
But  any  description  of  this  Shrine,  minus  photographic 
views,  can  convey  only  an  imperfect  notion  of  its  beauty. 
There  is  one  figure,  that  of  a  warrior  helmeted  and  wear- 
ing the  philibeg  or  kilt,  which  deserves  a  passing  notice,  for  it, 
together  with  the  other  figures,  illustrates  not  only  the  state 
of  the  fine  arts  in  Ireland  before  the  arrival  of  the  English, 
but,  moreover,  proves  that  the  use  of  the  kilt  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  Scottish  Highlanders,  but  was  common  amongst 
the  Irish. 

Petrie  tells  us  in  his  Book  on  the  Round  Towers,  that 
before  the  irruptions  of  the  Danes  in  the  eighth  and  ninth 
centuries  there  were  few  distinguished  Churches  in  Ireland 
without  costly  shrines  containing  the  relics  of  their  founders. 

Cogitosus  speaks  of  the  two  shrines  of  Kildare  and  their 
costly  materials.  There  were,  moreover,  the  shrines  of 
Sts.  Bridgid  and  Ciaran,  and  Ronaii  and  Comgall,  and  a  host 


212  St.  Manchan:  his  Church  and  Shrine. 

of  others.  There  were  the  decorations  of  St.  Bridgid's 
Church,  of  which  Cogitosus  tells,  and  the  frescoes  at  St. 
Cormac's  Chapel,  on  the  Rock  of  Cash  el,  not  yet  wholly- 
destroyed;  there  were  the  illuminations  of  the  religious  books 
in  which  the  painter's  skill  was  best  known. 

There  was  that  copy  of  the  Four  Gospels  seen  by 
Cambrensis,  and  so  much  praised  even  by  him. 

There  were  those  beautiful  works  of  art  and  many  others 
well  calculated  to  excite  admiration.  But  the  Annalists  say 
pulcherrimum  opus  quod  fecit  opifex  in  Hibernia  fuit  Scrinium 
Sancti  Manchani.  Surely  the  words  of  the  great  sceptical 
poet  Byron,  apply  here  with  double  force : 

61  Even  the  faintest  relics  of  a  shrine 
Of  any  worship  wake  some  thoughts  divine." 

The  following  extract  from  Petrie  will,  I  hope,  appro- 
priately conclude  my  observations  regarding  this  shrine  : — 

"  This  reliquary,  sadly  mutilated  as  it  is,  still  preserves  enough 
of  its  original  characteristic  features  to  enable  us  to  form  a  correct 
idea  of  its  primeval,  costly  and  elaborate  beauty,  and  to  become 
intimately  acquainted  with  what  may  be  regarded  as  the  linal 
development  of  that  phase  of  Celtic  art-ornamentation  in  Ireland, 
which  has  excited  such  a  deep  interest  throughout  Europe  in  our  own 
time. 

"And  in  this  shattered,  mutilated  shrine  we  belfold  an  impressive 
illustration  of  the  final  extinction  of  that  graceful  imaginative  art,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  Monarchy,  which  had  seen  its  birth  and  fostered 
'  its  development." 

Throughout  this  essay  I  have  assumed  that  the  word 
Moethailywhich  occurs  in  the  "  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters,"  is 
one  of  the  errors  of  transcription,  or  guesses  to  supply  an 
obliteration,  in  the  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise,  from  which  they 
copied  the  reference  to  this  shrine.  Moreover,  many  writers 
suppose  St.  Manchan  of  Mobil,  and  St.  Manchan  of  Lemanaghan, 
to  be  the  same  person,  and  thus  he  is  styled  the  patron  of 
Seven  Churches,  and  invoked  in  the  Tallaght  Martyrology  in 
the  following  words  : — 

"  Sanctum  Manchan  cum  ejus  centum  et  viginta  fratribus  invoco, 
per  Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum,  &c." 

From  what  I  have  written,  the  following  conclusions  may 
be  drawn: — 1st, Manchan  was  a  practical  man, in  that  he  was 


\otes  on  the  Passion  Play  a?  Ihiersee.  213 

the  builder  or  promoter  and  patron  of  Seven  Churches;  2nd, 
he  was  a  poet ;  3rd,  having  been  the  most  learned  man  of 
his  day  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  he  was  therefore  a 
distinguished  theologian ;  4th,  he  was  a  saint.  This  is  a 
union  of  qualities  rarely  found  in  the  same  person. 

J.   MONAHAX. 


NOTES  ON  THE  PASSION-PLAY  AT  THIERSEE. 

AS  the  tourist  enters  Kufstein  from  Innsbruck,  his  attention 
is  called  to  a  huge,  cumbrous  peak  that  rises  on  the  left 
and  heaves  itself  heavily  to  the  clouds.     At  the  foot  of  this 
lies  Thiersee,  the  rival  of  Ober-Ammergau  in  its  representation 
of  the  world-renowned  Passion-Play. 

A  rugged  and  circuitous  road,  adorned  at  intervals  with 
crucifixes  and  other  religious  emblems  rudely  but  lovingly 
carved,  climbs  the  height  from  Kufstein  and  leads  the 
pedestrian,  after  a  brisk  walk  of  something  more  than  an 
hour,  around  the  Bavarian  boundary  to  the  foot  of  the  peak. 

Having  refreshed  ourselves  at  Kufstein,  my  companions 
and  myself  set  out  in  good  spirits,  and  ere  sunset  saw  before 
tis  the  beautiful  lake,  from  which  the  village  derives  its  name, 
sleeping  peacefully  in  the  shade  of  the  lofty  hills  that  on 
every  side  surround  it,  wrhile  a  little  beyond  we  caught  a 
glimpse  of  the  village  church  with  its  graceful  spire  pointing 
warningly  to  heaven.  A  few  minutes  more  brought  us  to 
the  gasthaus  of  the  town,  where  we  found  a  plain  but 
excellent  supper  ready  for  us,  and  secured  beds  for  the  night. 
Ori  the  wall  of  the  gasthaus  in  a  conspicuous  place  was  the 
following  "  poster,"  printed  in  large  black  letters  : — • 

"With  the  Most  Gracious  Permission  of  the  Royal  Imperial  Municipal 
Council  of  Innsbruck,  will  be  given  on  Sundays  and  holidays, 
from  April  5th  to  September  13th,  1885,  at  Vorder  Thiersee, 
a  Religious  Representation  of  the  Sublime  Tragedy  of  Golgotha  ; 
or  the  Bitter  Passion  and  Death,  The  Glorious  Resurrection  and 
Ascension  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ ;  arranged  from 
the  Four  Holy  Gospels  and  Illustrated  with  Tableaux  from  the 
Old  Testament  and  Tradition. 

Per  Order,  Passion- Play  Associat." 


Aofrx  on  tlie  Passion  Play  at  Tide-race. 

Supper  over,  we  expressed  our  surprise  to  the  wlrtli  at  tlie 
small  number  of  strangers  we  found  in  the  village,  and  hinted 
that  the  Passion-Play  had  not  yet  made  much  of  a  stir  in  the 
outside  world.  "  True,"  he  replied  with  a  good-humoured 
smile,  "  Thierscc  is  not  yet  famous ;  that  is,  not  so  famous  as 
Ober-Ammergau,  although  the  play  has  been  produced  at 
irregular  intervals  since  1802  ;  still  you  must  not  imagine 
that  we  are  altogether  unknown ;  wait  till  to-morrow  and  you 
will  see  plenty  of  strangers." 

"  How  does  the  play  here  compare  with  that  of 
Ober-Ammergau  ?  "  one  of  us  asked. 

"  Quite  favourably,"  said  the  wirth.  "  Indeed,  our  text — 
the  work  of  Prof.  Weissenhofer,  a  Benedictine  of  Vienna — is 
said  to  be  the  best  yet  produced:  but  there  is  a  certain 
splendour  about  the  tableaux  of  Ober-Ammergau  that  so  far 
we  have  failed  to  equal." 

"  Are  all  your  players  residents  of  the  village  ?  " 

"  Every  one,  and  all  are  farmers,  except  Joseph  Joufinger 
\Christus),  he  is  by  trade  a  carpenter.  But  that  is  not  all, 
we  built  our  own  theatre,  made  our  own  costumes,  and,  in  a 
word,  did  everything  that  pertains  to  the  play,  except  paint 
tlie  scenery,  without  any  outside  assistance."  And  with  a 
smile  of  pardonable  pride,  as  the  varied  talents  of  his  fellow- 
townsmen  came  to  his  mind,  the  mirth  bustled  off  to  look 
after  the  comforts  of  his  other  guests;  In  the  morning  on 
drawing  aside  the  curtain  I  saw  that  our  host  was  correct  in 
what  he  said  of  the  strangers  we  should  see,  for  the  open 
space  beneath  my  window  seemed  literally  alive  with  people, 
all  talking  louldly  but  good-naturedly,  and  breakfasting  al 
fresco  on  bread,  beer  and  the  inevitable  sausage,  so  indispen- 
sable to  all  German-speaking  nations. 

After  attending  early  mass,  we  returned  to  our  inn, 
breakfasted,  and  waited  till  the  loud  boom  of  a  cannon,  at 
eight  o'clock,  called  us  to  the  theatre.  This  was  a  large,  1111- 
painted,  barn-like  structure,  with  a  seating  capacity  of  1,400. 
Tlie  seats  were  divided  into  five  classes,  ranging  in  price 
from  two  and  a-half  florins  (about  four  shillings)  to  forty 
kreutzers.  Before  the  stage  was  a  curtain  of  considerable' 
artistic  merit,  the  work  of  some  local  Claude  Lorrain, 
portraying  a  view  of  Thiersee, 


Xofes  on  the  Passion,  Play  at  Thiersee.  215 

Fifteen  minutes  after  the  doors  were  thrown  open  nearly 
every  seat  was  taken,  the  audience  being  made  up  principally 
of  Tyrolese  and  Bavarians.  More  than  two-thirds  of  those 
present  were  women,  each  one  dressed  in  the  picturesque 
costume  of  her  native  valley.  At  a  quarter  after  eight  the 
band  struck  up  and  played  an  overture  for  ten  minutes. 
Another  boom  from  the  distant  cannon,  the  tinkle  of  the 
prompter's  bell — and  the  curtain  rose. 

There  was  a  moment's  pause,  and  then  from  either  side  of 
the  stage  entered  the  Prologue  and  Chorus. 

The  Prologue  was  attired  in  a  pale  blue  tunic,  bound  with 
a  crimson  girdle ;  a  crimson  mantle  hung  gracefully  from  his 
left  shoulder,  and  after  passing  around  under  the  right  arm, 
was  secured  at  the  waist  by  a  golden  brooch ;  on  his  head  he 
wore  a  crown.  The  Chorus,  consisting  of  four  males  and  four 
females,  was  similarly  attired,  only  the  tunics  were  crimson, 
and  the  mantles  bright  green  trimmed  with  gold.  Arrived 
at  their  places,  the  Prologue,  placing  his  left  hand  on  his 
breast,  and  slowly  advancing  the  right,  commenced.  His 
first  few  lines  were  slightly  suggestive  of  the  opening  of 
"  Paradise  Lost": — 

"  Of  man's  first  disobedience,  and  the  fruit 
Of  that  forbidden  tree,  whose  mortal  taste 
Brought  death  into  the  world,  and  all  our  woe, 
With  loss  of  Eden,  till  one  greater  Man 
Restore  us,  and  regain  the  blissful  seat, 
Sing,  Heavenly  Muse." 

The  Prologue  with  those  011  his  left  then  walked  slowly  to 
one  side  of  the  stage,  while  those  on  his  right  withdrew  to 
the  opposite,  and  turning  faced  each  other.  The  same  thing- 
was  observed  throughout  in  the  explanation  of  the  tableaux. 
As  soon  as  the  Chorus  was  in  position  a  curtain  rose,  disclosing 
Adam  and  Eve  standing  beneath  the  forbidden  tree  in  Para- 
dise ;  as  the  Prologue  continued,  Eve  plucked  the  fruit  and 
ate  thereof,  then  passed  it  to  Adam  who  also  partook  of  it. 
but  immediately  seemed  to  recollect  himself,  and  looked  at 
his  wife  with  some  remorse,  but  apparently  more  reproach. 
\Yhile  they  both  stood  abashed,  another  curtain  rose,  revealing 
the  Deity  in  anger,  while  'mid  peals  of  thunder  the  Angel 


216  Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee. 

with  the  flaming  sword  entered  and  drove  them  from  the 
garden.     The  curtain  before   the   Deity   dropped,   and   the 
first  member  of  the   Chorus  related  the  story  of  misery  and 
ruin  brought  upon  the  human  race  by  Adam's  disobedience, 
but  gave  assurance  that  God  would  not  leave  man  forsaken, 
but  through  a  greater  Eve  raise  up  a  Redeemer  who  should 
make  atonement  for  our  first  parents'  sin.     A  third  curtain 
rose  and  discovered  the  "  Immaculate  Conception."     A  half- 
suppressed  murmur  of  admiration  burst  from   the  audience. 
Indeed  nothing  could  be  more  beautiful.      The  representation 
of  the  Virginal  Mother,  standing  on  the  earth,  with  the  "  old 
serpent"  writhing  at  her  feet,  her  hands  clasped  before  her 
breast,  and  her  eyes  lifted  trustfully  to  heaven,  was  so  divinely 
fair,  that  the  bosom  of  the  coldest  stoic  would  thrill  to  behold 
it.     The  tableau  was  so  perfect,  the  position  so  graceful  and 
statuesque  that,  for  a  while,  I  thought  it  must  needs  be  some 
beautiful  image  procured  for  the  occasion;   even  later,  when 
I  had  seen  and  spoken  with  nearly  all  the  participants  in  the 
play,  I  found  it  hard  to  believe  that  a  simple  peasant  girl  was 
the  representative;  but,  nevertheless,  such  it  was.     The  next 
tableau  showed  angels  venerating  a  cross,  and  the  second 
member  of  the   Chorus  explained  that  this  was  the  Sacred 
Instrument  of  man's  redemption.     The  Prologue  and  entire 
Chorus  thereupon  knelt  with  the  angels  to  the  cross  ;  a  hymn 
was  sung,  and  the  great  curtain  dropped  on  the  introduction. 
Scarcely  a  moment  passed  before  the  real  action  of  the 
play  commenced.     This  was  Christ's  triumphal    entry   into 
Jerusalem.     First  came  little  children,  followed  by  men  and 
women  of  the  city,  all  bearing  palms  and  singing  : 

"  Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David  ! 
Hail  to  the  Son  of  God!" 

Then  came  Petrus,  leading  the  ass  on  which  Christus  was 
seated,  and  afterwards  Maria,  Maria  Cleophae,  and  the 
Apostles.  Last  came  Judas  bearing  the  purse.  The 
appearance  of  all  these  characters  was  wonderfully  like  the 
pictures  familiar  to  us,  which  we  have  grown  to  believe 
really  resemble  those  whose  names  they  bear  as  they  appeared 
on  earth.  Three  times  the  procession  crossed  the  stage,  the 
scene  being  changed  each  time  by  means  of  a  drop,  the  men 


on 


tli<>  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee.  217 


and  women  singing  alternately  a  triumphal  hymn,  of  which 
flit'  retrain  was  : 

41  Ilosanna  to  the  Son  of  David  ! 
Hail  to  the  Son  of  God!" 

The  third  time  a  semicircle  was  made  about  Chnstw,  who, 
as  the  scene  closed,  raised  his  right  hand  high  above  the 
crowd  as  if  in  benediction. 

Before  the  curtain  rose  on  the  next  scene,  a  confused 
murmur  of  voices  was  heard  upon  the  stage,  and  we  knew 
that  the  "buying  and  selling  in  the  Temple"  was  to  be 
represented  ;  so,  indeed,  it  turned  out,  and  admirable  was  the 
effect.  The  sacred  edifice  was  filled  with  tables,  over  which 
the  High  Priests  and  Elders  were  selling  to  huckstering 
women,  doves,  fruits,  eggs,  and  what  not.  The  purchasers 
true  to  the  female  character  were  expostulating  at  the  prices 
charged  by  the  dealers,  while  they  in  turn  insisted  they 
were  selling  at  a  great  personal  sacrifice.  All  was  clamour 
and  confusion  when  suddenly,  high  above  the  din,  a  clear, 
manly  voice  cried,  "  Hold  !"  In  an  instant  the  turmoil  ceased 
and  buyers  and  sellers,  alike  dismayed,  turned  to  where 
Christus  stood  frowning  down  in  anger  upon  them.  The 
face  which  in  the  last  scene  beamed  with  tenderness  and  love, 
was  now  cold  and  stern,  and  the  hand  that  was  raised  in 
benediction,  now  bore  a  scourge  of  thongs.  Passing  to  the 
centre  of  the  stage  and  upsetting  the  tables  as  he  went, 
Christus  cried  in  a  voice  suppressed  with  emotion,  "  It  is 
written,  *  My  house  is  a  house  of  prayer,'  but  you  have  made 
it  a  den  of  thieves  !"  Kaising  the  scourge,  he  drove  the 
buyers  from  the  Temple,  and  turning  faced  the  High  Priests 
and  their  parasites.  These  meanwhile  appeared  speechless 
with  amazement  ;  but  now  seeing  their  customers  gone, 
their  tables  overturned,  and  the  business  of  the  day  destroyed, 
gathered  courage  and  cried  in  wrath  :  "  And  who  art  thou  ? 
And  by  what  authority  comest  thou  hither  ?"  Before  Christus 
<  'oi  ild  reply,  the  little  ones  who  still  seemed  to  keep  up  in 
childish  play,  as  little  ones  are  apt  to  do,  the  solemn  pro- 
rrssion,  of  "Palm  Sunday,"  entered  the  Temple,  singing  the 
old  refrain  : 

"  Hosannah  to  the  Sou  of  David  ! 
Hail  to  the  Son  of  God  !" 


218  Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersce. 

Turning  benignly  to  the  children  Christus  replied  to  the  High 
Priests,  "You  ask  me  whence  I  am?  Lo,  here  is  your 
answer  !" 

"Art  thou  the  Son  of  David?  "  sneered  a  wily  Pharisee, 
"  then  tell  us,  prithee,  is  it  lawful  to  pay  tribute  to  Caasar  3  " 
Thus  was  introduced  the  incident  of  the  penny,  confounding 
the  Pharisee  and  filling  the.  High-Priests  with  dread.  At  the 
reply  of  Christus,  "  Render,  therefore,  to  Cassar,  the  things 
that  are  Cassar's,  and  to  God,  the  things  that  are  God's,"  the 
children  sing  aloud  once  more — • 

"  Hosanna  to  the  Sou  of  David ! 
Hail  to  the  Son  of  God !  " 

And  amidst  their  innocent  praises,  Christus  passed  out. 
Throughout  the  entire  scene,  every  word  and  action  of 
Christus  was  marked  with  a  majestic  dignity  that  thrilled  the 
audience  with  feelings  of  admiration  amounting  almost 
to  awe. 

"  Tobias  leaving  his  parents "  was  the  next  tableau, 
followed  by  the  supper  in  the  house  of  Simon,  the  publican  ; 
the  anointing  by  Magdalen ;  and  Christ's  departure  from  His 
blessed  Mother.  During  this  last  scene  there  was  scarcely  a 
dry  eye  in  the  theatre ;  and  sobs,  low  but  heart-drawn,  were 
heard  on  every  side.  The  bitter  anguish  our  Divine  Saviour 
must  have  felt  when,  submissive  to  His  Father's  will  He 
bade  a  last  farewell  to  that  dear  Mother  who  gave  Him  life, 
could  hardly  be  depicted  more  graphically — "  Their  looks 
became  as  so  many  arrows  to  wound  those  hearts  that  loved 
each  other  so  tenderly." 

So,  scene  by  scene,  were  the  last  hours  of  Christ  on  earth 
portrayed ;  each  scene  being  preceded  by  a  tableau  in 
which  the  Messiah  w^as  prefigured.  These  were  :  Joseph  sold 
by  his  brethren,  the  offering  of  Melchisedech,  Samson  ridi- 
culed by  the  Philistines,  Naboth  falsely  accused,  Daniel  in 
the  lion's  den,  the  afflicted  Job,  and  Joseph's  blood-stained 
coat  shown  to  his  father.  As  the  first  act  hurried  on,  the 
interest  in  the  play  became  absorbing;  the  spectators 
scarcely  daring  to  breath,  so  binding  was  the  spell  cast  over 
them.  Many  scenes  were  startling  in  their  reality,  and  dis- 
played no  mean  dramatic  talent  on  the  part  of  the  actors. 


on  the  Passion  Play  at  TJtiersee.  219 

But  space  forbids  even  the  bare  mention  of  each  successive 
H-cne,  not  to  speak  of  any  attempt  at  description.  Suffice  it 
to  say,  that  the  Gospel  Narrative  was  followed  in  its  minutest 
details  throughout. 

The  Last  Supper,  the  Agony  in  the  Garden,  the  Bloody 
Sweat,  the  Betrayal  by  Judas,  the  Apprehension  of  Christ, 
and  all  the  bitter  history  of  the  Sacred  Passion,  was  repre- 
sented in  a  manner  wonderful  beyond  belief.  The  mockery 
of  Christ  in  the  Court  of  Herod  was  heart-rending  ;  and  strong- 
men wept  like  children — strong,  indeed,  those  eyes  must 
be  that  could  behold  it  without  tears.  The  scourging  was 
simply  cruel ;  the  drop  revealed  Christus  covered  with  blood, 
hanging  limp,  and  apparently  lifeless,  from  the  pillar,  while 
around  him  stood  the  brutal  soldiers  exhausted  from  their 
fiendish  task.  Christus,  on  being  unbound,  fell  backwards  as 
if  dead ;  and  the  rude  soldiery,  fearing  they  had  overstepped 
their  command,  withdrew  for  a  while  to  give  him  a  few 
moments'  respite.  In  their  absence  a  woman  entered,  knelt 
by  the  body  of  Christus,  and  pressing  the  head  reverently  to 
her  bosom  sang  a  plaintive  dirge,  the  first  stanza  of  which 
was  something  as  follows: — 

44  Bleeding  from  a  thousand  wounds, 

Jesus,  Saviour,  find  I  Thee  ? 
O,  for  ever  let  me  kneel, 

And  Thy  loving  mourner  be !  " 

It  Was  a  touching  sight ;  the  body  of  Christus,  cold,  rigid, 
and  covered  with  blood ;  his  face  pale  and  wan,  save  where 
the  traces  of  the  awful  sweat  remained ;  his  hair  matted  and 
damp  with  death-like  dews.  It  was  only  a  representation,  to 
be  sure,  but  it  was  difficult,  I  may  say  impossible,  to  sit 
there  with  that  mournful  requiem  ringing  in  one's  ears, 
with  that  ghastly,  dead-like  form  before  one's  eyes,  and 
not  remember  that  the  Son  of  God  once  suffered  for 
sinful  man  what  was  here  shown  in  tableau,  and, 
remembering,  not  be  proportionately  moved.  The  woman 
having  departed,  the  soldiers  re-entered,  rudely  awakened 
Christus  from  his  trance,  crowned  him  with  thorns,  placed  the 
ivrd-sceptre  in  his  'hand,  and  rehearsed  all  the  dreadful, 
blasphemous  mock-homage  that  the  Sacred  Book  records.  If 


220  ^Votes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee. 

the  mockery  before  Herod  was  painful  to  behold,  this  was 
infinitely  more  so. 

The  next  scene — Christ  condemned  by  Pilate — closed 
Act  I.  No  words  except  the  simple  words  of  Scripture,  can 
adequately  describe  it.  The  jealous  frenzy  of  the  high 
priests,  the  fury  of  the  rabble,  the  distraction  of  --Pilate,  the 
patience  of  Christ,  were  all  admirably  represented.  The 
character  of  Pilate  was  drawn  so  as  to  awaken  pity  rather  than 
contempt,  and  his  eiforts  in  Christ's  behalf,  his  appeals  to  the 
mob — to  their  humanity  in  showing  them  their  scourged  and 
thorn-crowned  king,  to  their  reason  by  contrasting  him  with 
Barrabas  whom  they  would  free,  were  almost  sublime.  But 
all  in  vain  ;  the  rabble  thirsts  for  the  last  drop  of  the  blood  of 
Christ  and  cannot  be  appeased.  In  their  unbridled  rage  they 
forget  the  sacred  authority  that  clothes  the  person  of  the 
governor,  and  when  at  length  Pilate  declares  emphatically 
that  he  cannot  condemn  the  innocent  man  before  him,  a  few 
of  the  bolder  ones  rush  forward  to  storm  the  palace.  Tumult 
at  once  asserts  her  awful  sway  and  the  person  of  Pilate  himself 
is  threatened,  when  a  herald  seeing  the  danger  of  his  master, 
snatches  a  trumpet  and  sounds  a  few  hurried  notes  of  alarm; 
the  Roman  guard  rush  to  the  rescue,  and  in  a  moment  peace 
is  again  restored.  But  the  proffered  violence  of  the  mob  had 
the  desired  effect ;  Pilate,  fearing  either  personal  injury  or 
loss  of  power,  washes  his  hands  from  the  blood  of  Christ,  and 
immediately  commands  the  death-warrant  to  be  read.  This 
was  as  follows : — 

"I,  Pontius  Pilatus,  subject  of  the  Emperor  Claudius  Tiberius, 
whom  the  Gods  preserve,  and  Governor  of  the  Roman  Province  of 
Judaea,  hereby,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  of  Rome,  decree  the 
following  Sentence  :  I  condemn  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  whom  the  High- 
Priests  accuse  as  a  Violator  of  the  Laws  and  Disturber  of  the  Peace, 
in  proclaiming  Himself  the  Son  of  God,  to  Death  ;  and,  moreover,  to 
the  Death  of  the  Cross,  corresponding  thereby  to  the  desire  of  the 
High-Priests,  who  have  long  requested  at  my  hands  the  Crucifixion 
of  the  aforesaid  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  Given  at  Jerusalem,  in  the 
Nineteenth  Year  of  the  Glorious  Reign  of  the  Emperor  Claudius 
Tiberius. 

"  (Signed),     PONTIUS  PJLATUS." 

"  Long  live  Pontius  Pilatus  !"  howled  the  mob,  while 
Caiphas  begged  for  the  cross-inscription. 


Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Tliiersec.  221 

"  It  is  ready,  also ;"  and  turning1  with  something  like  a 
smile  of  triumph  towards  the  herald,  Pilate  commanded, 
"  lie  ail  the  inscription." 

Herald :  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  King  of  the  Jews. 

Tli c  Mob  :  False  !  false  !     He  is  no  king! 

Caiphas:  You  should  have  written,  "  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  self- 
proclaimed  King  of  the  Jews  ;"  then  it  is  right. 

Pilate  :  What  I  have  written,  I  have  written. 

Caiphas :  Go  forth  with  him  to  Golgotha ;  another  moment 
.and  all  may  be  lost ! 

The  Mob  :  Hurra  !  To  Golgotha  !  To  the  cross  with  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  !  On  to  Golgotha  ! 

And  falling  like  fiends  upon  their  victim,  the  infuriated 
rabble  dragged  him  forth  to  die  on  Golgotha  the  shameful 
death  of  the  cross ;  while  the  curtain  slowly  dropped,  as  if 
rto  shut  out  from  human  eyes  all  remembrance  of  the  bitter 
scene  for  ever.  It  was  by  this  time  one  o'clock  and  an  hour 
was  given  for  dinner ;  but  where  to  get  dinner  was  a 
problem.  There  was  only  one  gast-haus,  and  that  by  no 
means  a  large  one,  in  the  village,  and  this  was  expected  to 
accommodate  over  a  thousand  hungry  mortals  at  one  and 
'the  same  time  and  in  less  than  sixty  minutes  send  them,  on 
their  way  rejoicing.  Of  course  the  gast-haus  failed  to  come 
up  to  expectations;  and  the  crowd  of  hungry  strangers, 
running  this  way  and  that,  rating  the  half-dozen  bewildered 
waiters  Avho  were  doing  their  best  to  please  everybody  and 
never  succeeding,  and  jostling  one  another  without  mercy  in 
their  eager  efforts  to  be  first  served,  was  a  sight  to  behold. 
]>y  a  little  foresight  we  thought  to  avoid  all  this  confusion 
by  bespeaking  our  dinner  the  evening  before,  with  the 
request  that  it  should  be  served  in  a  private  room.  So  after 
watching  for  awhile  with  considerable  amusement  the  less 
thoughtful  ones  in  their  praiseworthy  but  almost  vain 
'attempts  to  find  anything  substantial  to  eat,  we  hastened  to 
d<  >  justice  to  our  own  little  banquet.  There  it  was,  sure 
enough,  but  there  also  was  a  party  as  numerous  and,  without 
a  doubt,  as  hungry  as  ourselves,  playing  havoc  with  it. 
Tlu-  servant  had  brought  over  dinner  as  requested  but  left 
the  key  in  the  door  (which  was  not  requested)  and  that 
'decided  the  destiny  of  the  viands.  It  was  too  late  to- 


222  Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee. 

protest ;  even  as  we  gazed  the  second  course  was  rapidly 
disappearing ;  so  all  that  remained  for  us  to  do  was  to  join 
the  pandemonium  below  and,  to  use  an  expressive  phrase, 
"  fish  for  ourselves."  So  off  we  dashed,  and,  following  the 
example  of  hundreds  of  others,  seized  upon  everything 
available ;  getting  an  egg  here  and  a  sausage  there,  now  a 
glass  of  beer  and  again  a  poke  in  the  stomach,  till  a  boom 
from  the  cannon  announced  that  the  hour  was  up  and  the 
play  about  to  recommence. 

The  second  part  of  the  play  opened  with  two  imposing 
tableaux ;  The  Sacrifice  on  Moria  and  The  Brazen  Serpent,  the 
last  being  especially  fine. 

About  the  stage,  in  every  position  of  agony  and  death, 
lay  the  afflicted  Jews,  with  the  cold  and  slimy  serpents 
wreathed  in  horrid  coils  about  their  forms.  In  the  back- 
ground, raised  high  upon  a  cross,  was  seen  the  serpent  of 
Moses,  and  to  this,  with  hopeful  eyes,  the  few  survivors 
turned.  The  general  effect  was  good,  while  the  tableau 
itself  was  admirably  adapted  for  the  awful  scene  that 
followed  :  "  The  Way  to  Calvary  and  the  Crucifixion."  Thau 
this  nothing  could  be  more  painfully  realistic ;  and  the  sobs, 
which  in  other  touching  parts  throughout  the  play  were 
partially  suppressed,  now  burst  forth  with  uncontrollable 
emotion.  The  procession  entered  from  the  rear,  preceded  by 
a  herald  with  a  trumpet  and  the  usual  proclamation  :  "  Be  it 
known  to  all  people  here  in  Jerusalem,  that  by  order  of  the 
Governor,  Pontius  Pilatus,  Representative  of  the  Roman 
Emperor  in  this  Province  of  Judaea,  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  with 
two  other  criminals,  shall  this  day  suffer  the  penalty  of 
crucifixion;  everything  to  be  conducted  according  to  Roman 
Law,  Justice  and  Custom,  and  as  the  Warrant  declares  1 " 

Following  the  herald  came  boys  with  the  inscription  for 
the  cross,  nails,  and  hammers ;  ferocious-looking  Jews  and 
soldiers,  guarding  the  thieves ;  and,  finally,  borne  down  with 
the  weight  of  the  heavy  cross,  bound  around  with  cruel 
ropes,  and  wearing  still  his  crown  of  thorns,  came  Christus ; 
and,  oh  !  how  pitiable,  how  abject  he  appeared.  His  steps  were 
weak,  slow,  and  tottering — his  breath  hard  and  fast ;  even  as 
we  looked  with  pity  towards  him,  he  stumbled  and  fell,  the 


on  t/ie  Passion  Ploy  at  Thiersee.  223 

heavy  cross  falling  with  him.  A  few  minutes  are  given  for 
rest,  during  which  Maria  and  Johannes  enter.  Maria  gives 
0110  short  cry  of  agony,  "  My  son  !"  Raising  languidly  his 
weary,  thorn-crowned  head,  Christus  with  inexpressible  love 
looks  towards  Maria,  and  faintly  moans,  "  My  mother  !'* 
Maria  and.  Johannes  are  immediately  hustled  off  by  the  soldiers, 
Christus  forcibly  dragged  upright,  the  cross  placed  again 
upon  him,  and  the  procession,  closed  by  High-Priests,  Sad- 
due  ees,  men,  women,  and  children,  passes  out.  Step  by 
step  the  road  to  Calvary  was  portrayed.  The  falls  of  Jesus 
under  the  cross  ;  the  lamentation  of  the  women  of  Jerusalem; 
the  loving  act  of  Veronica  ;  the  compulsory  assistance  of  the 
Cyrenean :  in  a  word,  everything  was  shown  with  the  most 
perfect  adherence  to  tra.dition  and  the  Scriptural  account. 
On  reaching  the  summit  of  Calvary,  Christus  was  stripped  of 
his  garments,  and  led  to  the  cross.  Embracing  the  instru- 
ment of  his  death,  he  addressed  it  in  the  most  endearing 
terms,  kissed  it  lovingly,  and  the  scene  closed. 

Shortly  after  the  drop  rose,  and  revealed  Dismas  and 
Gesmas  already  crucified,  while  the  Jews  were  shown  nailing 
Christus  to  the  cross ;  a  few  moments  sufficed  for  this,  and 
then  the  image  of  the  Sacred  Tree  was  raised  on  high ;  the 
only  means  of  support  which  Christus  possessed  being  the 
spikes  which  apparently  pierced  the  centres  of  his  hands  and 
feet.  The  continuation  of  the  scene  was  represented  with 
fearful  exactness  and  life-like  details;  the  "  setting"  of  the 
stage  and  grouping  of  the  various  characters  making  the 
most  awful  and  impressive  picture  of  Calvary  I  ever  beheld. 
Not  a  single  incident  was  omitted ;  not  the  smallest  particular 
forgotten. 

The  lots  cast  for  the  seamless  garment ;  the  mockery  of 
the  Sadducees ;  the  triumph  of  the  priests  ;  the  blasphemy  of 
Gesmas ;  the  prayer  of  Dismas  ;  the  seven  words  of  Christus ; 
besides  the  indescribable  bustle  and  commotion  of  the  throng 
of  curious  spectators  who  assembled  to  see  the  execution 
were  all  in  their  several  ways  thrilling  and  sublime. 

The  last  moment  when  Christus  cries  out  with  a 
loud  voice,  "  It  is  finished ;  Father,  into  thy  hands  I  commend 
my  spirit !"  baffles  description.  Quick  as  thought,  darkness 


'224  J^otes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee, 

falls  upon  the  stage,  while  peal  after  peal  of  thunder  smites 
the  ear.  Priests  and  people  stand  awhile  in  speechless  dread, 
and  the  soldier,  Longinus,  striking  his  breast  exclaims, 
"  Truly,  this  man  was  the  Son  of  God !"  The  cry  is  taken 
up  :  "  We  have  slain  the  Messiah  !  We  have  slain  Jehovah's 
prophet!"  resounds  on  every  side,  while  the  lightning- 
flashes  grow  more  intense  and  the  thunder  peals  more  loud 
•and  deep.  Remorse,  terror,  frenzy  and  despair  take  possession 
of  the  crowd;  some  fall  upon  their  knees  and  shriek  for 
mercy ;  some  tear  their  hair  and  rend  their  garments ; 
jnothers  seize  their  babes  and  press  them  to  their  bosoms, 
and  amidst  the  wildest  confusion  the  curtain  falls.  It  was 
grand,  terrific,  sublime. 

The  next  scene  showed  Pilate  filled  with  remorse,  gazing 
from  his  palace  window,  and  commenting  on  the  fury  of  the 
elements.  Thinking,  no  doubt,  that 

"  Either  there  is  a  civil  strife  iu  heaven, 
Or  else  the  world,  too  saucy  with  the  Gods, 
Incenses  them  to  send  destruction." 

AYhatever  be  his  chain  of  thought,  it  is  broken  by  the  mob 
who,  shrieking,  howling,  praying  and  blaspheming,  dash  by 
his  palace  gates.  In  vain  he  bids  them  stay ;  terror  lends 
fleetness  to  their  limbs,  and  in  their  present  frenzy  what  care 
they  for  Pilate  or  his  words.  The  governor  stands  amazed, 
but  his  amazement  increases  when  a  band  of  Roman  soldiers 
without  order  or  discipline  rushes  by  demented  as  the  mob. 
"  Halt !" — (he  might  as  well  have  spoken  to  untrained  colts) — 
"Halt,  I  say."  Military  rule  asserts  itself,  and  the  soldiers 
stand.  "  Where  is  your  Commander  ?"  A  trembling  under- 
officer  replies,  "  Lord  Governor,  we  have  decamped ;  from 
Calvary  all  have  fled  to  the  city.  Fear  and  terror." 

"Fear  and  terror  !  Speaks  a  soldier  there  ?  A  Roman?" 
"  Lord  Governor,  place  us  in  camp  or  battle-field,  and  we 
will  stand  and  Romans  be  ;  but  rashness,  madness  is't  against 
unknown,  invisible  power  to  fight.  The  Nazarene,  Lord." 
"  He  Who  hangs  upon  the  cross  ?"  "  Thejsame,  yet  dreadful 
is  his  might."  Enter  the  rabble,  shrieking  :  "  The  dead — the 
dead  arise  !  The  graves  are  giving  up  their  trust !  Jehovah 
help  us!  0  Nazarene!  0  Nazareiic!"  Then  to  Pilate: 


on  the  I'axxiuu  Phu   at  Tlucwc. 


-"Thou,  unjust,  unrighteous  judge,  hast  brought  this 
affliction  011  us  !  Thou,  thou  alone  art  to  blame  !"  etc.,  etc., 
till  a  new  calamity  is  announced  :  The  Veil  of  the  Temple  is 
rent  in  twain  !  At  length  Annas  and  Caiphas  enter,  and  by 
threats  and  cajolery  persuade  the  people  to  assemble  at  the 
Temple,  till  they  learn  Jehovah's  will.  Pilate  being-  again 
alone,  Joseph  and  Nicodemus  enter,  and  beg  the  body  of 
Christus  to  bury  it.  Their  request  is  granted,  and  the  scene 
closes.  Again  the  curtain  rises  and  discloses  Calvary.  On 
the  crosses  hang  three  cold  and  lifeless  figures.  The  barren 
mountain  is  deserted,  save  by  the  Roman  soldiers  whose 
sense  of  duty,  stronger  than  fear,  keeps  them  there,  and  the 
tearful  man  and  sorrow-stricken  woman  who  cluster  round 
the  central  cross.  All  is  still  and  solemn.  The  soldiers 
examine  the  bodies  of  the  thieves,  and  finding  them  dead, 
the  bones  being  already  broken,  one  suggests  that  the  same 
thing  be  done  for  the  Nazarene. 

Longimis  :  I  myself  will  see  if  life  remains  ;  with  my  lance  will 
I  probe  his  heart. 

Maria:  Have  mercy  !  Have  compassion!  This  bitter  pang, 
at  least,  O,  spare  me  ! 

Johannes  :  O,  do  it  not  ;  in  life  no  rest  this  noble  heart  hath 
found  ;  disturb  it  not  in  death. 

Magdalena  et  Cleophae  :  Have  pity  on  the  anguish-smitten 
mother-heart  ! 

Longinus  '-  Give  way  !  I  only  do  what  duty  bids. 

Grasping  his  spear  more  firmly,  the  brawny  soldier  strides 
forward  to  the  cross,  raises  his  weapon  to  the  side  of  Christus, 
and  with  given  determination  plunges  it  forward  with  all  his 
force.  0,  horror!  A  stream  of  blood  bursts  from  the 
wound,  crimsons  the  side  of  Christus,  and  sprinkles  the 
anguished  group  beneath.  So  real,  so  cruel,  seemed  the  act, 
one  almost  heard  the  cutting  of  the  flesh,  as  the  pointed 
lance  went  speeding  to  its  goal.  The  bodies  were  then  taken 
from  the  crosses,  and  the  drop  fell.  In  rapid  succession 
followed  the  burial  of  Christus,  the  High-Priests'  conference 
with  Pilate  about  guarding  the  tomb,  the  preparations  of 
Magdalene  and  the  pious  women  for  embalming  the  body, 
and  the  tableau,  "Christ's  descent  into  hell."  The  scene 
showed  a  dark  and  dismal  prison  where  the  Just  of  the  Old 
VOL.  VII.  P 


226  Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Thiersee. 

Law,  from  Adam  and  Eve  down,  were  confined.  Suddenly 
the  doors  sprung  open,  and  Chris tus  stood  before  them.  The 
first  to  turn  and  greet  him  were  our  great  parents  through 
whose  sin  "  death  entered  the  world,  and  all  our  woe."  I 
noticed  a  slight  anachronism  in  Limbo,  by  the  way,  in  the 
person  of  a  Franciscan  monk. 

The  Roman  guard,  at  the  tomb  of  Christus,  formed  the 
nex,t  scene  ;  the  time  being  a  few  hours  before  sunrise.  The 
soldiers  lay  upon  the  ground  in  every  position  of  careless 
ease,  and  apparently  little  dreading  intrusion  from  friend  or 
foe.  Naturally  their  talk  is  of  the  man  whose  grave  they 
watch.  They  speak  of  Nature's  terror  at  his  death ;  the 
darkness  of  the  sun,  the  earthquake,  and  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead.  One  relates  how  their  comrade,  Longinus,  on 
opening  the  side  of  Christus,  had  sight  restored  to  his  blind 
eye  by  a  drop  of  blood  that  fell  upon  it ;  another  calls  to 
mind  the  many  miracles  Christus  in  the  few  years  past, 
"performed  throughout  Judaea.  As  the  conversation  runs  on 
apace,  the  east  begins  to  redden  with  the  dawn,  and  the 
soldiers  show  signs  of  weariness  after  their  night's  watch. 
To  while  away  the  few  remaining  minutes  Marcus,  the 
captain  of  the  guard,  relates  an  incident  which  he  saw  with 
his  own  eyes,  and  can  therefore  vouch  for  its  truth.  It  is 
the  story  of  Lazarus ;  and  as  he  proceeds,  a  thrill  of  fear 
creeps  over  his  hearers.  At  the  words,  "  Lazarus,  come 
forth !"  they  spring  to  their  feet  and  seize  their  lances.  "  And," 
continues  Marcus,  "  so  help  me,  gods,  as  I  speak  the  truth, 
the  man — the  man  who  three  whole  days  had  lain  cold  and 
lifeless  in  his  tomb — arose,  and  at  the  bidding  came  forth  !" 

A  slight  rumbling  is  heard  in  the  distance ;  louder  and 
louder  it  grows,  nearer  and  nearer  it  comes,  till  at  length  it 
seems  to  roll  beneath  the  very  feet  of  the  soldiers.  They 
grasp  their  spears  with  steadier  hand,  and  look  courage  into 
each  other's  eyes.  If  they  must  perish,  they  will  fall  as 
Romans.  Vain  men!  A  peal  of  thunder  crashes  on  the 
air  ;  the  great  stone  is  lifted  from  the  sepulchre  ;  and  glorious 
and  triumphant,  bearing  the  banner  of  victory,  rays  of  light 
playing  round  his  head,  and  groups  of  radiant  angels  sur- 
rounding him,  CHRISTUS  IS  RISEN.  With  a  prayer  for  mercy 


on  lite  Passtbn  Play  at  Thiersee.  227 

the  soldiers  fall  prostrate  to  the  earth;  the  band  strikes  up  a 
soul  -stirring  march;  the  spectators,  who  till  this  moment 
never  div:uned  to  what  a  fearful  tension  their-  nerves  had 
been  stretched,  breathe  a  big  sigh  of  relief;  and  the  curtain 
drops  on  the  grandest  tableau  Christian  eyes  care  to  behold. 

The  rest  of  the  text  was  clipped  considerably,  and  the 
play  hastened  to  an  end.  The  remaining  scenes  were — the 
visit  to  the  sepulchre  by  Magdalene  and  the  pious  women, 
the  apparition  of  Christus  to  the  Magdalene,  and  the  Blessed 
Virgin  at  the  tomb.  As  our  Blessed  Lady  was  represented 
slowly,  sadly,  and  alone,  wending  her  way  to  the  grave  of 
her  Beloved,  angels  preceded  her  scattering  flowers  in  her 
path ;  and  although  Christns  appeared  first  to  the  Magdalene, 
it  was  in  the  guise  of  a  gardener,  to  his  mother  he  showed 
himself  in  all  his  glory.  Next  came  the  tableau,  "  Joseph 
making  himself  known  to  his  brethren,"  followed  by  ths 
tableau,  "  Christ  making  Himself  known  to  His  Disciples ;" 
and,  finally,  the  scene  in  the  country  by  Bethania  where  the 
disciples  receive  in  full  their  commission  to  preach  the 
"Gospel  to  every  creature.  In  the  background  stood  C/iristus, 
giving  his  last  instructions  to  his  chosen  twelve ;  nearest  him 
were  his  Mother,  the  Magdalene,  Petrus  and  Johannes,  while 
the  remaining  disciples  clustered  around,  listening  attentively 
to  their  Master's  words.  Raising  his  right  hand,  Christus,  in 
conclusion,  commanded:  "Going,  therefore,  teach  all  nations; 
baptising  them  in  the  nams  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son, 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost :  teaching  them  tojobserve  all  things 
whatsoever  I  have  commanded  you  :  and,  behold,  I  am  with 
you  all  days  even  to  the  consummation  of  the  world."  Then, 
gently  as  a  feather  is  wafted  by  the  breeze,  calmly  as  an 
•eagle  holds  his  airy  course,  he  slowly  ascended  and  disappeared 
from  sight.  "  And  whilst  they  were  beholding  Him  going  up 
to  heaven,  behold,  two  men  in  white  garments  stood  by  them, 
•\vlio  also  said  :  '  Ye  men  of  Galilee,  why  stand  you  looking  np 
to  heaven?  This  Jesus  who  is  taken  from  you  into  heaven, 
so  shall  He  come  as  you  have  seen  Him  going  into  heaven.'  " 

The  curtain  in  the  rear  rose  displaying  the  tableau, 
"  Christ  re-united  to  His  Father,"  and  the  Passion  Play  was 
over. 


228  Notes  on  the  Passion  Play  at  Tldersce. 

It  was  five   o'clock  in  the  evening  when  the  last  curtain  i 
fell,  and  if  you  remember  the  play  commenced  at  half-past 
eight  in  the  morning ;  yet  no  one  seemed  to  feel  fatigue  ;  011 
the  contrary,  as  far  as  I  could  judge,  the  audience  regretted 
it  could  not  last  longer. 

Considered  from  all  sides  there  was  everything  in  the 
play  to  be  commended.  The  scenery  was  varied  and 
appropriate  ;  the  costumes  for  the  most  part  graceful  and 
correct;  the  tableaux  artistic,  and  the  acting  natural  and 
effective.  For  "scenic  effects"  the  little  theatre  of  Thiersee 
falls  not  far  behind  the  Court-theatres  of  Munich  or  Vienna, 
and  in  the  manipulation  of  the  scenes  it  may  safely  be  pro- 
nounced equal  to  either.  There  was  not  a  single  "hitch"  or 
moment  of  unnecessary  delay  throughout  the  entire  repre- 
sentation. 

The  characters  of  Chris  tus,  Petrus,  Judas,  Pilatus  and 
Ilerodes  were  excellently  taken,  and  made  one  marvel  how 
in  the  world  simple,  uneducated  peasants  could  ever  be 
trained  to  such  perfection. 

Christus  throughout,  even  in  the  most  abject  and  humiliat- 
ing scenes,  preserved  a  dignity  that  charmed  even  while  it 
awed  all  hearts. 

Judas  from  a  dramatic  point  of  view  was  the  best  defined 
character  of  the  play.  It  was  powerfully  drawn  and  well 
interpreted.  Had  the  farmer  who  took  the  part  been  trained 
to  the  stage,  he  would  scarcely  be  surpassed  as  lago. . 

The  acting  on  the  part  of  the  females,  with  the  exception 
of  Magdalene,  was  not  so  good,  being  something  of  the  style 
of  convent  girls  011  Commencement  Day ;  still,  it  is  only  fail- 
to  admit  that  the  maiden  who  played  the  character  of  Maria 
was  so  affected  in  many  scenes  that  the  tears  actually  rained 
down  her  cheeks. 

In  conclusion,  a  word  about  the  morale  of  the  Passion- 
Play.  As  we  saw  it  represented,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  pro- 
ductive of  unspeakable  good.  The  people  are  simple,  pure,, 
lionest  and  industrious,  and  look  upon  the  play  more  as 
a  religious  ceremony  in  which  the  sufferings  of  our  Divine 
Lord  are  forcibly  impressed  upon  the  mind  than  as  a  mero 
dramatic  representation;  so,  indeed,  did  the  audience  also,  if 


Frequent   Communion.  221) 

-one  may  judge  from  outward  effects.  In  the  entire  drama 
there  wa*  not  a  word  or  action  unbecoming,  undignified,  or 
sacrilegious,  and  the  llhtliny  man,  whatever  be  his  creed, 
after  beholding  it  cannot  but  sigh  when  he  reflects  how  the 
stage — that  mighty  engine  of  good  or  evil — has  degenerated 
since  the  time  of  the  miracle-plays  in  the  good  old  Past. 

The  Austrian  and  Bavarian  papers  speak  highly  of  the 
Thiersee  representation,    some  placing  it  ahead  of  that  of 
Ober  Ammergau  in  every  particular  while  all  agree  that  tho 
"text  and  acting  have  never  been  equalled, 

It  will  be  produced  again  in  1890. 

RICHARD  ,T.  McHuGH. 


FREQUENT  COMMUNION.— III. 

"\TyTIILE  discussing  some  of  the  questions  touched  upon 
'  »  in  the  last  paper,  Suarez,  De  Lugo,  Collet,  &c., 
inquire,  with  much  minuteness  of  detail,  by  what  specific 
acts  the  manduco  of  the  Sacred  Text  ("Nisi  manducaveritis  "), 
and  the  precept  it  involves  are  verified.  Interpreted  by  the 
etymology  of  the  word,  the  divine  precept  "  maiiducandi 
hunc  Paiiem,"  would  be  absolutely  fulfilled  by  the  reception  of 
-the  Sacred  Species  "  in  ore  taiiturn  suscipientis  " — a  doctrine 
which  some  few  theologians  at  one  time  held.  For,  it  is 
argued,  manduco  is  derived  from  mando — which  word,  it  is  fair 
to  assume,  is  itself  derived  from  manu  do — and  implies  no 
•more  than  a  transmission  "  de  maim  in  os."  However,  the 
Sacred  Context  tells  us  that  the  Panis  Eucharisticus  "  vere 
•est  cibus ;"  "  cibus  autem  hand  proprie  maiiducatus  dicitur, 
cum  excipitur  ore ;  turn  quia  exspui  potest ;  turn  quia  ubique 
receptum  est  ut  iiihil  cibi  sumere  dicatur  infirmus,  qui  nullam 
aliment!  partem  deglutire  potest."  (Collet.)  The  "mandu- 
<  ratio"  of  the  text,  therefore,  requires  "trajectio  de  ore  in 
stomachum."  In  this  it  may  be  said  to  differ  essentially 
•from  the  "  manducatio  panis  naturalis;"  for  even  though 
the  latter  "  in  ore  dissolvatur,  saltern  aliqua  alimenti  pars 


,230  Frequent   Communion. 

accipitur;"  Not  so  with  the  Sacred  Species  :  "  Sacra meiituin 
enim  non  existit  cimi^species  alteratae  sunt ;  uncle  colliges 
liand  receptum  iri  Eucharistiae  effectum  1°,  ab  eo  qui  receptas 
species  exspueret,  11011  valens  eas  proptcr  aliquam  naturae 
infirmitatem  deglutire ;  nee,  2°,  ab  eo  qui  tamdiu  Hostiam 
retinet  in  ore  ut  ante  corrumpaiitur  species  quani  deglu- 
tiantur :  neque  enim  is  Hostiam  manducasse  censetur."  (Ibid.) 
It  is  right  to  add  that  Suarez  holds  that  the  precept  of 
receiving1  Holy  Communion  is  satisfied,  and  the  effect  of  the 
sacrament  produced  "  cum  species  per  guttur  transeuiit " — • 
which  theory  is  strengthened  by  the  consideration  that  when 
the  Sacred  Species  have  passed  the  oesophagus,  they  have 
gone  beyond  the  control  of  the  will,  and  the  manducatio — so 
far  as  it  can  *be  the  matter  of  a  precept — is  therefore,  ipso 
tran situ,  completed. 

They  enter  into  this  question,  not  solely  as  an  interesting 
subject  for  scientific  speculation,  but  much  more  because  of  its 
very  pertinent  bearing  on  some  practical  andimportant  matters. 
For,  in  the  first  place,  it  follows  that  the  precept  of  receiving 
Holy  Viaticum  is  fulfilled,  and  the  grace  of  the  sacrament 
received,  by  one  "  qui  species  ore  trajecit  [in  stomachum  vel 
ultra  oesophagum]  trajectasque  evomit  paulo  post ;  is  enim 
lion  digerit  quidem,  sed  vere  manducavit,  cum  manduca- 
tioiiem  supponat  vomitus ;  porro  effectus  sacramenti  pendet 
a  manducatione,  quae  independent er  a  digestioiie  completa 
esse  potest."  (Collet,  La  Croix,  &c.)  In  the  next  place,  wo 
see  the  reason  of  that  strict  law  by  which  "  vetant  caiioiies 
ne  eis  detur  panis  sacer,  qui  eum  deglutire  non  possurit,  ut 
docent  Gonet  et  alii  vulgo  doctores." 

When,  therefore,  it  is  certain  that  the  sick  man  "  deglutire 
non  potest,"  we  are  plainly  bound  not  to  administer  Holy 
Viaticum ;  for,  when  the  swallowing  of  the  Sacred  Species  is 
impossible,  the  fulfilling  of  the  precept  is  eo  ipso  impossible, 
and  the  placing  of  the  consecrated  Host,  "  in  ore  taiitum 
aegrotaiitis,"  would, be  110  less  an  unmeaning  and  inexcusable 
irreverence  than  a  direct  violation  of  the  Canons. 

But  how  should  we  act  if  we  doubt  whether  the  invalid 
can  or  cannot  swallow?  The  solving  of  this  perplexing 
doubt  is,  in  reality,  the  crux  which  usually  presents  itself. 


frequent  Communion.  231 

'Our  doubt  may  arise  either  from  the  very  imminence  of 
<  lea tli,  or  it  may  arise  from  such  a  paralysed  condition  of  the 
throat  as  we  sometimes  find  continuing  day  after  day  for  a 
protracted  period.  In  the  latter  event  we  are  bound  to  apply 
one  or  other  of  those  experiments  suggested  by  theologians^- 
repeating  the  experiment,  if  necessary,  at  reasonable  intervals, 
and  for  a  reasonably  long  time — and  can  administer  Holy 
Viaticum  only  when  the  success  of  some  such  experiment 
shall  have  assured  us  that  deglutition  is  at  last  possible.  In 
the  former  case,  in.  which  "  the  priest  believes  that  death  is 
so  very  imminent  that  he  also  believes  that  the  person  would 
be  unable  to  receive  the  Communion,  or  at  least  to  consume 
the  Sacred  Host,"  O'Kane  and  De  Herdt  adopt  the  teaching 
of  BarufFaldi  and  Cavalieri,  that  "  notwithstanding  the  riskj 
the  practice  of  the  Church  and  the  Sacred  Canons  sanction 
the  administration  in  the  circumstances."  The  "  Canons  of 
the  Church,"  however,  which  they  cite  in  support  of  their 
view  are  one  Canon  "which  supposes  that  the  Euch-r 
arist  might  be  administered  under  the  species  of  wine — • 
? infundatur  ori  ejus  "  — and  from  this  "they  infer  that  every 
effort  should  be  made  to  administer  the  Viaticum  in  the  only 
way  permitted  by  the  present  discipline,  that  is,  under  the 
species  of  bread."  (O'Kane,  n.  822.) 

I  have  no  doubt  that  before  reconciling  their  consciences 
to  this  teaching,  and  shaping  their  practice  in  accordance 
with  its  spirit,  priests  in  general  have  been  haunted  with  fears 
that  possibly  they  have  not  caught  its  true  significance  ;  for 
it  unquestionably  seems  at  variance  with  many  universally 
accepted  principles  of  theology.  We  instinctively  shrink 
from  exposing  the  Blessed  Sacrament  to  the  risk  of  even 
"  material "  irreverence,  especially  when  experience  warns  us 
of  the  frequency  and  varying  forms  of  its  occurrence,  even 
after  some  experiment,  with  (v.g.)  an  unconsecrated  particle,, 
has  happened  to  be  successful.  In  the  presence  of  such  risk, 
we  cannot  fail  inquiring  why  we  should  not  be  satisfied  with 
administering  the  Sacraments  of  Penance  and  Extreme 
Unction — particularly  when  we  call  to  mind  that  "  Sacra- 
meiitum  Eucharistiae  11011  est  ad  salutem  necessarium, 
necessitate  medii,  aut  in  re  aut  in  voto."  We  are  strongly 


"2?t-  Frequent  Communion. 

tempted  to  believe  that  the  Church — the  jealous  guardian  of 
the  Sacraments — would  hardly  enforce  its  precept,  or  permit 
ITS  to  incur  so  grave  a  risk,  in  circumstances  which  presup- 
pose the  possibility  of  grave  irreverence.  Nevertheless,  I  can 
find  no  writer  who  hesitates  in  justifying  the  incurring  of 
these  risks  ;  they  universally  permit  it  on  the  principle  that 
*'  melius  esse  videtur  ut  Sacrainentum  exponatur  incerto 
periculo  irreverentiae  materialis,  quam  ut  homo,  in  cujus 
b:mum  Sacramenta  sunt  instituta,  privetur  certo  fructu 
Communionis."  Moreover,  the  assumed  success  of  the 
*'  experiment,"  seems  to  them  to  have  so  far  attenuated  the 
danger,  that  we  may,  salva  conscientia,  disregard  it.  In 
cases  of  parched  or  of  semi-paralysed  throats — and  in  what 
may  be  considered  as  the  parallel  cases  of  throats  obstructed 
by  the  growing  of  polypus  or  other  tumours— the  danger  is 
Htill  further  lessened  by  our  requiring  the  patient  to  previously 
moisten  the  fauces  with  a  small  quantity  of  water,  which,  of 
course,  he  may  swallow.  Many  add  that  in  every  such 
instance  this  preparation  should  be  invariably  made — a 
counsel  which  experience  ratines  ;  and  some  of  -them  recom- 
mend cold  fresh  water  as  preferable  to  every  other  fluid, 
since  it  is  the  least  likelv,  to  cause  irritation. 

The  reverence  due  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament  requires 
that  we  should  be  at  all  times  prepared  to  act  in  the  very 
possible  contingency  of  the  Sacred  Species  not  having  been 
swallowed,  notwithstanding  all  our  precautions.  In  the 
event  of  the  immediate  actual  death  of  the  patient,  the  rules 
just  now  to  be  given  are  our  only  guide,  "  when  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  is  visible."  But  if,  when,  death  does  not  super- 
vene, we  discover  that  the  Sacred  Species  still  remain,  after 
the  lapse  of  a  considerable  time,  in  ore  aegrotcmtis,  our 
difficulty  is  not  so  easily  solved.  There  is  sometimes 
manifest  danger  in  endeavouring  (as  some  suggest)  to 
promote  deglutition  by  repeating  the  infusion  of  water,  which 
might  provoke  vomiting;  and  the  attempt  to  remove  the 
Sacred  Host  by  introducing  the  finger  or  a  spoon  (as  is  fre- 
quently recommended)  may  quite  easily  produce  the  same 
effect,  owing  to  the  exquisite  nervous  sensibility  of  the  palate. 
In  such  circumstances,  experience  tells  us  that  the  most 


Frequent  Communion.  233 

reverential  course  is  to  permit  the  Steered  Species  to  natu- 
rally and  gradually  dissolve  in  ore  infirmi  ;  and  this  method 
is  always  feasible  in  the  absence  of  violent  coughing  or 
uncontrollable  expectoration.  But  if  we  be  ultimately 
obliged  to  withdraw  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  the  following 
instruction  is  to  be  observed : — 

"  In  casu  quo  infirmus  statim  moriatur  [vel  actu  lion 
•deglutiat]  et  Sacra  Hostia  in  ore  appareat,  eadem  reverenter 
•cxtralienda  est,  ct  ponenda  in  vase  aliquo  decenti,  distincta 
a  Pyxide,  vel  saltern  in  corporali  .  .  .  et  in  Tabernaculo 
Te.poiiatur,  donee  corrumpatur,  et  postea  in  sacrarium  pro- 
jiciatur." 

The  instruction  given  by  La  Croix,  in  a  strictly  parallel 
•case,  is  practically  more  convenient — at  least  on  many  country 
missions  : — 

"  Species  purgari  debent  et  sumi ;  si  autem  purgari  non 
])ossint,  vel  si  nemo  sit  qui  velit  sumere,  nefas  esset  com- 
Imrere,  sed  immitti  possunt  aquae,  donee  dissolvantur, 
tumque  aqua  irijiciatur  in  sacram  piscinam." 

These  perplexities  are  proportionately  increased  when,  as 
"happens  often  enough,  the  sick  man  is,  in  addition,  "  sensibus 
•t'/cxtitiitus"  "  Ipse  sane,"  observes  Gury,  "a  praecepto  dis- 
peusatur,  cum  nullius  legis  observandae  sit  capax."  His  non- 
reception  of  Holy  Viaticum  would,  therefore,  not  involve  him 
in  a  new  sin  ;  but,  in  this  particular  point,  the  obligations 
of  patient  and  pastor  are  not  co-extensive.  "  Non  ideo 
tameri  dispeiisatur  Pastor  ab  obligatione  Eucharistiam  ipsi 
ministrandi,  si  ante  rationis  amissioiiem  dispositus  fuerit. 
"Sacramenta  enim  ex  opere  operato  in  eo  operantur,  qui  cupivit 
oa  recipere,  antequam  usum  rationis  amitteret.  Excipe  tamen 
xi  adsit  periculum  irreverentiae,  aut  si  timeatur  ne  Hostiam 
deglntire  non  valeat.  Ita  communiter"  We  need  not  be 
embarrassed,  in  such  a  case,  by  the  absence  of  "actual 
intention  "  in  the  sick  man ;  for  Suarez,  De  Lugo,  Sporer, 
La  Croix,  &c.,  teach  that  "in  moribundo  ad  Eucharistiam 
reeipiendam  iiitentio  etiam  interpretative  sufficit,  praesertim 
•si  antea  confessus  fuerit,  quamvis  jam  a  mente  sit  amotus." 
Layman  exhorts  us  to  remember  how  easily  "fieri  potuisse 
sit  ill  poccato  mortali  quocl  vel  iguorabat,  vel  de  quo  imper- 


234  frequent  Communion. 

fecte  contrftus  erat,  cum  proposito  confitendi,  In  amissioncm- 
sensuum  inciderit :  quo  casuper  susceptioiiem  SS.Eucharistiae 
justificaii  atque  salvari  poterit — qua  de  re  Suarez,  &c. 
(L.  v.  c.  4).  He  then  adds  this  most  important  clause: 
"Ipsos,  seu  explicite,  seu  implicite,  desiderasse  eo  ipsq 
praesumitur,  quod  Catholice,  atque  obligations  suae  hand 
hnmemores  vixcrint."  Obviously  the  experiment  in  par- 
ticula  non  consecrata  should  in  these  cases  be  almost 
invariably  employed;  and  we  should  never  omit  assisting  the 
quasi-mechanical  effort,  to  swallow,  by  pouring  into  the 
invalid's  mouth  a  small  quantity  of  fluid,  "aut  simul  cum 
adininistratione  S.  Viatici,  aut  paulisper  post." 

Omitting  all  formal  reference  to  "perpetuo  amentes,"  to- 
"  surdo-muti,"  and   many   other  practically   uncontro verted 
cases,  it  may  be  of  use  to  briefly  refresh  our  memory  on  the 
teaching  of  theologians  regarding  children  who  have  not  as 
yet  been  admitted,  in  the  usual  course,  to  First  Communion. 
There   can  be  no    difficulty  in  dealing  with  those  who  aiv 
undoubtedly  rationis  impotes,  to  whom  the  universal  discipline 
of  the   Latin   Church  refuses   it.     St.  Liguori   approvingly 
quotes  and  adopts  the    opinion  according  to  which,  "  qui 
aliter   ageret,  graviter  peccaret."     Neither  should  there  be 
much    difficulty    in    recognising    our     obligation    towards 
children  who  are  rationis  compotes ;  for    Suarez,  "  cujns  sen- 
tentiam  sequuntur  commnniter  alii  recentiores  "  (De  Lugo) 
teaches,  "  quod  possit,  imo  et  deboat,  hujusmodi  pueris  dari 
Eucharistia  in  articulo  mortis."     The  words  of   Suarez  are 
exceptionally  strong  :  "  Existimo  in  articulo  mortis  dandam 
esse  Communionem  cuicuinque  homini  habenti  usum  rationis 
ad  peccandum,  et  capaci  Confessionis  et  Extremae  Unctipnis§- 
Quod  Navarrus  quidem  fatetur  esse  omnibus  consulendum  ; 
ego  vero  existimo  esse  obligationem  tarn  ex  parte  petentis,  qnani, 
dispensantium"    Benedict  XIV.  (Syn.  Dioc.  L.  vii.  c.  xii.  n.  2), 
writes  that  bishops  would  be  acting  within  their  jurisdiction 
in  compelling  their  priests,  "  ad  administrandum  SS.  Viaticum 
pueris  mox  discessuris,  si  eos  compererint  taiitam  asscquutos 
judicii  maturitatern  ut  cibum  istum  coelestem  et  supermini 
a  communi  et  materiali  discernant"     For    a  stronger  reason,, 
we  should  feel  it  our  duty  to  impart  it  to  those  children  whom 


Frequent  Communion.  235- 

flic  same  Pontiff  dcscribcs'as  "  pueri  quos  Parochi,  diligent! 
praemisso  examine,  tanta  compererint  pollere  ingenii  per* 
spicacia,  utUatentem  sub  speciebus  sacramentalibus  Christum 
et  firmiter  credunt  et  reverenter  adorant."  (Ibid.  n.  3). 
Layman,  writing  of  semi-fatui  (whose  position  is  exactly 
parallel),  definitely  teaches  in  comprehensive  terms,  "  Sufficere 
si  ad  SS.  Eucharistiam  accedat  tanquam  ad  cibum  11011  pro* 
fun um,  sed  spiritualem,  in  animae  suae  salutem  divinitus 
institutum."  In  reply  to  an.  objection  he  writes  :  "  Respondeo 
satis  dispositum  esse  talem  hominern  qui  invincibili  rnysterii 
ignorantia  la-borat,  si  veritatem  SS.  Eucharistiae  agnoscat 
implicite,  credendo  esse  spirituale  donum  Dei,  ad  animae  snae 
salutem  institutum,  quod  proinde  accipere  velit  secundum- 
intention  em  quae  ab  aliis  fidelibus,  seu  tota  Ecclesiaj; 
accipitur,  etsi  interim  speculativam  privatam  persuasionem 
habeat,  esse  aliquod  pure  creatum."  Bouvier  tells  us  that 
in  dubio  capacitatis,  we  should  not  defraud  such  children  of 
the  immense  augmentation  of  grace  which  they  would 
receive  in  Holy  Viaticum. 

The  chief  arguments  on  which  this  teaching  is  grounded 
may  be  thus  briefly  summarised  from  Benedict  XIY.  (1)  In. 
the  early  Church  the  Blessed  Eucharist  was  administered  to 
infants  immediately  after  Baptism ;  and,  not  only  then,  but 
frequently  during  infancy.  This  custom,  St.  Thomas  tells 
us,  prevailed  in  the  Eastern  Church  even  in  his  day.  They 
are,  therefore,  per  se,  fitting  subjects  for  this  Sacrament* 
(2)  "  Plerique  doctores  docent  omnes  pueros,  statim  ac  sunt 
doli  capaces  .  .  .  obligari  ad  communicandum  in  Paschate, 
nisi  forte  de  proprii  sacerdotis  consilio  ob  aliquam  ratioiia- 
bilem  causam  ad  tempus  ab  hujusmodi  perceptione  duxerit 
abstinendum  ;"  while  our  best  theologians  maintain  that  the 
discretion  thus  left  with  Parochi  for  children  ordinarily,  does 
not  (and  there  can  be  no  "  rationabilis  causa  "  why  it  should) 
extend  to  the  articulus  mortis.  In  common  cases  priests 
may  have  abundant  reason  to  u  interpret  "  the  period  which 
the  divine  precept  has  not  definitively  fixed ;  and  they  are 
empowered  to  do  so  by  the  Council  of  Lateran,  But  no 
Council  has  permitted  them  to  "  interpret "  the  epoch  which 
the  articulus  mortis  itself  defines  so  specifically.  As  La  Croix 


'236  Frequent  Communion. 

puts  it :  "Praeceptum  divimim  obligane  ad  Viaticum  niJdl 
committit  judicio  Ecclesiae  vel  confessarii  circa  aetatem."' 
Of  course  it  is  assumed  throughout  that  the  attending 
priest  has  laboured  to  communicate  to  the  child  all  the 
fulness  of  knowledge,  and  all  the  tenderness  of  devotional 
piety,  which  the  circumstances  of  age,  and  time,  and  capacity, 
will  reasonably  permit. 

Before  closing  the  observations  on  Holy  Viaticum,  which 
'the  letter  of  J.  H.  has  emboldened  me  to  make,  I  would  take 
the  liberty  of  submitting  to  the  "  Spes  gregis  nostrae  et 
Decus  " — our  younger  priests — that  the  anxiety,  as  well  as 
the  responsibility,  which  "shadows"  the  receiving  of  almost 
every  "  sick  call,"  will  be  reduced  to  its  minimum,  by  their 
.resolutely  adopting,  from  the  very  beginning  of  their  career, 
as  a  rule  from  which  they  shall  never  deflect — absolute 
promptitude  in  attending  to  it.  Speaking  with  the  experience 
of  many  years,  I  know  that  this  rule  infallibly  ensures,  not 
alone  tranquillity  of  conscience,  but  also  personal  happiness 
and  positive  enjoyment.  But — far  above  all  other  consider- 
ations— this  is  absolutely  the  only  rule  which  we  are  safe  in 
following.  A  very  methodical  dispensary  doctor  once  told 
.me  that  he  had  ascertained,  by  careful  calculation,  that  of 
'the  "  night  calls  "  which  he  received  during  a  number  of 
years  (and  all  of  which  calls  he  attended),  no  fewer  than 
ninety-five  per  cent,  were  "  unnecessary."  A  similar  grouping 
©f  statistics  would  produce  for  priests  an  equally  strong 
evidence  of  the  general  "unreasonableness"  of  such  calls. 
But  this  is,  after  all,  a  thoughtless  and  ungenerous  view- 
one,  I  may  add,  which  a  priest  could  not  be  justified  in 
adopting.  Calls  of  this  character  invariably  cost  the  sender, 
110  less  than  the  messenger,  much  painful  effort;  and  are 
dictated  by  a  living  faith  which  it  should  be  our  pride  to 
foster  tenderly.  Besides,  what  assurance  can  we  have  that 
--any  particular  call  is,  in  reality,  "unreasonable?"  The  reader 
will  kindly  pardon  me  for  mentioning  a  personal  matter  by 
way  of  illustration  :  I  well  remember  having  received  five 
;sick  calls,  to  distant  portions  of  a  certain  parish,  on  five  suc- 
cessive nights,  at  a  time  when  110  epidemic  or  special 
imhealthiness  was  prevalent.  Of  the  five  sick  persons,  four 


Frequent  Communion.  237 

had  died,  on  four  successive  mornings,  before  my  return  home. 
Believe  me,  Aristotle  never  discoursed  in  sounder  philosophy 
than  when  he  wrote  :  " Leve  jit,  quod  bene  fertur,  onus" 

Adverting  tandem  aliquando  to  the  general  question  of 
Frequent  Communion,  I  could,  perhaps,  do  no  better  than 
adopt  the  judicious  course  taken  by  O'Kane  in  "referring 
the  reader  to  St.  Liguori,  whose  authority  is  the  great  guide 
of  confessors  at  the  present  day."  But,  having  done  so,  it 
can  be  no  harm  to  add,  in  the  words  of  the  Catechism  of 
Pope  Pius  V.,  "  utrum  singulis  mensibus,  vel  hebdomadis,vel 
diebus  communicare  magis  liceat  (quam  non),  certa  omnibus- 
regula  praescribi  noil  potest."  For  my  own  part,  I  think  we 
should  be  exceedingly  slow  in  giving  our  approval  to  any 
penitent's  becoming  a  daily  •  communicant,  outside  of  a 
Religious  Order.  There  is  a  truly  golden  medium  by  which 
permission  maybe  given  on  a  variable  number  of  week  days 
which  we  ourselves  shall  specify,  or  for  which  our  approval 
shall  be  asked  and  granted.  Besides  the.  reasons  for  hesi- 
tancy derivable  from  the  doctrine  of  the  theologians  and 
Fathers  which  will  be  just  now  quoted,  there  is  this  matter- 
of-fact  reason  that,  having  once  given  our  sanction,  we  may 
encounter  infinite  difficulty  in  recalling  it,  should  we  consider 
it  desirable  to  do  so.  De  Lugo  writes :  "  Cautissime  Com- 
munio  quotidiana  daiida  est,  et  nonnisi  probatae  vitae  et 
€ximiae  virtutis  testimonio  praeeunte."  St.  Ignatius  (Const. 
p.  4,  c.  3)  tells  us  :  "  Frequentius  quam  octavo  die  commu- 
nicare, nonnisi  peculiares  ab  causas,  et  potius  necessitatis  quam 
devotionis  habita  ratione,  permittatur."  The  words  of 
St.  Thomas  could  hardly  be  stronger :  "  Ex  parte  sumentis 
requiritur  ut  cum  magna  devotione  ac  reverentia  ad  hoc 
Hacrameiitum  accedat ;  et  ideo  si  quis  quotidie  ad  hoc  se 
praeparatum  invenerit,  laudabile  est  quod  quotidie  sumat.  .  . 
Sed  quia  multoties  in  pluribus  hominum  multa  impedimenta 
hujus  devotionis  occurrunt  propter  indispositionem  corporis 
vel  animae,  11011  est  utile  omnibus  quotidie  ad  hoc  Sacra- 
mentum  accedere,  sed  quotiescumque  [de  die  in  diem  ?]  se 
ad  illud  homo  invenerit  praeparatum. "  "  Ut  quis,"  says 
Collet,  "frequenter  et  frequentissime  communicet,  non 
Nufticit  ut  a  peccato  mortah  immunis  sit,  quam  probat 
De  Lugo  adductis  SS.  Thomae,  Bonaventurae,  &c.,  &c.9 


238  Fi'i'inent  Communion. 


auctoritatibus  ;  i  uno  verbo,'  addit  Lugo,  '  hoc  tenent  omnes 
theologi,  scholastic!,  Morales  et  Mystici.'  " 

Benedict  XIV.  writes  in  his  Diocesan  Synod  (L.  70,  c.  120): 
"Praecipue  vero  monendi  sunt  Confessarii  ne  frequentem  ad 
Eucharistiam  accessiim  iis  suadeant,  aut  permittant,  qui  in 
gravia  peccata  saepe  labuntur,  nee  de  poenitentia  peragenda 
suaque  vita  eniendanda  sunt  soliciti  ;  sicuti  nee  ill-is  qui,  etsi 
gravia  evitent  crimina,  voluntatem  tamen  habent  venialibus 
inhaerentem."  St.  Bonaventure  gives  it  as  his  conviction 
that  "  vix  aliquis  ita  religiosus  esse  videtur  et  sanctus  quiii 
semel  in  hebdoniada  sufficiat  ei  ex  consuetudine  communicare, 
nisi  specialis  causa  quandoque,  vel  ratio  plus  suadeat,  vel 
infirmitas  superveniens,  vel  sirigulariter  festi  vitas  solemnis.  .  . 
Omnes  rationes  pro  frequentia  communionis  intelliguntur, 
salva  debitapraeparatione,  quae  in  paucissimis  est."  Finally, 
St.  Liguori  formally  takes  his  teaching  from  the  Decree  of 
the  Sacred  Congregation,  which  received  the  sanction  of 
Pope  Innocent  XI.,  and  lays  down,  "ut  talis  usus  frequentis, 
sive  quotidianae,  Communionis  relinquatur  arbitrio  confes- 
•sariorum,  qui  (N.B.)  juxta  eonscientiarumpwrifafem  et  prefecture 
communiones  praescribarit.  Hinc  dicendum,  quod  confessarius, 
praesertim  ex  fructu  frequentiae  et  ex  desiderio  poenitentis 


"  Quid  clenique  dicendum  de  sacerdotibus  qui  quotidie 
celebrare  solent?"  De  Lugo  replies:  "  (1)  'Sic  vive  ut 
•quotidie  merearis  accipere.'  (2)  Constat  dubio  procul  e 
sacerdotibus  esse  non  paucos  quibus  cessatio  a  Missa  sit  in 
praecepto  ;  alios  quibus  eadem  cessatio  ad  tempus  optimi  sit 
consilii,  quales  sunt  quibus  ex  nimia  celebratione  imminet 
culpabiliter  vel  inculpabiliter  periculum  irreverentiae  et  in- 
devotionis.  •  Habent  tamen  sacerdotes  unde  cum  pari 
dispositione  frequentius  sacrum  facere  possunt  quam  laici 
•communicare  ;  1°,  Quia  in  eis  ardoris  defectus  per  majorem 
quam  ex  officio  habent  celebrandi  obligationem  compensatur: 
cum  enim  ipsius  Ecclesiae  nomine  in  qua  pro  populis  oraturi 
deputantur,  celebrant,  certain  ab  Ecclesia  ipsa  recipiunt 
puritatem,  vi  cujus  Deo  acceptiores  efficiuntur;  2°,  Quia 
ratione  status  meiitem  habent  expeditam  a  pluribus  quao 
laicis  obicem  praestant,  puta,  a  curis  saecularibus." 

C.  J.  M. 


A  WORD  ABOUT  HOLY  WELLS. 

AMONGST  the  devotions  peculiar  to  the  Irish  people  in  the 
present,  but  more  specially  in  the  past,  is  their  devotion 
to  Holy  Wells.  Though  not  unmixed  in  some  instances  with 
superstition,  this  has  been  on  the  whole  a  well-ordered 
devotion,  one  connected  with  beautiful  symbolism,  and  of 
Christian  origin ;  whilst  at  the  same  time  it  may  be  truly 
said  that  its  roots  in  some  measure  extend  deeper  into  the 
past,  into  pre-Christian  times,  and  date  more  remotely  from 
Druidism  and  other  early  superstitions.  Like  the  round 
towers  of  Ireland,  Avhich  are  rightly  considered  of  mixed 
brigin,  partly  Christian  and  partly  druidical,  the  holy  wells  of 
Ireland  may  be  said  to  be  of  like  character. 

From  the  earliest  times  amongst  the  Eastern  nations— the 
Persians  included,  from  whom  the  Celtic  race  is  said  to  have 
sprung,  and  whose  traditions  and  practices  they  largely  pre- 
served—  the  well  became  naturally  the  object  of  special 
veneration,  as  it  was  of  such  great  need,  and  the  constant 
source  of  delight  and  refreshment  to  the  thirsty  traveller 
after  his  weary  march  through  the  desert.  In  these  arid 
countries  where  deserts  were  so  numerous  and  where  water 
was  so  scarce,  the  neighbourhood  of  the  well  determined 
the  foundation  of  the  city,  as  that  of  Samaria  beside  the  well 
•  of  Jacob  and  many  others :  and  the  possession  of  such  wells 
was  often  contended  for  through  long  sanguinary  wars  by 
rival  claimants ;  just  as  recently  in  the  Soudan  the  wells 
became  the  vantage  ground  on  whjch  the  success  or  failure 
of  the  campaign  depended.  From  being  an  object  of  jealous 
care  and  natural  veneration  amongst  these  Eastern  nations  on 
account  of  its  obvious  necessity  and  utility,  the  well 
.became  later  on  amongst  their  emigrant  descendants,  the 
Celts  and  Druids,  one  of  the  traditional  centres  or  objects  of 
their  religious  superstitions  in  the  countries  where  they  settled, 
and  where  even  water  was  quite  abundant.  Thus  we  are  told 
by  Gordon  in  his  modern  Geography,  that  in  the  time  of 
Caesar  the  ancient  Britons  ^worshipped  trees  and  fountains,  and 
in  Arniorie  Gaul,  now  Brittany,  where  the  druidical  super- 


240  A  Word  about  Holy  TJW/x. 

stitioiis  so  much  prevailed,  the  same  tree  worship  and  fountain- 
or  well  worship  is  recorded.  The  druidic  priests  cut  down  from 
the  "sacred  oak"  with  their  golden  sickles  the  "bough  of 
the  spectres,"  the  modern  mistletoe.  And  they  plucked  their 
favourite  flowers — the  daisy,  the  lily,  the  honey-suckle,  and 
the  daffodil — and  strewed  them  over  their  fountains  that 
were  sacred  to  the  fairies.  In  addition  to  trees  and  fountains, 
we  read  that  they  also  worshipped  large  stones,  called  menhirs 
and  dolmens,  that  are  still  pretty  common  in  these  Islands,., 
especially  in  Wales  and  Ireland.  Around  these  dolmens  they 
sat  in  council,  or  laid  their  hands  upon  them  when  swearing,, 
or  else  offered  sacrifices  upon  them,  and  these  for  the  most 
part  of  human  victims.  In  evidence  of  such  objects  of 
druidic  worship  we  have  still  further,  in  the  laws  of  Canute,, 
heathenism  defined  as  comprising  the  worship  of  "water-well^ 
stones,  or  forest  trees." 

In  the  transition  process  or  conversion  from  druidism  to- 
Christianity  these  several  objects  of  its  superstitious  venera- 
tion, and  more  especially  the  holy  well,  were  of  easy  adoption 
or  assimilation  into  Christian  worship  because  of  their  kindred 
and  appropriate  symbolism.  We  may  notice  in  passing  that 
in  the  conversion  of  pagan  nations  to  the  true  faith  it  has 
ever  been  the  policy  of  the  Christian  Church  to  tolerate 
any  pagan  customs  that  were  indifferent  in  themselves,  when 
it  was  difficult  or  unwise  to  abolish  them,  and  furthermore 
to  sanctify  even  and  consecrate  some  of  them  by  adoption 
into  her  ritual.  Thus  we  have  introduced  into  her  marriage 
ceremony  the  blessing  of  the  ring,  the  symbol  of  faithful  and 
perpetual  love,  which  was  used  on  like  occasions  not  only 
amongst  the  Jews,  but  much  more  generally  amongst  the 
pagan  world,  as  we  learn  from  Kirchmann  in  his  work  "  de 
anulis,"  cap.  18. 

Thus,  too,  in  the  conversion  of  druidism  to  Christianity  the 
Church  made  the  practices  of  idolatry  turn  to  the  glory  of" 
God.  Such  objects  of  its  worship  as  the  well,  the  tree,  and 
the  stone,  were  after  all  only  natural  things,  indifferent  in 
themselves,  and  containing  nothing  intrinsically  opposed  to 
Christian  worship.  Hence  she  surmounted  with  the  sign  of 
the  cross  the  druiclical  sacred  stone,  the  menhir,  and  the 


A   Word  about  Holy  Wdh.  241 

dolmen,  fit  emblems  as  they  wore  of  our  Lord  who  is  styled 
in  the  Scriptures  the  ^  lapis  angularis."  We  even  read  of  a 
famous  menhir  of  gigantic  height,  and  one  clearly  of  druidical 
origin,  in  the  County  of  Brecknock,  in  Wales,  that  bears  upon 
it  the  words  Mayen  y  Marynnion,  or  "  stone  of  the  Virgin 
3 Lay."  She  placed  the  image  of  Mary  in  the  hollow  trunk  of 
the  "Sacred  Oak"  that  was  eight  or  ten  centuries  old,  and 
from  which  the  druids  cut  down  the  fairy  mistletoe ;  as  we 
gather  from  the  history  of  the  famous  sanctuary  in  France  of 
kt  ( )ur  Lady  of  the  Oak."  The  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  has  been 
variously  compared  in.  the  Scriptures  to  the  luxuriant  and 
odoriferous  tree  —  at  one  time  to  the  plane  tree  "quasi 
plantanus  juxta  aquam  in  plateis  " — at  another  ,  time  to  the 
cinnamon  and  balsam.  "  Sicut  cinnamomum  et  balsamum 
aromatizans  odorem  dedi"  (EccL  24),  etc.,  etc.  Thus  too  we 
have  several  places  in  Ireland,  such  as  Kildare,  Derryy 
Dur-innis  on  the  Blackwater  near  Youghal,  etc.,  all  connected 
with  the  druidical  worship  of  the  "  Oak,"  near  which  were 
riveted  some  of  the  earliest  churches  in  Ireland. 

But  it  was  especially  in  the  sacred  Well  of  the  Druids  that 
Christianity  found  the  most  fitting  symbol  of  her  who  is 
styled  the  "  fons  signata,"  the  ever-flowing  fountain  of  grace, 
the  sweet  perennial  spring  of  divine  loveliness  and  purity. 
Beside  their  fountains  then  she  set  up  the  sanctuaries  and 
images  of  Mary ;  and  thus  we  arrive  at  the  Holy  Well  of 
Christian  times  in  Ireland,  with  the  general  appellation  given 
to  it  of  "  Our  Lady's  Well,"  and  at  which  we  frequently  find  in 
conjunction  the  traditional  tree,  stone,  and  well,  in  quasi  testi- 
mony of  their  remote  druidical  origin  and  associations. 

All  this  must  be  said  to  account,  only  in  part,  for  the 
existence  of  Holy  Wells  in  Ireland ;  for  in  truth  a  very  con- 
siderable number  of  them  are  exclusively  of  Christian  origin, 
and  have  been  instituted  in  connection  with  the  great  Sacra- 
ment of  regeneration.  The  general  proximity  of  such  to  the 
<-arlv  churches  that  were  built  before  the  times  of  canonical 
baptisteries  or  fonts,  goes  to  prove  they  were  blessed  and  used 
for  the  purposes  of  baptism.  And,  indeed,  the  very  name  of 
u-  font  "  given  to  our  present  canonical  places  for  baptism,  and 
which  means  in  Latin  a  fountain  or  spring,  proves  sufficiently 
VOL.  VII.  Q 


242  A  Word  about  Holy  Wells. 

that  the  earliest  forms  of  baptistery  must  have  been  the  Well 
which  was  blessed  and  consecrated  for  the  purpose,  and  thus 
regarded  as  Holy.  We  have  many  instances  on  record  of 
Wells  thus  used  in  connection  with  baptism,  and  not  unfre- 
queiitly  made  to  flow  even  miraculously  at  the  bidding  of  tho 
Saints,  Avhen  water  could  not  be  otherwise  obtained.  Thus 
we  read  of  St.  Peter,  that  when  his  jailors,  SS.  Processus 
and  Martiiiian  with  forty-seven  others  were  converted  by 
him  in  prison,  and  wished  to  be  baptised,  he  caused  water 
for  the  purpose  to  spring  up  miraculously  from  the  floor  of 
his  dungeon,  which  springs  even  to  this  day,  and  is  reverently 
drunk  by  the  faithful.  The  like  is  recorded  of  St.  Paul,  at 
whose  place  of  martyrdom,  moreover,  three  miraculous  springs 
suddenly  appeared,  that  have  ever  since  become  objects  of 
great  devotion  and  pilgrimage,  at  the  famous  church  of  the 
"  Three  Fountains "  on  the  Ostiaii  Way,  outside  Rome. 
St.  Patrick  too,  as  we  read  of  in  early  Irish  records,  baptised 
many  at  the  Wells  of  Ireland,  several  of  which  bear  his 
name  to  this  day,  and  have  become  consequently  centres 
of  devotion  and  pilgrimage.  Thus  Jocelyn,  in  his  life  of 
St.  Patrick,  referring  to  the  conversion  and  baptism  by  the 
Saint  of  the  two  daughters  of  King  Leogaire,  and  so 
graphically  described  in  the  "Book  of  Armagh" — adds:  "and 
when  he  had  preached  to  them  with  persuasive  eloquence  the 
damsels  (Ahne  the  fair,  and  Fedclm  the  ruddy)  believed  in 
Christ,  and  he  baptised  them  even  in  that  fountain  "  (the 
famous  Well  "Clebach,"  that  was  situated  on  the  sides  of 
Chruchan  towards  the  east,  and  was  for  centuries  dedicated 
to  the  superstitions  of  Druidism).  Another  illustration  of  the 
use  of  Wells  by  the  early  Saints  for  the  baptism  of  their 
converts  is  found  in  the  history  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Church  of  Trim  in  the  "Book  of  Armagh,"  "  And  there  being 
an  open  fountain  in  that  place,  he  (Foirtchem)  was  baptised 
in  Christ  by  Lomman."  And  Montalembert  tells  us  in  his 
<<  Monks  of  the  West,"  that  St.  Columbldlle  blessed  many 
Wells  in  Scotland,  evidently  for  purposes  of  baptism, 
where  they  were  afterwards  venerated  down  even  to 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  peasantry  of  the  Border 
ands  long  after  they  had  become  Protestant  and  Calvinistic, 


.  I   Word  about  Holy  Wells.  243 

still  prayed  at  the  Holy  Wells  there  that  flowed  by  the 
ruined  sanctuaries  of  Mary,  and  carried  away  the  water 
to  cure  the  sick — a  practice  much  complained  of  by  a 
Calvinistic  writer  of  the  seventeenth  century,  in  his  account 
of  the  "  Presbytery  of  Pentpont." 

A  further  explanation  of  this  devotion  to  Holy  Wells 
would  be  certain  curative  properties  attaching  to  them,  and 
imparted  either  naturally  or  supernaturally.  Examples  of 
this  we  have  in  the  famous  Probatic  Fountain  or  pond  referred 
to  by  our  Lord  (John  v.  2.)  ;  in  Holywell  in  England,  where 
in  our  own  days  most  wonderful  cures  are  effected ;  and  more 
notably  still  and  recently  at  Lourdes,  whose  waters  and  shrine 
have  become  the  centre  of  universal  devotion  and  pilgrimage 
to  the  world.  The  cures  wrought  at  St.  Patrick's  Well  in 
Dublin  are  referred  to  by  a  writer  in  the  twelfth  century— 
"  Therefore,  on  the  morrow,  he  (St.  Patrick)  went  unto  a 
certain  place,  and  in  the  presence  of  many  standing  around 
he  prayed  and  touched  the  earth  w^ith  the  Staff  of  Jesus  (his 
pastoral  staff),  and  the  name  of  the  Lord  produced  from  it  a 
clear  fountain.  And  this  is  the  fountain  of  Dublinia ;  wide  in 
its  stream,  and  plenteous  in  its  course,  sweet  to  the  tastes 
which,  as  is  said,  healetli  many  infirmities,  and  even  unto  this 
day  is  rightly  called  the  fountain  of  St.  Patrick."  Jocelyn, 
"  Life  of  St.  Patrick,"  chap.  Ixxi. 

It  is  beyond  all  question  that  the  Almighty  has  from  time 
attached  to  places  equally  as  to  persons  and  things  the  operation 
of  his  extraordinary  graces,  styled  by  theologians  "gratiae 
gratis  datae."  The  circumstances  and  conditions  of  the  cure, 
wrought  at  the  Probatic  Pool,  prove  them  conclusively  to  have 
been  of  supernatural  character.  For  they  happened  only  at 
stated  times ;  they  extended  to  all  kinds  of  diseases,  without 
exception ;  and  finally  there  was  a  limit  on  each  occasion  to 
one  only  cure,  and  that  of  the  person  who  should  first  descend 
into  the  water  after  its  movement  by  the  Angel.  These  effects 

t  could  have  110  proportion  or  relation  with  a  cause  that  was 
purely  natural,  and  hence  their  supernatural  or  miraculous 
character.  The  history  of  the  Holy  Wells  in  Ireland  is  replete 
with  such  facts,  that  are  beyond  and  out  of  all  proportion 
with  any  natural  causes,  and  that  can  alone  be  ascribed  to 
miraculous  and  supernatural  agency. 


244  A  Word  about  Holij  Wells. 

Superstitions  or  vain  observances  crept  in,  no  doubt,  from 
time  to  time,  amongst  the  Holy  Well  devotions  ;  but  this  was 
to  be  expected  in  matters  that  were  only  on  the  borders,  if 
not  beyond  the  domain,  of  liturgical  law,  and  where  so  much 
was  left  necessarily  to  the  free  exercise  of  popular  devotion. 
The  Church,  indeed,  always  restrained  such  excesses  without 
condemning  the  substantial  devotion ;  wisely  discriminating 
between  the  right  use  and  the  abuse  of  things — between  the 
stately  tree,  and  the  parasitic  growth  that  would  attack  and 
{strangle  its  very  life.  And  it  must  be  in  accordance  with  this 
view  that  we  are  to  interpret  whatever  condemnations  \vciv 
issued  from  time  to  time  against  devotions  at  Holy  Wells — 
oven  so  far  back  as  the  sixth  century  in  the  Council  of 
Auxerre,  one  of  whose  Canons  runs  thus :  "  Non  licet  inter 
sentes,  aut  ad  arbores  sarcivos  vel  Sidfontes  vota  exsolvere." 
Also  in  the  ecclesiastical  Canons  of  King  Edgar,  where  it 
is  ordered  "  that  every  priest  forbid  well-worshippings, 
necromancies,"  etc.  See  "Thorp's  Laws." 

If  I  may  venture  to  add  one  last  word  in  defence  and 
explanation  of  this  time-honoured  devotion  of  Holy  Wells  in 
Ireland,  it  would  be  that  when  the  hands  of  the  sacrilegious 
spoiler  laid  waste  her  churches  and  monasteries,  and  rifling- 
her  treasures  scattered  the  stones  of  her  sanctuaries ;  when 
ruin  and  desolation  reigned  around,  the  only  living  thing  to 
speak  of  the  dead  past  was  the  Holy  Well,  ever  with  its 
murmuring  presence  shedding  the  perennial  tear  over  the  wreck 
and  ruin  which  persecution  had  wrought.  And  as  the  poor 
faithful  Irish  people  loved  in  life  to  come  and  converse  with  the 
only  living  remnant  of  the  past,  so  too  in  death  they  clung  to 
the  old  ruin,  and  loved  to  repose  neath  its  shadow  amidst  its 
holy  associations,  that,  mingling  their  dust  with  the  sainted 
dead,  they  may  share  with  them  their  hopes  of  a  glorious 
immortality. 

P.    J.   HORGAX,  P.P. 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA. 

El T HOPE  contains  no  nation  whoso  history  is  so  interesting 
as  that  of  Spain.  The  mighty  name  with  which  her 
schools  of  Theology  and  Ascetic  literature  dazzled  the 
religious  world  on  the  one  hand ;  and  the  splendour  of  her 
arms  and  the  chivalry  of  her  sons  during  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries,  have  bestowed  upon  her  the  characteristics 
of  a  noble  nation,  great  in  the  recollections  of  the  past ;  while 
the  historical  names  that  throw  such  a  lustre  round  her,  can 
never  perish  or  be  forgotten  in  the  annals  of  Europe. 

But  it  is  upon  the  Spain  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  the 
eye  of  the  scholar  and  historian  loves  to  rest ;  not  to  linger 
among  those  beautiful  ruins  of  faded  beauty,  which  to-day 
cover  a  land  whose  lovely  valleys  and  winding  streams  mingle 
in  picturesque  charm  with  the  lofty  grandeur  of  her  rugged 
sierras ;  no,  but  on  a  nation,  that  rose  to  the  full  possession, 
through  liberty  and  literature,  of  all  those  legitimate  aspir- 
ations, which  the  genius  of  the  statesman,  the  fire  of  the  poet, 
the  crozier  of  the  churchman,  or  the  pen  of  the  scholar  could 
enkindle. 

Two  forces  have,  in  the  religious  and  literary  world,  made 
the  Spain  of  that  age  illustrious: — the  power  of  a  mighty 
mind  over  the  destinies  of  his  country ;  and  the  foundation  of 
a  great  university,  whose  achievements  in  scholarly  research 
are  stamped  with  abiding  wonder  even  to  our  day.  At 
Terraloguiia,  a  small  town  in  the  province  of  Toledo,  Ginzalez 
Ximenez  de  Cisneros  was  born.  The  early  lessons  of  piety, 
instilled  by  holy  parents,  grew  in  his  youthful  breast,  and  bore 
fruit  in  the  future  priest,  who  was  pious  as  a  saint ;  in  the 
bishop,  whose  charity  to  the  poor,  only  equalled  his  zeal  in 
the  cause  of  morality  and  the  pursuit  of  knowledge ;  and, 
finally,  in  the  statesman,  in  having  attached  to  his  name  an 
undying  remembrance  of  justice  and  honor. 

At  an  early  age  he  repaired  to  Alcala,  where  Rhetoric  and 
Grammar  became  his  favourite  studies;  a  little  later  the 
renowned  University  of  Salamanca  finds  him  amongst  her 
hiost  brilliant  students. 


241)  The  University  of  Ale al a. 

Here  in  that  celebrated  School,  he  became  a  deep 
proficient  in  theology  and  philosophy,  mastering,  at  the  same 
time,  the  Canon  and  Civil  Law,  and  manifesting  a  deep  love 
for  those  biblical  studies,  which  afterwards  produced  such 
abundant  and  fruitful  results.  From  college  he  went  forth  to 
the  mission  of  his  native  diocese,  to  exchange  very  shortly 
his  position  of  pastor  for  the  more  responsible  one  of 
administrator  of  the  diocese  of  Sigiienza.  But  the  harrassing 
cares  of  his  office  brought  little  rest  to  a  mind  that  sighed  for 
the  study  of  theology  and  the  calm  of  holy  contemplation. 

In  a  lonely  convent  of  our  Lady  of  Castanar  he  put  on  the 
coarse  serge  of  the  Franciscan  novice,  and  there  under  the 
shelter  of  the  chestnut  trees,  in  a  hovel  built  by  himself,  with 
bible  in  one  hand  and  scourge  in  the  other,  did  he  pass  some 
years  so  tranquilly,  that  he  afterwards  declared  he  would  not 
exchange  the  brown  frock  of  a  poor  monk  for  the  purple  of  a 
cardinal  or  the  ensign  of  a  regency. 

However,  much  to  his  mortification,  he  is  summoned  from 
the  calm  of  retreat  to  wear  the  mitre  of  Toledo,  then  one  of  the 
foremost  sees  in  the  Spanish  Church.  A  reformer  of  religious 
orders  and  a  patron  of  science,  he  now  combines  the  dignity 
of  the  bishop  with  the  simplicity  of  the  monk.  No  ornament 
adorns  the  walls  of  his  apartment ;  no  silver  service  graces 
his  table ;  no  trace  of  pomp  or  symptom  of  luxury  is  allowed  to 
appear  about  his  palace,  which  he  changes  to  a  monastery, 
living  on  the  coarsest  food  it  could  afford,  and  wearing  under 
the  rochet  of  the  bishop  the  hair-shirt  of  the  cenobite.  He 
slept  on  the  bare  floor  or  on  a  plank  bed.  He  filled  up 
all  his  time  with  labour,  prayer  and  study.  Every  day  on 
bonded  knees  he  perused  some  chapters  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  numberless  times  in  the  day  did  he  gaze  on  a  crucifix, 
which  was  attached  to  his  arm  by  a  string.  He  often 
performed  long  journeys  through  his  diocese  on  foot,  exhibit- 
ing in  his  public  life  all  that  austerity  he  cultivated  in  private. 
shedding  abroad  the  bright  example  that  springs  from  a  heart 
stripped  of  every  vestige  of  human  passion — and  slioAving 
forth  a  spirit,  whose  lofty  grandeur  confronted  the  luxurious 
dissipation  and  moral  depravity  that  reigned  around. 

By    a    singular    coincidence     his     ecclesiastical     career 


Tlie  I'n'u'ci'xity  of  Alcalt'i.  247 


syneromzed  with  the  new  era  in  which  the  arts  and  sciences 
flourished  with  imdimmed  splendour  in  the  glorious  reign  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  The  queen  herself,  seated  on  a 
throne,  and  taken  up  with  the  cares  of  government,  found  time 
to  learn  Latin,  to  encourage  the  art  of  printing  lately  invented, 
introduced  foreign  works,  sharpening  the  diligence  of  the 
collectors,  and  giving  such  powerful  encouragement  to 
learning  that  a  new  epoch  soon  arose  in  Spanish  literature. 
She  distributed  prizes  to  the  best  workmen  and  furnished 
money  for  the  publication  of  good  works.  Nor  was  her 
energy  confined  by  the  boundaries  of  her  own  Castile,  for  she 
sought  in  foreign  lands  those  rare  and  rich  treasures  of 
knowledge,  which  became  a  most  precious  seed  for  the 
improvement  and  renovation  of  the  national  literature. 

To  Italy  she  was  chiefly  indebted  for  the  brothers 
(jreraldino  ;  from  the  shores  of  lake  Maggiore,  Peter  Martyr  came 
laden  with  the  treasures  of  a  country  which  then  surpassed 
every  other  by  its  literary  glory  and  renown.  The  military 
life,  and  love  for  deeds  of  splendid  warfare  —  the  flashing  a 
gaiety  at  high  festival  and  banquet  hall,  so  characteristic  of  a 
chivalrous  land,  gave  place  to  the  pale  cheek  of  the  dark- 
robed  children  of  science,  and  we  have  it  on  the  authority  of 
Erasmus,  "  that  the  Spaniards  had  attained  such  eminence  in 
literature  that  they  had  not  only  excited  the  admiration  of 
the  most  polished  nations  of  Europe,  but  served  likewise  as 
models  to  them."  Amongst  the  schools  which  have  gained 
strength  with  the  progress  of  time  was  Salamanca.  It  was 
called  the  Spanish  Athens,  and  was  said  at  one  time  to  have 
seven  thousand  students  attending  its  halls.  At  the  beginning 
<  >f  the  sixteenth  century  a  new  rival  —  the  University  of  Alcala 
—  appeared  upon  the  scene,  and  was  destined  later  on 
to  contest  with  her  renowned  sister  for  the  palm  of  honour 
and  science  and  learning. 

It  was  called  by  the  Spaniards  of  that  day  the  "  Octava 
Mara  villa  del  mundo." 

This  magnificent  establishment  grew  into  great  repute 
under  the  fostering  care  of  Ximenez  ;  for  as  soon  as  he  became 
Archbishop  of  Toledo,  he  resolved  to  devote  the  immense 
revenues  he  possessed  to  a  sanctuary  where  arts  and  sciences 


248  The  University  of  Ale  aid. 

could  be  taught.  In  a  serene  spot  on  the  banks  of  the  Henares, 
Pedro  Gnimel,  the  greatest  of  Spanish  architects,  drew  the 
plans  for  the  future  building;  the  foundation  stone  of  the. 
College  of  San  Illdefonso  was  laid  by  the  Archbishop  himself 
amidst  great  solemnity.  He  delivered  an  eloquent  discourse 
on  the  occasion,  and  placed  in  the  foundation  stone  gold 
and  silver  coins,  together  with  a  brass  image  representing  a 
Franciscan  monk.  In  the  centre  was  placed  the  deed  of 
foundation,  written  on  parchment.  Alexander  the  Sixth  and 
Julius  the  Second  granted  the  most  extensive  privileges 
to  the  new  foundation.  These  were  afterwards  further 
augmented  by  Leo  the  Tenth. 

The  College  of  San  Illdefonso  was  the  head  of  the  new 
University.  The  name  was  taken  from  the  patron  saint  of  the. 
Cathedral  of  Toledo,  to  whom  Ximenez  had  a  special 
devotion.  The  professors,  properly  so  called,  were  all 
theologians,  and  occupied  for  the  most  part  the  academic 
chairs,  while  some  among  them  appear  to  have  been  intended 
for  the  post  of  administrators. 

When  these  latter  appeared  in  public  they  were,  as  Gomez; 
informs  us,  distinguished  from  the  other  academic  members  by 
their  imposing  dress,  which  consisted  of  a  long  red  robe, 
closely  fitted  to  the  body,  together  with  a  kind  of  scarf  of  the 
same  colour,  and  about  three  inches  in  breadth.  It  was  thrown 
over  the  left  shoulder  and  reached  almost  down  to  the  ankles, 
hanging  on  the  back  in  large  folds.  The  students  attended 
the  lectures  given  by  the  different  professors,  who  in  all 
numbered  forty-two.  Of  these,  six  taught  theology;  six 
canon  law ;  four  medicine ;  one  moral  philosophy ;  four  the 
Greek  and  Hebrew  languages  ;  four  rhetoric  and  grammar  ; 
and  the  rest  were  occupied  with  other  branches  of  the  sciences 
and  arts  taught  in  the  University. 

Besides  the  lectures  given  in  the  different  halls,  special 
exercises  were  given  at  the  residence  of  the  students ; 
disputations  were  held  for  fourteen  days,  and  very  stiff 
examinations  were  to  be  got  over  before  any  student  could 
gain  admission  to  a  higher  class,  or  to  any  particular  course 
of  lectures  on  any  science. 

All  these  regulations  were  followed  by  such  great  results, 


Tie  University  jpf  Altald*  249 


that,  according  to  the  judgment  of  Erasmus,  "  Alcala 
especially  distinguished  by  its  al)le  philologists"  —  "  Academia 
complutensis  non  aliunde  celebritatem  nominis  auspicata  est, 
<]uam  a  complectendo  linguas  ac  bonas  litteras"  —  (Epis.755.) 

And  we  have  it  on  the  authority  of  our  famous  country- 
man, Luke  Wadding,  that  from  this  house  came  forth  a  great 
number  of  generals  of  different  orders,  provincials,  bishops, 
and  learned  men.  Ximenez  dedicated  the  College  of  three 
languages  in  honour  of  St.  Jerome  ;  in  it  were  taught  Latin, 
Greek,  and  Hebrew,  and  all  so  thoroughly,  that  a  strong 
reference  is  made  to  it  by  a  distinguished  Spanish  writer  — 
Kobles  —  in  the  following  words  :  "  Tambien  el  Collegio 
Trilingue,  con  titulo  de  San  Geronymo  con  Treynta  collegiales, 
en  guien  se  ha  fun  dado  la  puridad  de  las  lenguas,  y  elegancia, 
de  la  retorica." 

But,  besides  the  foundations  of  the  Archbishop,  many 
other  institutions  arose  which  owed  their  origin  to  the  renown 
of  the  University  ;  for  the  monastic  orders  established  houses 
of  their  own  in  Alcala,  in  order  to  give  the  young  religious 
an  opportunity  of  studying  in  such  an  illustrious  place. 
Ximenez  placed  the  whole  University  under  the  perpetual 
patronage  of  the  King  of  Castile,  of  the  Cardinal  Santa 
Balbina,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  Duke  del  Infantado, 
and  the  Count  of  Coruiia.  He  invited  professors,  some  from 
the  rival  sister  Salamanca,  some  from  Paris,  and  so  numerous 
were  the  excellent  and  learned  men  whom  he  collected  round 
him,  that  all  the  chairs  were  occupied  only  eight  years  after 
the  foundation  stone  had  been  laid. 

We  can  gather  from  most  trustworthy  sources  that  students 
nocked  to  this  renowned  seat  of  learning  from  all  parts  of  the 
peninsula,  and  the  king  himself  honoured  it  with  a  visit, 
inspected  all  the  buildings,  attended  some  of  the  lectures, 
and  admired  the  grandeur  and  beauty  of  the  institution  and 
its  surroundings.  Having  noticed  that  one  of  the  walls  was 
made  merely  of  clay,  the  king  remarked,  "  that  such  a  wall 
but  ill  corresponded  with  a  building  which  was  destined  to 
last  for  ever."  "It  is  true,"  replied  Ximenez,  "but  I  am  con- 
soled by  the  reflection,  that  what  is  now  made  of  clay  will 
one  day  be  made  of  marble." 


250  The  University  of  Ale al a. 

But  splendid  buildings  and  princely  endowments  do  not 
confer  immortality  on  any  place.  It  is  genius  and  the  works 
of  the  mind  that  have  stamped  upon  Alcala  in  indelible 
characters  that  enduring  fame  which  cannot  perish.  The 
greatest  literary  work  published  there  is  the  Cardinal's  celebrated 
Polyglot.  It  is  styled  the  Complutensian,  because,  Complutum 
was  the  ancient  name  of  Alcala.  Biblical  studies  and  Biblical 
criticism  received  at  the  commencement  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury a  wonderful  impetus.  In  former  ages  the  incapacity  of 
copyists  and  the  ignorance  of  many  who  undertook  the  cor- 
rection of  Scripture  were  so  many  obtacles  which  prevented 
the  full  growth  and  development  of  critical  investigation.  It- 
is,  however,  an  acknowledged  fact,  that  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  manuscripts  of  the  Scripture  have  not  been  wilfully 
corrupted,  and  that  the  accuracy  of  our  ordinary  text  is  truly 
wonderful. 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  when  this  impulse  was  given 
to  philological  studies,  and  the  long-delayed  hopes  of  an 
emendated  text  of  Scripture  were  about  being  realized, 
Germany  gave  to  the  world  a  new  instrument  of  power 
applicable  to  all  branches  of  literary  knowledge  and  science. 
The  newly  invented  art  of  printing  consecrated  its  first 
services  to  the  Holy  Scriptures,  for  we  find  that  from  the  year 
1462  to  1500  A.D.,  no  fewer  than  eighty  complete  editions  of 
the  Vulgate  appeared.  The  Jews  were  the  first  who 
endeavoured  to  multiply  copies  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  in 
the  year  1488  appeared  in  Lombardy  the  first  complete 
Hebrew  Bible,  edited  by  a  Jew. 

It  was  a  taunt  frequently  raised  against  Catholics  that 
they  were  behind  others  in  Biblical  studies,  and  to  meet  this 
cavil  there  appeared  a  man  who,  in  the  providence  of  God, 
was  destined  to  restore  to  the  Church  that  ancient  renown 
which  arose  from  the  great  labours  of  a  Jerome,  an  Origen, 
and  an  Augustine.  Ximenez  regretted  for  two  special  reasons 
the  neglect  of  Biblical  studies. 

The  first  was  because  such  neglect  closed  up  the  principal 
sources  of  sacred  learning — viz.,  the  Bible  and  the  works  of 
the  Fathers;  and  secondly,  the  ignorance  of  Greek  and 
Hebrew  among  the  clergy  made  them  incapable  of  defending 


Tin*  rtiircrtdty  of  A  lea  fa.  251 

Catholic  truth  or  of  giving  any  opposition  to  those  impious 
heretics  who  either  abused  the  Holy  Scriptures  or  perverted 
them.  His  ideas  on  the  subject  are  best  expressed  in  tho 
preface  to  the  Polyglot :  "No  translation,"  says  he,  "  can  fully 
and  exactly  represent  the  sense  of  the  original,  at  least  in 
that  language  in  which  Our  Saviour  himself  spoke.  The 
manuscripts  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  differ  so  much  from  one 
another  that,  as  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Augustine  desired,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  go  back  to  the  origin  of  the  sacred 
writings,  and  correct  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  by  the 
Hebrew  text,  and  those  of  the  New  Testament  by  the  Greek 
text." 

"  Every  theologian,"  says  he,  "  should  be  able  to  drink  of 
that  water  '  which  springs  up  to  eternal  life  '  at  the  fountain- 
head  itself.  To  accomplish  this  object  we  have  made 
researches  in  every  direction  for  the  best  and  most  ancient 
Hebrew  and  Greek  manuscripts  to  revive  the  hitherto  dormant 
study  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures." 

Nor  was  he  mistaken  as  to  the  men  who  were  to  be 
intrusted  with  the  great  work.  Antonio  de  Lebrya,  formerly 
Professor  of  Salamanca,  but  for  many  years  of  Alcala,  was 
0110  to  whom  Spain  owes  almost  all  the  glory  of  her  classical 
knowledge.  "  Hispania,"  says  the  Bibliotheca  Nova,  "  debet 
illi  quicquid  habet  bonarum  artium,"  and  Iris  biographer 
speaks  of  him  as  the  "  el  restaurador  del  gusto  y  solidez  en 
to  da  buena  literatura — maestro  por  excellencia  de  la  nacion 
Espaiiola."  From  Crete  he  invited  Demetrius  Ducas  to  teach 
the  Greek  language  ;  Lopez  de  Zuiiiga,  so  well  known  for  his 
discussions  with  Erasmus;  Nunez  de  Guzman,  author  of 
several  commentaries  on  the  classics.  With  these  were 
associated  several  learned  Jews,  who  were  specially  appointed 
to  compose  a  grammar  and  Hebrew  dictionary  for  the  Poly- 
glot. The  whole  plan  for  this  magnificent  undertaking  was 
formed  by  Ximenez  himself.  With  noble  generosity  and 
untiring  zeal  he  supplied  those  learned  men  with  all  their 
wants,  and  furnished  them  with  every  help  necessary  for  their 
w<  >rk. 

He  made  researches  on  all  sides  for  manuscripts  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments;  sometimes  he  was  obliged  to  purchase 


£52  The  University  of  Alcald. 

them  at  enormous  expense,  while  others  timely  hastened  to 
lend  them  for  his  use.  The  reigning  Pontiff,  Leo  X.,  a  great 
lover  of  the  fine  arts,  generously  supported  Ximenez  in  the 
publication  of  the  celebrated  Polyglot. 

In  return  Ximenez  dedicated  the  work  to  his  Holiness, 
and  in  the  introduction  gave  him  public  thanks  in  these 
words : — "  Atque  ex  ipsis  exemplaribus  quidem  Graeca 
Sanctitati  tuae  debemus  :  qui  ex  '.ista  Apostolica  Bibliotheca 
antiquissimos  tarn  Veteris  quam  Novi  Testament!  codices 
per  quam  humane  ad  nos  misisti!"  In  the  prologue  Ximinez 
also  tells  us  what  pain  and  trouble  he  took  in  order  to  collect 
from  various  parts  a  considerable  number  of  Hebrew,  Greek, 
and  Latin  manuscripts.  Gomez  testifies  that  seven  Hebrew 
manuscripts  cost  no  less  a  sum  than  4,000  ducats — a  sum  that 
would  amount  in  English  money  to  near  £25,000  sterling ; 
and  that  the  total  expense  of  the  whole  work  amounted  to 
50,000  ducats — a  sum  which,  if  estimated  at  the  value  of 
money  then,  could  have  been  expended  only  by  a  man  who 
united  the  wants  of  a  monk  to  the  revenues  of  a  king.  The 
purchase  of  manuscripts,  the  remuneration  of  those  engaged 
in  procuring  them,  the  emoluments  of  the  editors,  the  copyists, 
and  the  assistants ;  the  expense  also  of  the  new  letters,  which . 
were  all  to  be  cast  in  Alcala,  the  bringing  over  of  able  printers 
from  Germany,  the  printing  itself;  all  these  required  an 
enormous  outlay.  The  sale  price  bore  no  kind  of  proportion 
to  the  expense  of  publication,  for  Ximenez  had  no  more  than 
sixhundred  copies  taken  off,  while  each  copy,  though  consisting 
of  six  folios,  cost  no  more  than  five  ducats  and  a  half.  The 
small  number  of  the  copies  that  were  printed  accounts  for 
the  scarcity  of  the  work  and  the  dearness  of  the  price.  A 
short  time  ago  a  copy  was  sold  in  London  for  £75.  The 
learned  editors  commenced  their  labours  in  the  same  year 
that  the  design  was  conceived  by  the  learned  promoter,  and 
in  twelve  years  the  first  volume,  containing  the  New  Testament, 
appeared.  This  volume  contains  the  whole  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  other  matter,  in  the  following  order  :  It  commences 
by  a  kind  of  preface  in  Greek  and  Latin,  explaining  why  the 
Greek  Text  of  the  New  Testament  has  no  accents.  The  ancient 
Greeks,  as  we  know,  did  not  make  use  of  any  accents,  and 


rllie  University  of  Alcala*  253 

It  appears  that  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  did  not  use 
them  in  their  autographs;  and  the  editors  of  the  Polyglot 
followed  that  ancient  custom,  as  we  are  assured  they  made 
use  of  only  the  most  ancient  and  correct  manuscripts,  which 
Pope  Leo  had  sent  to  serve  as  the  basis  of  the  Greek  text. 
Next  comes  the  order  of  the  Canons,  which  are  ten  in  number. 
In  the  first  are  included  all  those  passages  which  are  found 
in  the  Four  Evangelists;  in  the  second  are  the  passages 
which  are  common  to  St.  Mathew,  St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke. 
Then  there  follow  the  letters  of  St.  Jerome  to  Pope  Damasus 
upon  the  four  Gospels.  After  the  introductory  parts  come 
the  four  Gospels  themselves,  divided  into  two  columns,  the 
largest  of  which  contains  the  Greek  text,  and  the  smallest  the 
Vulgate,  with  references  to  the  margin  of  the  parallel  places 
and  quotations. 

The  division  into  verses  is  wanting  both  in  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament;  but  the  chapters  are  sufficiently  dis- 
tinguished from  each  other  according  to  the  manner  intro- 
ducedby  Cardinal  Hugo  in  the  thirteenth  century.  Two  disserta- 
tions in  Greek  come  after  this  first  part  of  the  New  Testament,, 
treating,  the  one  of  St.  Paul's  journey,  and  the  other  of  the 
chronology  of  his  preaching. 

After  these  come  the  texts  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  closing 
with,  the  Hebrews ;  then  follow  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  with 
two  prologues ;  and  the  Acts  are  followed  by  the  seven 
Catholic  epistles ;  and  last  of  all  is  the  Apocalypse.  At  the 
end  of  the  Apocalypse  of  St.  John  are  added  five  pieces  of 
] H  >etry  upon  the  work  itself  and  upon  Ximenez.  This  volume, 
and  all  other  copies  of  the  work,  though  not  wholly  free  from 
mistakes,  are  yet  very  beautifully  printed.  Each  title  page 
bears  the  arms  of  the  cardinal  in  red  and  black  letters.  The 
characters  are  large  and  clear;  the  Latin  ones  are  made 
according  to  the  Gothic  form,  and  the  Greek  according  to 
the  form  of  letters  used  in  ancient  manuscripts  from  the  ninth 
and  following  centuries.  A  few  months  after  the  first  volume, 
the  second  appeared  in  May,  1514,  to  serve  as  an  introduction 
to  the  edition  of  the  Old  Testament.  It  was  the  work  of  the 
converted  Jew,  Alfonso  Zaneura.  It  contains  a  Hebrew- 
Chaldaic  lexicon  on  the  Old  Testament,  giving  the  various 


2;")  4  The  University  of  Alcald. 

meanings  of  the  words  in  Latin,  and  pointing  out,  at  the 
same  time,  all  the  places  in  the  Bible  where  they  occur ;  s<  > 
that,  by  the  help  of  the  lexicon  and  index,  the  Latin  can  bo 
translated  into  Hebrew  or  Chaldee,  and  vice  versa. 

The  four  following  volumes  are  exclusively  devoted  to 
the  Old  Testament.  The  first  begins  with  a  prologue,  in 
which  an  explanation  is  given  of  the  plan  followed  in  the 
arrangement  of  the  Polyglot,  followed  by  a  dissertation  on 
the  origin  of  the  Septuagint,  upon  the  Hexapla  of  Origen, 
and  the  Biblical  labours  of  St.  Jerome.  Then  comes  a  short 
treatise  on  the  four  different  ways  of  interpreting  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  viz.,  the  historical,  the  allegorical,  the  analogical, 
and  the  moral.  Thus,  whilst  the  "  historical "  gives  the 
literal  sense,  the  three  other  methods  aim  at  the  more  pro- 
found meaning  concealed  under  the  literal  sense;  and  this 
they  discover,  either  in  the  "  moral "  precepts,  or  in  allusions 
to  the  Redemption  ("  allegorical "),  or  in  some  reference  to 
the  Church  in  its  glorious  state  (anagogical  "). 

These  different  modes  of  interpretation  are  well  expressed 
in  the  well  known  lines : — 

"Litera  gesta  docet ;  quid  credis  allcgoria; 
Moralis  quid  agas  ;  quo  tendis  anagogia." 

After  these,  and  a  few  letters  of  introduction,  this  volume 
presents  us  with  the  Pentateuch  in  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and 
({reek,  together  with  three  Latin  translations.  Each  page 
is  divided  horizontally  into  two  sections.  The  higher  section 
is  composed  of  three  parts,  which  include  three  columns ; 
the  lower  section  has  only  two  columns.  The  three  columns 
of  the  higher  section  contain  the  Septuagint,  the  Vulgate, 
and  the  Hebrew  texts. 

The  Vulgate  holds  the  middle  place,  and  the  reason  for 
this  collocation  is  given  in  the  second  preface,  viz.,  that  as 
our  Lord  was  crucified  between  two  thieves,  so  the  Latin 
Church  stands  between  the  Synagogue  and  the  Greek 
Church.  A  good  deal  of  discussion  has  been  raised  over  the 
relative  positions  of  the  three  texts,  but  as  far  as  we  could 
gather,  it  was  the  exterior  arrangement  that  gave  occasion  to 
the  remarks  on  the  relations  of  the  churches,  which  remarks 
were  very  likely  quite  out  of  place.  The  second  volume 


University  of  Alcalde.  255 

contains  the  "books  of  Josue,  Judges,  Ruth,  the  four  books  of 
Kind's,  the  two  books  of  Paralipomenon,  and  the  prayer 
of  Manasses.  The  Vulgate  occupies  its  usual  place  between 
the  Hebrew  and  the  Septuagint. 

The  third  volume  of  the  Old  Testament  includes  the  proto- 
canomcal  and  deutero-canonical  books.  The  Hebrew  text 
in  this  volume  is  wanting  in  all  the  deutero-canonical  books, 
viz.,  Tobias,  Judith,  Wisdom,  and  some  parts  of  Esther. 
Among  the  proto-canonical,  or  Hebrew  books  of  this  volume, 
the  Psalms  have  this  peculiarity,  that  the  Vulgate  is  not,  as 
elsewhere,  placed  by  the  side  of  the  Hebrew  text,  but  comes 
as  an  interlinear  version  to  the  Septuagint,  with  which  it 
corresponds.  The  fourth  and  last  volume  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment contains  Isaias,  Jeremias,  the  Lamentations,  the  three 
books  of  the  Macabees,  the  prayer  of  Ananias,  the  Canticle  of 
the  Three  Children  in  the  Furnace,  the  history  of  Susannah. 

The  third  book  of  Macabees,  not  being  deutero-canonical, 
but  apocryphal,  is  not  in  the  Vulgate ;  and  only  the  books 
that  are  proto-canonical  are  admitted  in  the  Hebrew  text. 
The  last  volume  left  the  press  at  Alcala  on  the  10th  day  of 
July,  1517.  As  soon  as  the  printer  brought  the  last  sheets  to 
the  Cardinal,  raising  his  eyes  to  Heaven,  he  exclaimed  with 
great  joy  :  "  I  give  thee  thanks,  0  Most  High  God,  that  thou 
has  brought  to  the  long- wished  for  end  this  work  which  T 
undertook."  Thus  was  Ximenez  allowed  to  behold  the 
printing  of  his  great  Bible  finished ;  but  four  months  after  he 
died,  November  the  8th,  1517.  The  papal  permission  to 
publish  the  work  appeared  two  years  after.  His  work 
exercised  a  wonderful  influence,  for  most  of  the  editions  of 
the  New  Testament  from  the  sixteenth  century  downwards 
adopted  the  Complutensian  text  entirely  for  their  basis.  For 
two  centuries  its  influence  was  of  a  very  far  reaching 
character  down  to  the  time  that  the  celebrated  Polyglot  of 
Brian  Walton  appeared  towards  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  This  was  followed  by  the  edition  of  Dr.  Fell,  and 
by  the  more  splendid  and  accurate  edition  of  Mill,  published 
at  Oxford  in  1707.  And  though  the  labours  of  Bengol, 
\Yetstem  and  Griesbach  have  thrown  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala, 
in  the  shade  to  some  extent,  it  is  still  upheld  as  the  "  editio 


256  The  University  of  Alcala. 

princeps  "  of  the  New  Testament.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
the  editors  of  the  Complutensian  Bible  had  none  of  the  best 
and  most  ancient  manuscripts,  particularly  that  celebrated 
manuscript,  called  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  which  appears  to  have 
been  written  about  the  fifth  century.  Dr.  Hefele  in  his  life  of 
Ximenez,  has  good  reason  for  supposing  that  the  codex  was 
not  known  to  the  editors  of  the  Bible  of  Alcala. 

It  is  rather  singular  that  the  particular  manuscripts  sent 
from  Rome  cannot  be  discovered,  and  Biblical,  scholars  of  great 
name  assure  us  that  none  of  those  preserved  at  the  Vatican 
served  as  the  basis  for  the  Complutensian  text.  A  thorough 
search  was  made  in  1784  at  Alcala  for  those  precious  docu- 
ments, when  to  the  utter  amazement  of  those  who  prosecuted 
the  inquiry,  they  discovered  that,  as  far  back  as  1749,  the 
then  librarian  had  sold  them  all-  for  waste  paper  !  Through 
the  energy  of  a  Spaniard  named  Martinez,  a  few  scattered 
fragments  were  collected  and  deposited  in  the  library  at 
Alcala.  But  the  house,  where  chairs  were  established  for  the 
whole  circle  of  sciences,  and  to  whose  academic  halls  flocked 
students  from  all  parts  of  the  civilized  world,  with  all  its 
glories,  has  passed  away.  Revolutionary  governments  have 
committed  sad  havoc  with  Alcala.  The  University  was  sup- 
pressed in  1822,  but  re-established  the  following  year,  to  be 
some  time  after,  in  the  year  1836,  transferred  to  Madrid  by  a 
royal  decree,  and  now  forms  what  is  called  the  "  Uiiiversidad 
Central."  Thus  have  all  the  ancient  associations — so  honour- 
able and  glorious  to  Spain — ceased  to  have  any  connexion 
with  the  "  Collegio  Mayor  de  San  Illdefonso  "  in  Alcala.  The 
building  was  sold  to  a  committee,  composed  of  the  principal 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  who  nobly  resolved  to  prevent  its 
entire  destruction,  by  making  some  repairs  which  were 
absolutely  necessary. 

The  beautiful  ceiling  of  the  chapel  has  fallen  in,  and  the 
ancient  lecture-rooms  and  halls  are  completely  stripped  of 
their  furniture  and  ornaments,  though  the  courts  and  front  of 
the  building  are  in  good  condition. 

But  Alcala  must  ever  remain  a  spot  dear,  not  only  to  true 
Spaniards,  who  love  the  memory  of  their  great  prelates,  but 
to  men  of  everv  clime,  who  remember  what  the  arts  and 


The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass.  257 

sciences  o\ve  to  Cardinal  Ximenez.  The  Bible  of  Alcala 
remains  for  all  time  in  honour  and  renown,  and  raises  itself 
aloft  untouched  amidst  the  ruin  and  desolation  which  for 
seventy  years  have  laid  waste  unfortunate  Spain.  Political 
revolutionists  have  destroyed  or  suppressed  those  magnificent 
institutions,  winch  their  illustrious  founders  believed  were 
established  for  ever ;  but  though  they  have  sunk  in  their  own 
ruins,  and  though  we  can  only  read  in  those  torn  monuments 
the  beauty  of  the  past,  the  glorious  name  of  their  founder 
rises  from  their  ashes,  and  the  voice  of  his  great  Polyglot 
proclaims  to  posterity  the  great  mind  of  its  originator  and  his 
undying  love  for  Biblical  pursuits. 

JOHN  DOHENY,  C.C. 


THE  REQUIEM  OFFICE  AND  MASS. 

DIRECTIONS  FOR  CHANTING.1 

AS  all  the  Clergy  assisting  at  a  Requiem  Function  are 
expected  to  take  part  in  the  chanting,  it  has  been 
thought  advisable  to  publish  the  following  general  directions, 
the  better  to  secure  that  "  devout,  distinct,  and  intelligible  " 
discharge  of  this  sacred  duty,  so  strongly  insisted  on  by  the 
Ceremoniale  Episcoporum  (Lib.  2,  cap.  i.,  n.  8,  and  cap.  xxviii., 
n.  12)  and  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  24,  cap.  12,  De 
Reform.) 

I. — General  Directions. 

1.   "CANTABIS   SYLLABAS,   SICUT  PRONUNTIAVERIS." 
This  is  Guidetti's  golden  rule :  SING  THE  WORDS  AS  YOU 
WOULD  READ  THEM.     The  authorised  Chant  for  the  Requiem 
is  now  safely  established  in  this  country,  thanks  to  the  com- 
plete practical  manual,  edited  by  His  Grace  the  Archbishop 

.  1  These  "  Directions  "  were  prepared  quite  recently  for  the  clergy  of 
the  Diocese  of  Dublin,  at  the  request  of  His  Grace  the  Archbishop,  and  we 
are  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  compiler,  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Donnelly, 
Bishop  of  Canea,  for  permission  to  extend  the  benefit  of  them  to  the  clergy 
of  the  whole  country,  through  the  medium  of  the  RECORD. — ED.  I.  E.  R. 

VOL.  VH.  R 


258  The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass. 

of  Dublin.1  The  notation  in  the  old  manual  rendered  the 
observance  of  this  most  important  rule  practically  impossible; 
but  now  that  care  has  been  taken  to  give  accented  notes  only 
to  accented  syllables,  its  observance  has  been  made  most 
easy,  and  the  beauty  of  the  chant  considerably  enhanced. 
In  many  passages  the  number  of  notes  over  single  syllables 
has  been  greatly  diminished,2  and  their  proper  accentuation 
and  delivery  thereby  facilitated. 

2.  Be     careful    always    to     emphasise    in     singing   the 
syllable  which  you  would   emphasise  in  reading.     Let  that 
syllable  be  well  delivered  by  the  voice,  and  then  the   other 
syllables  will  fall  into  the  subordinate  positions  which  they 
occupy  in  the  word. 

3.  Observe   the   pauses   and    breathing  marks.       Never 
drawl  out  final  syllables  :  sing  those  gently. 

4.  In   singing,  keep  united   such  words  as   are    closely 
united  in  meaning,  and  do  not  take  breath  between  words 
that  are  governed  by  or  depend  on  each  other  respectively : 
you  would  not  do  so  if  you  were  reading  them. 

"  CANTABIS  SYLLABAS,  SICUT  PRONUNTIAVERIS." 

5.  Groups  of  notes  over  single  syllables  are  to  be  sung 
together  and  smoothly,  ascending  groups  with  a  crescendo  of 
the  voice  and  descending  groups  with  a  proportionate 
diminuendo,  even  should  the  group  consist  only  of  two  notes. 
Where  an  ascending  and  descending  group  are  united  over 
the  same  syllable  the  same  regulation  of  the  voice  is  to  be 
observed. 

6.  When   a  large   body  is  singing,  as   we  now  suppose, 
it  becomes  most  essential  that  each  one  should  bear  in  mind 


1  Officimn  Defunctorum  et  Ordo  Exsequiarum  pro  adultis  etparvulis,  una  cum 
Missa  et  Absolutione  Defunctorum,  cura  Gulielmi  J.  Walsh,  S.T.D.,  &c.,  &c. 
Dublin!:  Browne  &  Nolan,  1884. 

See  also  his  Grace's  Grammar  of  Gregorian  Music.  (By  the  Very  Rev. 
William  J.  Walsh,  D.D.,  Canon  of  the  Cathedral  Chapter  of  Dublin; 
President,  St.  Patrick's  College,  Maynooth.)  Dublin:  Browne  &  Nolan, 
1885. 

'2For  some  illustration  of  the  extent  to  which  this  improvement  has 
been  effected  in  the  revised,  authentic,  or  Roman  form  of  the  liturgical 
chant,  see  I.  E.  RECORD  (Third  Series)  ;  vol.  iv.  (July  1883),  page  444. 


The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass.  259 

that  he  is  but  one  of  the  body,  and  that  no  matter  how  gifted 
he  may  be  in  voice,  or  in  facility  of  reading  the  Chant,  his 
first  duty  is  to  keep  with  the  rest,  especially  as  the  Gregorian 
Chant  is  not  broken  up  into  measured  time-bars,  nor  is  there 
anyone  who  may  mark  the  rhythm,  as  is  the  case  in  select 
choirs,  where  a  leader  is  appointed  for  the  purpose.  Hence 
St.  Bernard's  rule  of  listening  to  our  neighbours  demands  th:« 
closest  attention : — 

"  SlMUL   CANTEMUS,    SBIUL  PAUSEMUS,  SEMPER  AUSCULTANDO." 

II. — Directions  for  the  use  of  the  New  Manual. 

There  are  a  few  points  to  which  it  is  necessary  to  call 
special  attention,  wherein  the  New  Manual,  containing  the 
authentic  version  of  the  Chant,  differs  from  the  one  hitherto 
in  use. 

1.  In  the  Invitatorium  sing   the  last   syllable  in  Omnia  to 
one  note  instead  of  two. 

2.  The  verses  to  be  sung  by  the  Cantores  should  be  care- 
fully rehearsed  by  them  beforehand. 

3.  The  versicle  Audivi,  with  the  response  Beati  mortui, 
immediately  preceding  the  Antiphon  to  the  Benedictus,  should 
be  sung  as  all  preceding  versicles,  the  voice  only  falling  a 
semitone. 

4.  In  the  Antiphon  to   the   Benedictus   there  is   a  slight 
difference  from  the  old  Cantus,  in  the  notes  assigned  to  the 
words  from  qui  credit,  to  vivet,  inclusive. 

5.  The  Benedictus  should  be  intoned  as  noted,  following 
the   rule    of  the   2nd   mode   regarding    monosyllables   and 
Hebrew  names  in  the  Mediation.     The  fall  of  a  semitone  in 
the  Mediation,  sometimes  incorrectly  made,  should  be  avoided. 
Breath  should  be  taken  at  the  points  marked  by  commas  or 
perpendicular   strokes.     The   universal  rule   of  singing  the 
syllables  as  we  read  them,  will,  if  attended  to,  prevent  the 
undue  accentuation  of  sa  in  salatis,  salutem,  and  of  prepositions 
and  conjunctions  such  as  in,  ad,  per,  etc.,  etc.1 


1  See  the  Grammar  of   Gregorian   Music,  compiled  by  his  Grace  the 
Archbishop,  when  President  of  Maynooth  College;  pages  50  and  181. 


260  The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass. 

6.  In  the  Introit  the  division  of  the  words  between  the 
Cantores  and  the  Clergy  should  be  made  as  follows  :— 

Cantores  :  Requiem  aeteraam 
Clergy :      Dona  eis  .  ,  .  luceat  eis. 
Cantores :  Te  decet .  .  .  Jerusalem  : 
Clergy :       Exaudi     .  .  .  caro  veniet. 

In  the  repetition, 
Cantores :    Requiem  aeternam 
Clergy :       Dona  eis  .  .  .  luceat  eis. 

7.  The  Kyrie  is  sung  alternately  by  Cantores  and  Clergy, 
all  joining  at  the  final  Kyrie.     There  is  a  notable  difference 
from  the  old  version  in  the  descending  passage  on  the  first 
syllable  of  Eleison;  and  in  singing  it,  breath  need  not  be  taken 
"between  e  and  le,  but  the  entire  word  had  better  be  sung  in 
one  breath.     Finally  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  eleison  is  a 
word   of  FOUR   syllables,   e-le-i-son,    and  not   of  three,    e-lei 
(wrongly  pronounced  as  the  English  word  lie)-son. 

8.  Both  Gradual   and   Tract    should  be   sung.      If  there 
be  any  special  reasons  for  omitting  any  portion  of  the  Liturgy 
to   be   chanted,   the    S.R.C.    permits   such   strophes   of    the 
.Dies  Irae  to  be  omitted  as  are  merely  descriptive  and  do  not 
convey  a  prayer,  such  as  all  the  strophes  after  the  first  down 
to  "  Rex  tremendae"     But  the  Gradual  and  Tract  may  not  be 
omitted.     Even  where  the  Cantores  are  not  very  reliable,  it  is 
not  allowable  to  recite  these  portions  of  the  Chant.     But  they 
may  be  sung  to  the  Psalm  Tone  given  in  the  Appendix,  page 
118,  or  the  Gradual  may  be  sung  to  this  Psalm  Tone,  and  the 
Tract  to  its  proper  Chant.     In  the  latter  case  it  should  be 
alternated  between  Cantores  and  Choir ;  the  first  double  bar 
marking  the  entrance  of  the  Clergy,  who  will  continue  down 
to  the  V.  or  versicle,  and  again  come  in  at  the  second  I",  on 
the    words    Et    lucis.        This    Chant   would   require   to    be 
.studied. 

9.  The  present  method  of  alternating  the  Dies  Irae  may 
be  continued,  but  here  attention  must  be  specially  called  to  the 
necessity  of  singing  the  words  as  we  read  them,  as  well  as  to 
the  division  of  the  two  last  strophes  and  to  the  Chant  peculiar 
to  the  final  strophe  which  differs  from  the  old  version. 


The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass.  261 

1.0.  The  Offertory  Chant  is  slightly  altered  and  somewhat 
less  difficult  than  the  old  version,  but  will  require  some 
practice. 

The  division  of  the  words  between  the  Cantores  and  the 
Clergy  may  conveniently  be  made  as  follows : — 

Cantores :  Domine  Jesu  Christe, 
Clergy :       Rex  gloriae  ....  profundo  lacu  : 
Cantores :  Libera  eas    ....  lucem  sanctam : 
Clergy :       Quam  olim  ....  semini  ejus. 
Cantores :  Hostias  et  preces .  ad  vitam. 
Clergy :       Quam  olim   ....  semini  ejus. 

11.  In  the  Sanctus,  please  attend  to  the  inflection  upwards, 
in  the  first  Hosanna.     The  Benedictus  should  be  sung  aft er  the 
Elevation. 

12.  Note  the  response  to  Pax  Domini,  and  the  si  flat  (or, 
as  it  is  sometimes  called,  za),  in  the  Agnus  Dei,  on  the  e  of  eis. 

13.  In  the  Communion  the  division  of  the  words  between 
the   Cantores  and  the  Clergy  may  conveniently  be  made  as 
follows : — 

Cantores :  Lux  aeterna 

Clergy :      Luceat  eis,  Domine, 

Cantores  :  Cum  sanctis  tuis  in  aeternum, 

Clergy :      Quia  pius  es. 

Cantores :  Requiem  aeternam  .  .  .  luceat  eis. 

Clergy :      Cum  sanctis  .  .  .  quia  pius  es. 

14.  In  the  Libera,  the  Cantores   sing  to  the  first  double 
bar ;  the  Clergy  then  sing  to  die  ilia  tremenda  inclusive.     The 
Cantores  resume  at  Quando :  the  Clergy  enter  again  at  Dum 
veneris  (special  attention  should  be  given  to  this  portion  of 
the  Chant).     Thenceforward  as   far  as  the  repetition  of  the 
Libera,  the  Chant  is  alternate,  as  clearly  marked  by  the  double 
bars.     In  the  repetition,  after  the  words,  Libera  me,  Domine, 
have  been  intoned  by  the  Cantores,  the  remainder  should  be 
sung  right  through  by  Cantores  and  Clergy  unitedly. 

15.  At  the  In  Paradisum,  the  Clergy  join  after  the  first 
colon,  and  sing  the  words  in  tuo   adventu,  down  to  Jerusalem 
inclusive:  they  again  join  after  the  next  comma,  and  sing 
et  cum  Lazaro  to  the  end. 


262  The  Requiem  Office  and  Mass. 

III. — The  Recitation  of  the  Psalms. 

1.  The  first  rule  to  be  observed  is  to  pronounce  all  the 
words  distinctly. 

Where  a  number  unite  in  reciting  the  Office,  they  must 
necessarily  read  it  somewhat  less  quickly  than  when  reading 
it  in  private.  To  secure,  ari.  uniform  and  devout  recitation 
we  must  observe  St.  Berjiai;d'£  rule  : — • 

"SlMUL  CANTEMUS,  SIMUL- PAFSEMUS,  SEMPER  AUSCULTANDO." 

All  should  be  on  the  alert  to  listen  to  their  neighbour's 
reading ;  then  the  ear  will  very  soon  fall  in  with  the  rhythmic 
•beat  of  the  Psalm  verse,  and  make  one  hundred  voices  read 
as  one. 

2.  OBSERVE  THE  PAUSES.      These  pauses  occur  princip- 
ally at  the  asterisk,  and  at  the  end  of  each  verse.     They  are 
sometimes  wrongly  interpreted  to  mean  a  drawling  out  of  the 
final  syllables.     This  is  not  their  meaning.     By  a  pause  is 
here  meant  a  perceptible  interval  of  silence,  and  not  a  prolong- 
ation  of  sound.      If  the  pauses  are  attended  to,  the  recitation 
of  the  Psalms  will  be  both  united  and  edifying. 

3.  Whilst   observing    the  Pauses,   both   at  the  asterisk, 
and  at  the  close  of  each  verse,  one  should  not  be  content  to 
observe  the  required  interval  of  silence  for  himself  alone,  but 
should  wait  and  see  that  all  have  similarly  paused,  so  that  all 
may  commence  together  the. next  portion  of  the  Text. 

"  SlMUL  PAUSEMUS,  SEMPER  AUSCULTANDO." 

This  point  cannot  be  too  emphatically  insisted  upon, 
it  is  indeed  manifest  that  the  want  of  advertence  to  it  is  the 
main,  if  not  the  sole,  cause  of  the  apparent  want  of  decorum 
which  sometimes  mars  the  devotional  effect  of  the  recitation 
of  the  Psalms  at  the  Office  of  the  Dead. 

The  prescribed  pause  or  brief  interval  of  silence,  is  usually 
observed,  no  doubt,  by  each  individual  member  of  the  body, 
for  himself.  But  notwithstanding  this,  there  is  no  interval  of 
silence  as  regards  the  body  engaged  in  the  recitation. "  The 
observance  of  the  pause  in  this,  the  sense  in  which  it  is  pre- 
scribed, can  never,  in  fact,  be  fully  secured,  so  long  as  any 
Individual  member  of  the  body  begins  or  resumes  his  recita- 


-The  Conditions  required  for  gaining  the  present  Jubilee.     2G3 

tion  of  a  verse  or  portion  of  a  verse  before  the  recitation  of 
the  preceding  portion  has  been  completed  by  the  general 
body,  and  the  prescribed  brief  interval  of  silence  has 
intervened. 

In  choral  recitation,  then,  no  one,  at  one  side  of  the 
choir,  should  begin  a  verse  of  the  Psalm  until  the  recitation 
of  the  preceding  verse,  by  the  other  side  of  the  choir,  has  ceased. 

And  no  one  should  resume  the  recitation  after  the  asterisk, 
in  the  middle  of  a  verse,  until  ALL  at  his  side  of  the  choir 
HAVE  COMPLETED  the  recitation  of  the  words  preceding  the 
asterisk. 

In  this  way  only  can  the  observance  of  the  prescribed 
pauses,  or  intervals  of  silence,  be  secured. 

The  pause,  provided  it  be  a  real  one,  may  be  as  brief 
as  possible. 

From  all  this  it  will  be  seen  how  sadly  destructive  of 
the  suitable  recitation  of  the  Psalms  is  the  practice,  some- 
times to  be  met  with,  eepecially  among  persons  of  untrained 
musical  ear,  of  drawling  out  the  last  syllable  before  the  asterisk 
and  at  the  end  of  the  verse. 


THE   CONDITIONS    REQUIRED   FOR    GAINING  THE 
PRESENT  JUBILEE. 

IT  will  not  be  considered  out  of  place  to  set  down  briefly 
the  conditions  required  for  gaining  the  present  Jubilee. 

The  conditions  are  six  in  number.  They  must  be  fulfilled 
within  the  period  for  which  the  Jubilee  is  granted,  that  is, 
during  the  present  year;  1886.  But  there  is  no  particular 
order  to  be  observed  in  the  performance  of  the  prescribed 
works ;  the  fasting,  for  instance,  may  come  in  the  first,  or 
second,  or  last  place,  and  so,  too,  with  the  other  conditions. 

In  order  to  gain  the  Jubilee  one  must  of  course  be  in  the 
state  of  grace  when  performing  the  last  condition,  whichever 
that  be. 

The  conditions  need  not  all  be  fulfilled  in  the  same  parish 


264     The  Conditions  required  far  gaining  the  present  Jubilee. 

or  diocese.  It  is  only  necessary  that  each  condition  be  com- 
plied with  in  accordance  with  the  regulations  made  for  the 
purpose  by  the  Bishop  of  the  place  where  the  work  is 
done. 

Confessors  are  empowered  to  commute  into  other  pious 
works  all  or  any  of  the  conditions  which  their  penitents  are 
legitimately  hindered  from  fulfilling. 

The  following  are  the  conditions  prescribed  :— 

First  Condition — Six  visits  to  the  churches  or  church 
appointed  for  the  purpose  by  the  Bishop  or  his  deputy. 

Public  oratories  or  chapels  may  be  appointed  for  the 
Visits,  provided  they  are  used  for  public  service,  and  Mass 
is  wont  to  be  celebrated  in  them.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
appoint  the  cathedra],  or  the  principal  church  of  the 
place. 

The  churches  or  chapels  to  be  visited  must  be  appointed 
for  the  purpose  by  the  Bishop  or  Vicar,  or  by  one  having  the 
pastoral  charge,  and  deputed  by  the  Ordinary  to  appoint  them. 

The  Bishop  or  his  deputy  will  appoint  three,  or  two,  or 
only  one  church  for  the  visits,  considering  in  his  arrange- 
ments the  convenience  of  the  people. 

Where  three  churches  are  appointed,  two  visits  must  be 
paid  to  each  of  the  three,  where  two  are  appointed,  each  of 
them  is  to  be  visited  three  times,  and  where  only  one  is 
named,  the  six  visits  are  to  be  paid  to  it. 

Bishops  are  allowed  to  diminish  the  number  of  visits  in 
favour  of  Chapters,  Congregations,  either  regular  or  secular, 
Sodalities,  Confraternities,  Universities,  and  Colleges,  making 
their  visit  processionally  (processionaliter).  The  faithful  in 
general  who  join  in  the  processions  of  those  bodies  to  the 
church,  or  who  visit  the  church  processionally  under  the 
leadership  of  the  parish-priest,  or  another  priest  deputed  by 
liim,  participate  in  this  privilege. 

The  visit  must  be  made  to  the  appointed  church ;  a  visit 
to  a  corridor  or  private  oratory  commanding  a  view  of  the 
interior  of  the  church  would  not  suffice. 

The  visits  may  be  made  on  the  same  or  different  days. 

The  visits  are  considered  separate  and  distinct  visits,  if 


The  Conditions  required  for  gaining  the  present  Jubilee.     265 

one  leaves  the  church  and  enters  it  immediately  again;  but 
this  much  at  least  is  necessary.1 

It  is,  however,  generally  held  that  when  one  goes  to  the 
church  for  confession  or  communion,  or  even  to  hear  a  Mass 
of  obligation,  a  Jubilee  visit  may  be  made  on  the  occasion 
without  leaving  the  church. 

Those  who  are  journeying  by  sea  or  land  are  privileged 
to  make  the  visits  to  the  principal  or  parish  church,  when 
they  return  home,  or  arrive  at  a  resting  place. 

The  visits  should  be  made  with  devotion  ;  but  for  this  it 
is  not  considered  necessary  that  the  person  should  recite 
prayers,  or  observe  silence,  whilst  on  his  way  to  the  church. 
It  will  suffice  to  observe  the  two  conditions  laid  down 
by  Benedict  XIV.,  namely,  that  one  in  making  the  visits 
should  go  "  modeste"  and  that  he  should  perform  the  action 
"  animo  exhibendi  honorem  Deo  aut  Sanctis  ejus" 

Second  Condition — Prayers  to  be  said  during  each  visit 
according  to  the  intention  of  the  Holy  Father  for  the  follow- 
ing objects : — • 

(a)  For    the   prosperity  and  exaltation   of  the   Catholic 
Church  and  of  the  Holy  See. 

(b)  For  the  extirpation  of  heresies,  and  for  the  conversion 
of  all  who  are  in  error. 

(c)  For  concord  among  Christian  princes,  and  for  peace 
and  union  among  all  the  faithful. 

An  actual  explicit  knowledge  of  the  objects  specified  by 
the  Pope  is  not  necessary  at  the  time  when  the  prayers  are 
being  said.  It  will  certainly  suffice  if  the  prayers  are  offered 
in  general  terms  for  the  intentions  of  the  Pope,  provided  the 
person  who  makes  this  offering  has  previously  had  an  explicit 
knowledge  of  the  objects  which  the  Pope  proposes. 

The  prayers  must  be,  according  to  the  most  common 
opinion,  vocal.  They  are  to  be  recited  on  the  occasion  of 
each  visit,  and  to  continue  for  some  time  "  aliquamdiu."  The 
precise  length  of  the  prayers  is  not  fixed,  but  writers 

1  S.  Poenitentiaria,  6  Feb.,  1875. 

2  Bullarium,  Constit.  Inter praeteritos. 


266      The  Conditions  required  for  gaming  tlie  present  Jubilee. 

commonly  agree  that  five -Paters  and  five  Aves1  will  suffice, 
or  other  prayers  of  an  equivalent  length.  No  special  prayers 
for  the  occasion  are  prescribed. 

Third  Condition — Strict  fast  to  be  observed  on  two  days 
which  shall  not  be  those  days  excluded  from  the  Lenten 
Indult,  or  otherwise  of  obligation  as  similarly  strict  fasting 
days  by  the  law  of  the  Church. 

•  The  Pope  allows  the  fast  to  be  observed  in  Lent, 
except  on  those  days  to  which  the  Lenten  Indult  does 
not  extend,  that  is,  the  days  of  black  fast.  The  Ember  days 
or  Quarter  Tense  are  also  specially  excepted;  on  them  the 
Jubilee  fast  cannot  be  observed.  (S.  Poenitentia,  15  Jan.,  1886.) 

The  fast  is  to  be  a  strict  fast.  But  in  places  where  it  is 
difficult  to  provide  a  reasonably  good  and  substantial  meal 
with  the  fare  allowed  on  black  fasting  days,  the  Bishops  are 
privileged  to  permit  the  use  of  eggs  and  lacticinia  or 
whitemeats  (butter,  cheese,  milk,  &c.)  This  is  the  case,  we 
presume,  in  Ireland.  Such  was  the  conviction  of  Cardinal 
Cullen,  when  on  the  occasion  of  the  Jubilee  of  1869,  he  applied 
for  and  obtained  a  similar  privilege  for  Ireland  on  the  ground 
that  "  ob  defectum  olei,  fructuum,  et  etiam  leguminum,  in 
Hibernia,  difficile  omnino  esset  ac  fere  impossibile  ut  maxima 
pars  populi  adimplere  posset  conditionem  jejunandi  solis 
cibis  cjuadragesimalibus  ad  effectum  Jubilaei  lucrandi." 

Since  the  fast  is  prescribed  as  a  condition,  it  must  be 
observed  by  all  who  would  gain  the  Jubilee,  even  by  those 
who  are  excused  from  the  ordinary  fasts  of  the  Church, 
ratione  aetatis,  laboris,  valetudinis,  etc.  Confessors,  however, 
are  empowered  to  commute  the  fasting  into  some  convenient 
pious  work  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  legitimately 
hindered  from  observing  it.  This  power  is  also  given, 
to  confessors  in  regard  to  the  other  conditions  or  any  part 
of  them  which  their  penitents  cannot  fulfil. 

Fourth  Condition. — Confession.  Sacramental  Confession, 
being  prescribed  as  a  condition,  is  necessary  for  all,  even  for 

1  Five  Paters  and  five  Aves  are  the  prayers  appointed  by  Gregory  XIII. 
in  his  Bull,  '•  Quanta  in  vinea  Domini:'1 


Tlic  Conditions  required  for  gaining  the  present  Jubilee.     267 

those  in  the  state  of  grace,  who  would  gam  the  Jubilee. 
(Prinzivalli.  n.  ccxli.) 

The  Jubilee  Confession  must  be  distinct  from  the  Annual 
Confession. 

The  Sacred  Penitentiary  has  frequently  declared,  and  most 
recently  in  the  Instructions  for  the  present  Jubilee,  published 
on  the  19th  January,  1886,  that  one  cannot  fulfil  the  Paschal 
precept,  and  gain  the  Jubilee,  by  one  Confession  and  Com- 
munion :  "  Una  eademque  Confessione  et  Communione  non 
posse  satisfieri  praecepto  paschali  et  simul  acquiri  Jubilaeum." 
(S.  Poenitentia,  19  Jan.,  1886.) 

But  it  will  be  asked  whether  one  may 'not  comply  with 
his  Paschal  duty  and  also  gain  the  Jubilee  by  one  Confession 
arid  two  Communions  made  within  the  Paschal  term,  seeing 
that  it  is  not  a  Paschal  but  an  annual  Confession  that  is  of 
obligation  I 

We  have  no  doubt  that  this  would  meet  both  purposes ; 
but  this  one  Confession  would  not  suffice  to  gain  the  Jubilee 
and  discharge  the  obligation  of  annual  Confession.  To 
discharge  this  obligation  a  second  Confession  would  be 
necessary  sometime  within  the  year.  This  case  was  actually 
laid  before  the  Sacred  Penitentiary  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Jubilee  of  1875,  and  answered  in  this  sense : — 

Quaer. — "  Ex  S.  Poenitentiariae  responsione  certum  est  haud 
satis  tieri  posse  praecepto  pascliali  et  Jubilaeum  lucrari  unica  confessione 
et  unica  communione  ;  potestne  iinns  et  alter  attingi  finis  duabus  com- 
munionibus  et  uriica  confessione  ?" 

Resp. — "  Affirmative  ;  firma  tamen  remanente  obligatione  satis-* 
faciendiysi  non  quis  satisfecerit  praecepto  annuae  confession™. 

If  one  should  fall  into  mortal  sin  after  having  made  his 
Confession,  and  before  complying  with  the  last  of  the  Jubilee 
conditions,  a  second  Confession  will  be  necessary,  and  mere 
contrition  will  not  suffice.  (Benedict  XIV.  Bullarium. 
Convocatis,  n.  xlvii.) 

It  would  not  be  necessary  in  this  case  to  repeat  any  of  tha 
other  conditions. 

Fifth,  Condition — Communion.  With  regard  to  this  condi- 
tion it  is  only  necessary  to  say  (a)  that  a  sacrilegious 
Communion  will  not  suffice ;  (b)  that  it  must  be  distinct  from 


268      7  he  Conditions  required  for  gaining  the  present  Jubilee. 

the  paschal  Communion ;  and  (c)  that  confessors  have  power  to 
dispense  in  this  condition  with  children  who  have  not  yet 
made  their  first  Communion. 

Sixth  Condition. — A  donation,  according  to  one's  means,  to 
some  pious  work  relating  to  the  propagation  and  growth 
of  the  Catholic  faith — "  Stip*emque  aliquam,  pro  sua 
quisque  facilitate,  adhibito  in  concilium  Confessario,  in 
aliquod  pium  conferant  opus,  quod  ad  propagation ern  et 
incrementum  fidei  Catholicae  pertineat."  Each  one  is  free 
to  choose  a  pious  work  answering  to  this  description  ;  but 
the  Pope  recommends  two  objects  as  specially  suitable, 
namely,  Private  Schools  for  Boys,  and  the  Ecclesiastical 
Seminaries. 

The  words  used  in  describing  this  condition  for  the 
present  Jubilee  are  notably  different  from  those  used  on 
occasions  of  former  Jubilees. 

1°.  In  former  Jubilees  people  were  usually  required  to 
give  a  something — whatever  their  devotion  prompted.  Thus 
in  the  Jubilee  of  1869,  proclaimed  by  Pius  IX.,  the  condition 
was  "pauperibus  aliquam  eleemosynam,  prout  unicuique 
devotio  suggeret,  erogaverint ;"  and  again,  in  the  Jubilees 
proclaimed  by  the  present  Pope  in  1879  and  1881,  the  con- 
dition was  to  give  a  something  according  to  the  promptings 
of  one's  piety.  Now  the  wording  is  changed,  and  one  is 
required  to  contribute  according  to  one's  means,1  and  the 
Confessor  is  mentioned  as  the  person  whose  direction,  in  case 
of  doubt,  is  to  be  sought  as  to  the  fulfilment  of  this  condition. 

2.  In  Jubilees  previous  to  that  of  1879,  it  was  usual  to 
prescribe  the  donation  as  alms  to  be  given  to  the  poor ;  but 
in  the  Jubilee  of  1879  the  present  Pope  assigned  an  alterna- 
tive object,  namely,  "  the  poor  or  some  pious  work,"  (in 
pauperes  vel  in  pium  aliquod  opus).  In  the  Jubilee  of  1881 
the  object  was  limited  to  "  the  pious  work,"  and  in  the 
present  Jubilee  the  object  of  the  contribution  is  limited  to 
"  some  pious  work  relating  to  the  propagation  and  growth 
of  the  Catholic  faith."  As  we  said,  one  is  free  to  choose  any 
good  work  answering  the  above  description,  but  the  Holy 

1  See  decision  of  S.  Poenit,  n.  viii.,  pp.  278-279. 


Theological  Questions.  269 

Father  specially  recommends  two  works,  viz.,  Private  Schools 
for  Boys  and  Ecclesiastical  Seminaries. 

This  Jubilee  can  be  gained  as  often  as  the  person  com- 
plies with  the  prescribed  conditions  within  the  present  year. 

The  Jubilee  indulgence  is  applicable,  per  modum  suffragii, 
to  the  souls  in  purgatory. 

We  print  among  the  documents  the  extract  from  the 
Encyclical  Letter,  "  Pontifices  Maximi"  which  contains  the 
Special  Faculties  given  to  confessors  for  the  purposes  of  the 
Jubilee. 

Confessors  are  allowed  to  exercise  those  Special  Faculties 
only  once  in  favour  of  a  penitent,  and  they  cannot  make 
use  of  them  at  all  in  favour  of  a  penitent  who  does  not 
intend  to  perform  the  works  prescribed  for  gaining  the 
Jubilee. 

We  also  publish  among  the  documents  the  decisions  of 
the  Sacred  Penitentiary  regarding  the  present  Jubilee,  and 
various  decisions  given  on  occasions  of  former  Jubilees, 
which  may  serve  to  throw  light  on  cases  of  difficulty. 

ED.  I.  E.  R. 


THEOLOGICAL  QUESTIONS. 

DIOCESAN  REGULATIONS  REGARDING  MASSES  FOR  DECEASED 

PRIESTS. 

"  In  a  recent  number  of  the  RECORD  it  is  laid  down  as  certain, 
that  in  a  case  where  the  Bishop  told  his  priests  at  a  Conference, 
explaining  as  it  appeared,  an  existing  regulation,  that  they  were 
bound  to  celebrate  three  Masses  for  every  deceased  fellow-priest,  there 
is  a  grave  obligation  of  applying  three  Masses  for  every  deceased 
priest  of  the  diocese  or  deanery,  as  the  case  may  be.  These  Masses 
are  declared  to  be  thus  obligatory,  under  the  authority  of  diocesan 
legislation. 

"  Now  many  theologians  hold  that  a  Bishop,  though  he  can 
command  the  celebration,  cannot  command  the  application  of  Mass. 
Lacroix  holds  that  he  can  command  the  particular  application  of 
s,  but  only  in  urgent  public  necessity — '  Potestque  etiam  Episcopus 


270  Theological  Questions. 

Sacerdotibus  saecularibus  imponere  applicationem  Missarum,  si  sit 
causa,  et  necessitas  publica  urgens,  Pasq.  q.  180.' — Lib.  vi.,  Pars, 
ii.  214.  Lchmkuhl,  who  is  of  opinion  that  Bishops  have  this  power, 
states  that  it  ought  to  be  very  rarely  used,  since,  as  he  says,  the 
{Sovereign  Pontiff,  although  he  can,  is  not  accustomed  to  command 
such  application  of  Masses.— -Vol.  ii.  p.  153. 

"  There  is  no  urgent  public  necessity  in  the  present  case  ;  and 
adhering  to  the  principle  that  mortal  sins  are  not  to  be  multiplied  or 
presumed  praeter  necessitatem,  I  should  be  slow  to  admit  here  an 
obligation  sub  gravi.  In  the  Society  of  Jesus  there  are  constitutions 
directing  such  Masses  for  deceased  members,  and  of  their  obligation 
Lacroix  thus  writes  : — '  Missae  pro  defunctis  ejusdem  Ordinis 
(societatis  Jesu)  sive  inducantur  per  generales  constitutiones  Ordinis, 
sive  ex  Superiorum  praescripto,  non  obligant  sub  mortali,  quia  ista 
tantum  habent  rationem  simplicis  mandati,  nisi  accedat  praeceptum 
obedientiae.' — Lib.  vi.  n.  169.  Of  course  this  does  not  go  to  show 
that  Religious  Superiors  could  not  impose  such  an  obligation  under 
.sin ;  but  if  it  has  been  deemed  wise  not  to  bind  the  members  of  the 
^Society  under  the  obligation  of  sin  in  this  matter,  I  do  not  think  we 
are  constrained  to  presume  it  in  diocesan  laws  or  regulations.  Neither 
am  I  inclined  to  admit  that  such  an  obligation  is  imposed  on  a 
priest,  because  he  does  not  disclaim  it  before  the  assembled  Con- 
ference. In  many  such  cases  '  silence  is  golden.'  Piety,  fra  ternal 
charity,  mutual  fidelity  will  in  almost  every  case,  ensure  the  fulfilment 
of  this  opus  mag ni  amoris. — E. 

We  share  in  our  respected  correspondent's  aversion  from 
multiplying  mortal  sin,  orr  indeed,  the  occasion  of  any  sin, 
without  necessity.  It  was  under  this  feeling  that  we  argued 
against  the  opinion  of  a  previous  correspondent  who  advocated 
the  existence  of  a  grave  obligation  in  justice.  The  difficulty 
of  interfering  in  the  application  of  Masses  as  inferential  from 
the  Church's  own  forbearance  was  the  chief  point  in  our 
reasoning.  It  seemed  to  justify  us  in  confining  the  obliga- 
tion, but  not  in  setting  it  aside.  Indeed  we  were,  and  are 
surer  of  the  obligation  than  of  its  restriction.  All  of  course 
admit  that  a  bishop  cannot  indiscriminately  order  priests  to 
apply  their  Masses  for  purposes  named  by  him ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  such  theologians  as  discuss  the  point  with 
practical  unanimity,  hold  that  he  may  command  the 
application  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice  under  certain  special 
circumstances.  Now  if  a  prelate  undertakes  to  make 


Theological  Questions.  271 

a  law  on  the  subject  in  connection  with  Masses  for 
deceased  priests,  we  certainly  should  not  feel  at  liberty  to 
overlook  this  duty  on  the  ground  that  he  has  exceeded 
his  powers  as  legislator  and  administrator.  The  example  of 
the  Jesuits  will  not  shake  the  certainty  of  this  obligation. 
'How  many  things  are  wisely  left  free  in  the  great  Society 
which  might  be  imposed  under  penalty  ?  What  it  may  be 
wise  to  exempt  from  obligation  in  case  of  those  who  cannot 
receive  honoraria,  it  may  also  be  true  wisdom  to  impose  under 
strict  precept  on  those  who  are  at  liberty  to  receive  such 
stipends  for  private  use.  Besides,  our  correspondent  knows 
very  well,  and  indeed  states,  that  Religious  Superiors  can 
demand  the  application  of  Masses  from  their  subjects, 
according  to  the  rules  of  each  particular  Order. 

It  is  right  to  add  the  reason  why  we  hold  that  a  secular 
prelate  can  legislate  on  the  matter  in  question.  Our  cor- 
respondent quotes  Lacroix  with  approval.  Well,  the 
hypothesis  under  discussion  has  the  advantage  of  contem- 
plating an  arrangement  which  is  entirely  for  the  good  of  the 
priests  themselves,  inasmuch  as  each  celebrant  will  have  on 
the  average  the  benefit  of  as  many  Masses  as  he  is  bound  to 
apply  for  others.  This  is  not  so  in  the  one  case  which 
Lacroix  casually  mentions.  Nor  is  there  any  absence  of 
grave  spiritual  necessity  for  a  diocesan  law  requiring  Masses 
fpr  deceased  priests.  What  else  has  placed  a  regulation  of 
this  kind  among  the  statutes  of  so  many  dioceses,  but  the 
public  sense  of  its  being  absolutely  required  to  make 
certain,  and  secure  the  priesthood  in  the  conviction,  that 
whether  one  die'  poor  or  rich,  young  or  advanced  in  years, 
friendless  or  surrounded  by  a  throng  of  sorrowing  brethren, 
the  Holy  Sacrifice  will  be  offered  without  fail  on  many  altars 
to  relieve  his  sufferings?  "Piety,  fraternal  charity,  and 
mutual  fidelity  "  will  do  a  good  deal ;  but  without  the  tie  of 
a  diocesan  regulation  they  bind  us  no  more  to  the  majority  of 
our  fellow  priests  in  this  matter,  than  to  many  poor  creatures 
among  our  parishioners  who  die  without  anyone  to  say  Mass 
for  them.  Yet  a  priest  who  can  always  have  honoraria,  will 
generally  consider  that  a  memento,  once  or  oftener,  is  sufficient 
discharge  of  his  obligations  to  the  latter,  and  should  be  justified 


272  Theological  Questions. 

in  acting  likewise  by-  many  deceased  fellow  priests  if  diocesan 
law  did  not  interpose  its  weight.  Where  it  does  interfere  by 
compelling  him  to  thrice  forego  a  honorarium  and  celebrate 
Mass  for  another  purpose,  we  cannot  think  that  his  obligation 
is  anything  short  of  grave. 

The  "Diocesan  Statutes"  just  at  hand  are  those  of 
Cloyne  and  Ross,  published  in  1847.  It  may  be  well  to 
subjoin  what  they  state  on  this  subject : — 

"  Sancta  et  salubris  est  cogitatio  pro  defimctis  exorare  ut  a 
peccatis  solvantur.  Cum  ergo  omnino  conveniat  eos  qui  in  eaclem 
vinea  laborant  seipsos  invicem  fraterna  caritate  prosequi,  praecipmius 
ut,  mortuo  episcopo,  decem  Missae  a  singulis  Presbyteris  pro  ejus 
animae  requie  celebrentur.  Pro  defuncto  Vicario  Generali,  quinque 
Missae,  et  mortuo  alio  quocumque  hujusce  Diocesis  Sacerdote,  tres 
Missae  celebrentur.  Et  ne  tarn  sacrum  et  magni  momenti  munus 
negligatur,  mandamus  in  Domino,  ut  hae  Missae  celebrentur,  quam 
primum  commode  fieri  poterit,  post  mortem  uniuscuj  usque  ex  clericis 
praedictis." 

The  "Dublin  Diocesan  Synod"  does  not  demand  so  much, 
but  uses  language  of  still  greater  force — "  Strictissime 
jubemus" 


HONORARIUM — A  CASE  OF  DOUBT. 

"  On  reading  over  the  interesting  article  in  a  recent  number  of  the 
RECORD  by  Father  Livius,  on  a  Priest  saying  Mass  privately  for  a 
deceased  Protestant,  it  occurred  to  me  to  ask  the  following : — 
A  priest  attending  a  sick  person  receives  an  intention  to  say  Mass 
for  him,  but  canno,t  do  so  until  after  the  lapse  of  nine  or  ten  days  ; 
at  the  end  of  that  time  he  is  about  to  say  Mass,  but  does  not  know 
whether  the  sick  person  is  alive  or  dead  :  how  is  he  to  offer  the  Mass, 
or  with  what  intention  ?  An  answer  in  the  next  number  of  the 
RECORD  will  oblige." 

The  Mass  is  offered  up  for  the  donor's  benefit,  spiritual 
and  corporal  if  alive,  spiritual  alone  if  dead.  The  priest,  in 
the  case  made,  was  bound  to  explain  that  he  could  not  say 
Mass  within  the  time  above  named,  if  he  had  reason  to  believe 
that  the  patient  desired  to  have  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice 
before  the  lapse  of  that  period.  The  sick,  very  properly, 
are  anxious  about  immediate  celebration.  P.  O'D. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 
THE  LATIN  ORDO. 

"Some  time  ago,  I  noticed  a  letter  in  Ihe  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL 
RECORD,  urging  that,  in  future  issues  of  the  •'  Directory,'  Mr.  Duffy 
should  omit  the  mass  of  matter  which  he  inserts  after  the  i  Directory ' 
proper,  and  make  the  remainder  of  suitable  size  for  carrying  about. 

"  To  missionary  priests,  especially  in  country  districts,  it  is  most 
desirable  that  the  '  Directory '  should  contain  no  information  either 
needless  or  burdensome,  and  assume  an  easily  portable  form,  as  they 
often  find  it  convenient  to  have  the  Or  do  Officii  with  them  upon  their 
rounds  of  duty.  They  have  now  either  to  carry  the  bulky  volume 
itself,  copy  the  required  information,  or  tear  out  the  leaf  containing 
the  desired  instructions. 

"  The  inconvenience  attending  each  of  these  methods  needs  no  point- 
ing out ;  and,  as  the  suggestion  of  your  former  correspondent  on  this 
matter  has  not  been  much  heeded,  it  might  not  be  useless  to  recom- 
mend that  the  priests  of  the  country  give  public  expression  to  their 
opinion  on  the  advisability  and  propriety  of  having  the  work,  whose 
object  is  to  direct  us  what  Office  to  say,  and  what  Mass  to  celebrate,, 
crammed  with  advertisements  and  lists  of  books,  and  that,  if  the 
compilation  continue  to  be  published,  in  its  present  objectionable 
form,  we  consider  how  we  can  make  our  protest  more  practical.-— 
J.  J.  D." 


DOCUMENTS. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  ENCYCLICAL,  "PONTIFICES  MAXIMI," 
CONTAINING  THE  SPECIAL  FACULTIES  GRANTED  TO 
CONFESSORS  FOR  THE  PURPOSE  OF  THE  PRESENT  JUBILEE. 

IN  the  Encyclical,  Quod  Auctoritate  of  the  2 2nd  of 
December,  1885,  proclaiming  the  present  Jubilee,  the- 
Holy  Father  tells  us  that  the  Special  Faculties  granted  to 
Confessors  for  the  purpose  of  this  Jubilee  are  the  same  as 
were  granted  by  the  Encyclical,  Pontifices  Maximi,  of  the 
15th  of  February,  1879 ;  and  we  are  referred  to  this  latter 

k document  to  learn  from  it  the  nature  and  extent  of  those 
VOL.  VII.  S 


274  Documents. 

Faculties.  It  is  then  important  for  Confessors  to  have  before 
them  the  extract  from  the  "Pontifices  Maximi"  to  which  they 
are  referred,  and  accordingly  we  reprint  it  for  the  convenience 
of  our  subscribers  : — 

"  Insuper  omnibus  et  singulis   Christi  fidelibus  tam  laicis  quam 
Ecclesiasticis,    saecularibus    et     regularibus,    cujusvis    Ordinis    et 
Instituti    etiam    specialiter     nominandi,    licentiam    concedimus    et 
facultatem,  ut    sibi  ad  hunc  effeetum  eligere  possint   quemcumque 
presbyterura  Confessarium,    tam   saecularem     quam    regularem,    ex 
nctu  approbatis  (qua  facultate  uti  possint  etiam  Mortiales,  Novitiae, 
aliaeque   mulieres   intra  claustra    degentes,   dummodo    Confessarius 
approbatus  sit  pro  Monialibus)  qui  eosdem  vel  easdem  intra  dictum 
temporis  spatium,  ad   confessionem  apud  ipsum    peragendam  acce- 
dentes  animo  praesens  Jubilaeum  consequendi,  et  reliqua  opera  ad 
illud  lucrandnm  necessaria  adimplendi,  hac  vice  et  in  foro  conscientiae 
dumtaxat,  ab  excommunicationis,  suspensionis  et  aliis  Ecclesiasticis 
sententiis  et  censuris,  a  jure  vel  ab  homine  quavis  de  causa  latis  sen 
inflictis,    etiam    Ordinariis    locorum  et  Nobis  seu  Sedi  Apostolicae, 
etiam  in  casibus  cuicumque  ac  Sumrao  Pontifici  et  Sedi  Apostolicae 
speciali  licet  modo  reset*  vatis,  et  qui  alias  in  concessione  quantumvis 
ampla  non  intelligerentur  concessi,  nee  non  ab  omnibus  peccatis  et  ex- 
<'essibus  quantumcumquegravibuset  enormib us, etiam  iisdem  Ordinariis 
ac  Nobis  et  Sedi  Apostolicae,  ut  praefertur,  reservatis,  injuucta  ipsis 
poenitentia  salutari   aliisque    de   jure  injungendis,  et  si  de  haeresi 
agatur,     abjuratis    prius    et    retractatis    erroribus,    prout    de  jure, 
absolvere  ;  nee  non  vota  quaecumque  etiam  jurata  ac  Sedi  Apostolicae 
reservata  (castitatis,  religionis,  et  obligationis,  quae  a  tertio  acceptata 
fuerint,  seu  in  quibus  agatur  de  praejudicio  tertii  semper  exceptis, 
nee  non  poenalibus,  quae  praeservativa,  a  peccato  ntincupantur,  nisi 
€ommutatio    futura   judicetur   ejusmodi,    ut   non   minus    a    peccato 
committendo   refrenet,    quam   prior   voti   materia),    in    alia   pia   et 
salutaria  opera  comnmtare,  et  cum  poenitentibus  hujusmodi  in  sacris 
ordinibus  constitutis,  etiam  regularibus,  super  occulta  irregularitate, 
ad   exercitium  eorumdem  ordinum,  et    ad  superiorum  assecntionem 
ol)  censurarum  violationem  dumtaxat  contracta,  dispensare  possit  et 
valeat. 

%<Non  intendimus  autem  per  praesentes  super  alia  quavis  irregu- 
laritate sive  ex  delicto  sive  ex  defectu,  vel  publica  vel  occulta,  aut 
nota,  aliave  incapacitate  aut  inhabilitate  quoquomodo  contracta 
dispensare,  vel  aliquam  facultatem  tribuere  super  praemissis  dispen- 
sandi  seu  habilitandi,  et  in  pristinum  statum  restituendi  etiam  in  foro 


Documents.  275 

'Oonscicntiae ;  neque  ctmm  clerogare  Constitution!  cum  appositis 
declarationibus  editae  a  fel.  rec.  Benedicto  XIV.  Praedecessore 
Nostro,  quae  iucipit  Sacramentum  Poenitentiae ;  neque  demum  easdem 
praesentcs  iis  qui  a  Nobis  et  Apostolica  Sede,  vel  ab  aliquo  Praelato, 
seu  Jiidice  ecclesiastico  nominatim  excommunicati,  suspensi,  interdict!, 
sen  alias  in  sententias  et  censuras  incidisse  declarati  vel  publice 
denunciati  fuerint,  nisi  intra  praedictum  tempus  satisfecerint,  et  cum 
partibus,  ubi  opus  fuerit,  concordaverint,  ullo  mode  suffragari  posse 
aut  debere.  Quod  si  intra  praefinitum  terminum,  judicio  Confessarii, 
satisfacere  non  potuerint,  absolvi  posse  concedimus  in  foro  conscientiae 
ad  effectum  dumtaxat  assequendi  indulgentias  Jubilaei,  injuncta 
obligatione  satisfaciendi  statim  ac  poterunt. 

"  Quapropter  in  virtute  sanctae  obedientiae  tenore  praesentium 
•districte  praecipimus,  atque  mandamus  omnibus,  et  quibuscumque 
Ordinariis  locorum  ubicumque  existentibus,  eorumque  Vicariis  et 
Officialibus,  velipsis  deficientibus,  illis,  qui  curam  aaimarum  exercent, 
ut  cum  praesentium  Litterarurn  transumpta,  aut  exempla  etiam 
impressa  acciperint,  ilia,  per  suas  Ecclesias  ac  Dioceses,  Proviucias, 
Oivitates,  Oppida,  Terras,  et  loca  publicent,  vel  publicari  faciant, 
populisque  etiam  Verbi  Dei  praedicatione,  quoad  fieri  possit,  rite 
praeparatis,  Ecclesiam  seu  Ecclesias  visitandas  ut  supra  designent. 

"Non  obstantibus  Constitutionibus,  et  Ordinationibus  Apostolicis, 
praesertim  quibus  facultas  absolvendi  ill  certis  tune  expressis  casibus 
ita  Romimo  Pontifici  pro  tempore  existent!  reservatur,  ut  nee  etiam 
similes  vel  dissimiles  Indulgentiarum  et  facultatum  hujusmodi  con- 
cessiones,  nisi  de  illis  expressa  mentio  aut  specialis  derogatio  fiat, 
-euiquam  suffragari  possint;  nee  non  regula  de  non  concedendis 
Indulgentiis  ad  instar,  ac  quorumcumque  Ordinum  et  Congregationum 
sive  Institutorum  etiam  juramento,  confirmatione  Apostolica,  vel 
quavis  firrnitate  alia  roboratis  statutis,  et  consuetudinibus,  privilegiis 
quoque  indultis,  et  Litteris  Apostolicis  eisdem  Ordinibus,  Congre- 
gationibus,  et  Institutis  illor unique  personis  quomodolibet  concessis, 
approbatis,  et  innovatis ;  quibus  omnibus  et  singulis,  etiamsi  de  illis 
•eorumque  totis  tenoribus,  specialis,  specifica,  expressa  et  individua, 
non  autem  per  clausulas  generales  idem  importantes,  mentio,  seu  alia 
•quae vis  cxpressio  habenda,  aut  alia  aliqua  exquisita  forma  ad  hoc 
servancla  forct,  illorum  tenores  praesentibus  pro  sufficicnter  expressis, 
ac  formam  in  iis  traditam  pro  servata  habentts,  hac  vice  specialiter 
nominatim  et  expresse  ad  effectum  praemissorum,  derogamus, 
ceterisque  contrariis  quibudcumque. 

"  Ut  autem  praesentes  Nostrae,  q^uae  ad  singula  loca  deferri  non 


27(>  Documents. 

possunt,  ad  omnium  notitiam  facilius  deveniant,  volumus  ut  prae- 
sentium  transumptis  vel  exemplis  ctiam  impressis,  manu  alien  jus 
Notarii  publici  subscripts  ct  sigillo  personae  in  dignitate  Ecclesiastica 
c.onstitutae  munitis,  ubicumque  locorum,  et  gentium  eadem  prorsus 
fides  habeatur,  quae  habcretur  ipsis  praesentibus  si  forent  exhibitae 
vel  ostensae. 

Datum   Romae  apud    S.  Petrum  sub    annulo  piscatoris   die  xv. 
mensis  Februarii  AnnoMDCCCLXXix..  Pontincatus  Nostrianuo  primo. 

L.  CARD. 


DECISIONS  OF  THE  SACRED  PENITENTIARY  REGARDING  THE 

JUBILEE. 

nnHE  Sacred  Penitentiary  lias  issued  the  following  decisions 
JL  relating  to  the  conditions  required  for  gaining  the 
present  Jubilee.  They  are  lor  the  most  part  a  reprint 
of  decisions  issued  by  order  of  the  present  Pope,  for  the 
Jubilee  of  1879,  and  again  for  the  Jubilee  of  1881  :— 

1.  Jejunium  pro    jubilaeo  consequendo    praescriptum   adimpleri 
nou  posse  cliebus  strict!  juris  jejunio  rcservatis,  nee  diebns   quatuor 
temporum  per  annum,  et  nisi  adhibeantur  cibi  esurialos,  vetito  usu, 
circa  qualitatem  ciborum  cujuscumque  indulti  seu  privilegii,  etiam, 
bullae  Gruciatae.     In  iis   vero  locis  ubi  cibis  esurialibus  uti  difficile 
sit,    Ordinaries    posse   indulgere    ut   ova   et    laticinia    adhibeantur, 
servata  in  ceteris  jejunii  ecclesiastic!  forma. 

2.  Christ!  fidelibus   cum   capitulis,  congregationibus  confraterni- 
tatibus,  collegiis,  nee  non   cum  proprio  parocho  aut  sacerdote  ab  eo. 
deputato,  ecclesias  pro  lucrando  jubilaeo  processionalitcr  visitantibus,. 
applicari  posse  ab  Ordinariis  indultum  in  litteris  Apostolicis  iisdem. 
capitrilis,  congregationibus,  etc..  concessum. 

•3.  Una  eademque  confessione  et  communione  non  posse  satisfieri- 
praccepto  paschali  et  sknul  acquiri  jubilaeum. 

4.  Jubilaeum    quoad    plenarium     indulgent  iam   bis    aut   pluries 
acquiri  posse  injuncta   opera  bis   aut  pluries  iterando  ;  semel  vero, 
id  est,  prima  tantum  vice  quoad  ceteros  favores,  nempe  absolutiones  a 
censuris  et  a  casibus  reservatis,  commutationes  aut  dispensationes. 

5.  Ad  injunctas   visitationes  exequendas    designari    posse  etiam 
capellas   et  oratoria,  dummodo   sint  publico  cultui  addicta  et  in  iis 
soleat  Missa  celebrari. 

6.  Visitationes  ad  lucrandum  jubilaeum  indictas,  dummodo  prae- 
scripto  numero  fiant,  institui  posse,  pro  lubitu  fidelium,  sive  uno  sive 
diversis  diebus. 


Documents.  277 

7.  Posse  lucrari  jubilacum  eos  qui  conditiones  praescriptas  partim 
in  una  dioccsi  partim  in  alia,  qoacuraque   ex   causa,  adimplent   aut 
•perficiunt,  si  observent  ordinationes  Ordinariorum  locorum. 

8.  Confcssarios   uti   non    posse   facultatibus    cxtraordinariis   per 
litteras  Apostolicas  coneessis  cum  iis  qui  petunt  absolvi  et  dispensari, 
sed  nolunt  adimpleri  opera  injuncta  et  lucrari  jubilaeum. 

Sacra  Poenitentiaria  die  15  Januarii,  1886. 


LATEST  DECISIONS  OF  THE  SACRED  PENITENTIARY  (30TH 
JANUARY,  1886)  RELATING  TO  THE  CONDITIONS  OF  THE 
PRESENT  JUBILEE. 

BEATISSIME  PATER. 

Episcopus  N. ,  ad  pedes  Sanctitatis  Vestrae  Iiumiliter  provo- 

lutus,  oraasione  Jubilaei  nuper  indulti,  sequentia  expostulat : 

I    An  valeant  pro  dicto  Jubilaeo  declarationcs  Sacrae  Poeniten- 
tiariae  Apostolicae  die  25  Martii,  1881  editae  ? 

II.  Quatenus  renoventur  dictae  declarationes,   supplicat :    1°  Ut 
opera  pro  Jubilaeo  injuncta,  vel  eorum  aliqua,  Confessaritis  non  semel 
tantum,  sed  pluries,  erga  volentem  Jubilaeum  pluries  lucrari,  com- 
mutare  possit';   2°  Ut  ea  cornmutare  et  super  communione  cum  pueris 
communionis  nondnm  capacibus  dispensare  valeat  etiam  extra  actum 
sacrarneutalis   confessionis ;   3°  Ut  'iis   qui  cum  fidelibus   ex   altera 
paroecia  ejusque  Parocho  vel  saccrdote  rite  deputato  templa  proces- 
sionaliter  visitant,  applicari  possit  ab  Ordinario  beneficium  reductionis 
visitationum. 

III.  Cum    Bulla   indictionis    Jubilaei   statuat    tria    templa    ab 
Ordinariis  aut  de  eorum  mandate  ab  iis  qui  curam  animarum  exercent 
pro  visitationibus  peragendis  esse  designanda,  an  Episcopus  consulto 
a  dcsignatione  abstinere  possit,  et  mandare  singulis  Parochis  Civitatis 
aut  loci  ut  templa  a  suis  parochianis  visitanda  designent  ?     Ita  forsan 
commoditati  fidelium  consuletur,  cum  certum  sit  a  singulis  Parochis 
varia  templa,  et  paroeciae  propriae  respective  vicinioi  a,  designanda  fore. 

IV.  An  ipse  Episcopus  possit  varia  templa  a  singulis  civitatis  aut 
suburbiorum  paroeciis  visitanda  designare  ? 

V.  An  fidelis  possit  ad  lucrandum  Jubilaeum  ecclcsiam  vel  ecclesias 
loci,  in  quo  non  habet  domicilium  aut  quasi  domicilium,  visitare  ? 

VI.  An    censeatur    processionaliter   facta,   ideoque    sufficiat   ad 
beneficium   reductionis   visitatio    ecclesiae    peracta   prout    sequitur  ? 
Fideles  ad  ecclesiam  stationalem  indicatam  e  propria  dorno  privatim 
singnli  acccdunt ;  eis  in  templo  congregatis,  elevatur  crux,  et  sacerdos 
qui  processioni  praeesse  debet,  una  cum  fidelibus  preces  injunctas  in 


278  Documents. 

commune  recital ;    dein,   cruce  praeeunte,  processionaliter  ad  aliucf 
templum  visitandum  omnes  exeunt. 

YIT.  An  valeat  pro  praesenti  Jubilaeo  absque  nova  declarations 
responsio  Sacrae  Poenitentiariae  Apostolicae  anno  1875  pluries  data 
vi  cujus,  quatenus  processiones  fieri  nequeant  more  solito,  sufficit 
collegiis,  ad  beneficium  reductionis  obtinenduin,  ecclesias  absque 
cruce  et  solitis  paramentis  sacris,  singulis  in  vestimentis  non  choralibus 
incedentibus,  ecclesias  in  commune  adire,  preces  in  commune  recidando? 

VIII.  TJtruin   qui,   confessario  in   consilium  non  adhibito,  elee- 
mosynam    praescriptam    pro    sua  vere    facultate    erogat,    lucretur 
Jubilaeum  ?      Utrum    qui   eleemosynam  suis    facultatibus  nou  pro- 
portionatam  ? 

IX.  Ut    navigautes    et  iter   ageutes    prorogatione    Jubilaei  frui 
possint,  an  requiratur  ut   per  totum  annum   1886   a  loco  domicilii. 
absentes  fuerint  vel  in  certain   station  em   se   non  receperint  ?     An 
sufficiat  ut  per  sex  menses,  vel,  Jubilaeo  nondum  lucrato,  in  fine 
anni  per  mensem  vel  duos  menses  absentes,  etc.,  ut  supra,  fuerint? 

X.  Quodnam    intervallum  uavigantibus  seu  itcr  agentibus,  post 
reditum  in  locum  domicilii  vel  accessum  ad  stationem  fixam,  conce- 
datur  ad  implendum   opera  injuncta  ?     An  spatwm  unius  anni,  an 
idem  temporis  intervallum  quo  per  annum  Jubilaei  navigaverunt  sen 
iter  egerunt  ? 

XI.  Cum  Bulla  indictionis   Jubilaei  concedat  eligi  confessarium 
ex  actu  approlatis,  nee  addat  ab  Ordinariis  locorum,  an  possit  regularis- 
regularem  sacerdotem  a  solo  superiore  regulari,  et  non  ab  Ordinario 
loci  approbatum   eligere,  atque  ab  eo  privilegiorum  vel  facultatum 
Jubilaei  applicationem  recipere  ? 

Et  Deus  .  .  . 

N  ...  die  29  Decembris,  1885. 


Sacra  Poenitentiaria  de  speciali  et  expressa  Apostolica  Auctoritate,. 
benigae  sic  annuente  SSmo.  Dno,  Nostro  Leone  PP.  XIII.,  propositis 
dubiis  respondet : 

Adlum*  Provision  per  novas  dedarationes  die  15  Januani,  188G, 
editas. 

Ad  //'"'* .  Quoad  lwn ,  Confessarios  hac  facultate  non  carer e ;  quoad' 
gum  ^  ]yon  eT^iedire  ;  quoad  3um,  Sacra  Poenitentiaria  declarat  posse. 

Ad  IIIum.  Affirmative. 

AdIVum.  Clarius  explicet. 

Ad  F'm.  Provisumper  dedarationes  Sacrae  Poenitentiariae  ut  supra*. 

Ad  VI nm.  Stet  epistola  indictionis  Jubilaei. 

Ad  VIIwn.  Affirmative. 


Documents.  279 

Ad  VIII  umt  Confessarii  consilium  adhibendum  esse  db  us  qui  de 
quantitate  stipis  sibi  conveniente  dubitant.  Quantitatem  vero  ipsam 
•eatenus  debere  singulorum  facidtati  respondere,  quatenus  quae  snj/icit 
pauperibus,  non  suficit  divitibus. 

Ad  IXW1\  et  XW}\  In  praesenti  Jubilaeo  nihil  de  prorogations 
proponi. 

Ad  XIum.  Affirmative. 

Datum  Romae  in  Sacra  Poenitentiaria  die  30  Januarii,  1886. 

R.  CARD.  MONACO  P.  M. 
Hip.  Caucus  Palombi  S.  P.  Seer. 


DECISIONS  GIVEN  FOR  JUBILEE  OF  1875. 

The  following  Decisions  of  the  Sacred  Penitentiary  were 
published  in  1875,  in  reply  to  questions  regarding  the 
conditions  required  for  the  Jubilee  published  for  that  year : — 

I. 

An  Confessarii  absolvere  possint  poenitentem,  qui  jam  a  reservatis 
et  a  censuris  absolutus  in  ea  denuo  inciderit  antequam  opera  imple- 
verit  ad  Jubilaeum  acquirendum  praescripta? 

R. —  Virtute  Jubilaei  posse  una  vice  tantum  absolvi  a  reservatis  et 
a  censuris  ;  sen  negative. 

II. 

Ordinarius  quidam  exposuit,  in  sua  Diocesi  nonnullas  adesse 
Paroecias  rurales  et  montuosas ;  in  quibus  Oratoria  ecclesiaeque 
minores  reperiuntur  quidem ;  sed  quae  adeo  inter  se  distant,  vel  in 
talium  summitate  montium  positae  snnt  ut  notabilis  pars  gregis  ab 
exequendis  praescriptis  visitationibus  ob  difficultatem  retrahatur,  et 
indulgentiam  propterea  Jubilaei  non  consequatnr. 

R. — Ea  tantum  desiynanda  esse  Oratoria,  quae  public  o  divino  ciillni 
sint  addicta  ;  in  quibus  Missa  celebrari  soleat  et  quorum  visitatio  non  &it 
judicio  Ordinarii  moraliter  impossibilis :  Us  vero  Jidelibus  qui  ob 
aliquod  peculiar e  impedimentum  ea  visitare  non  valeant,  provisum  per 
Litteras  Apostolicas. 

III. 

Revmus.  Pater  Generalis  cujusdam  perinsignis  Ordinis  quaesivit, 
quoad  electionem  Confessarii,  an  iste  approbatus  esse  debeat  ab 
Ordinario  Loci,  vel  ab  Ordinario  Ordinis  ? 

R. — Eegulares  jiixla  Litteras  Apostolicas  "  gravibus  Ecclesiae  "  ad 
lacrandam  Jubilaeum  posse  sibi  eligere  qutmcumque  confessarium,  qui 
tamen  sic  a  Locorum  Ordinariis  ad  audiendas  personarum  saeculaniui 
confessiones  approbatus. 


280  Documents. 


An  ille,  qui  ante  Paschatis  Octavam  vcl  ante  terminum  proroga- 
tionis  ab  Ordinario  concessae  paschale  praeceptum  baud  impleverit, 
queat,  post  aliquod  tempus,  Jubilaeum  lucrare  unica  confessione  efc 
imica  comrnunione  ;  vel  abscisse  debeat  duas  peragere  c.onfessiones  et 
<luas  communiones  distinctas  ;  qnarum  u'nam  pro  pascbali  illius  auni 
praecepto  adimplendo,  alteram  autem  pro  Jubilaeo  lucrapdo  ? 

E.  —  Ad  lacrandum  Jubilaeum  requiri  Confessionem  et  Communionem 
fi  Confessione  annuali  et  a  Communione  paschali  omnino  distinctam. 

V. 

An  concessa  necne  intelligi  debeat  in  Jubilaeo  Concilii  Vatican! 
facultas  ilium  absolvendi  qui  complicem  absolvent,  aut  falso 
accnsaverit  Confessarium  de  solicitatione  ? 

R.  —  Provisnm  per  Litteras  S.  Poenitentiariae  diei  25  Janii.  1875  ; 
hoc  est,  nullam  esse  concessam  facultatem  absolvendi  a  casibus  expressis 
in  Constitutione  Benedicts  XIV..  "  S.acramentum  Poenitentiae" 

VI. 

An  fideles,  qui  juxta  Ordinarii  dispositionem  quinque  tan  turn 
fieragunt  visitationes  processionaliter  ad  Ecclesias,  teneantur  pro 
aliis  decem  visitationibus  ab  Ordinario  remissis,  praescriptas  a 
Romano  Pontifice  recitare  preces  ? 

R.  —  Standum  esse  terminis  rednctionis  ab  Episcopo  vigore  Litter<- 
arum  Apo^tolicarum  concessae.1 

VII 

Ex  S.  Poenitentiariae  responsio  certum  est  baud  satisfieri  posse 
praecepto  paschali  et  Jubilaeum  lucrari  unica  coufessioue  et  unica 
communione  ;  potestne  unus  et  alter  attingi  finis  duabus  com- 
inunioiiibus  et  unica  confessione  ? 

R.  —  Affirmative  ;  firma  tamen  reinanente.  obligatione  satisfaciendi,  si 
nondiun  quis  satisfi  cerit  praecepto  annuae  conjcssionis.z 

1  Ratio  resolutionis  ejusmodi  in  hoc  nobis  posita  esse  videtur.     Nam 
si  parumper   dubitare  liceat  an  Ordinarius  dispensando  super  visitationes 
peragendas  dispensare  queat  etiain  super  preces,  tamen  hand  ambigendum 
*3st  preces  praedictas  ita  visitationibus  conjunctas  esse  ut  eoruin  essen- 
tialem  partem  corjstituant.     Proindeque  remissis  visitationibus,  et  preces 
remissae  intelligibant  ;    salvo    tamen     casu,  quo     Episcopns   visitationes 
remittens    injunxerit  precibus  suppleri.  —  Note  of  the  Editor  of  the  "  Acta 
fianctae  Sedix." 

2  ...    imam   confessionem   peragere   tenetur  intra  annum  ;   non, 
taxative  intra  tempus  paschale,  aiente    Concilio   Lateran  IV.,    Can.    21, 
saltern  semel  in  anno.     Ita  ut  si  quis  ante  id  temporis  praecepto  annuaii 
satisfecerat  ;  aut  etiam  piam  habeat  consuetudinem  pluries  in  anno  pro  sua 
devotionepropria  confitendi  peccata  ;  juxta  praeallatam  resolutionem  opus 
non  habeat,  tempore  paschali,  duabus  confessionibus  ad  implendum  praecep- 
tum  et    Jubilaeum    lucandrum.   sed    unica   confessJo   cum   duabus  corn- 
inunionibus  satis  erunt.  —  Note  of  the  Editor  of  the  "Acta  Sanctae  Sedis." 


Documents.  281 

VIII. 

Ordmarius  N.  quaesivit  a  S.  Poenitentiariae  Tribnnali  an  absolvi 
•queant,  virtute  liujus  Jubilaci,  rei  rebellionis  in  Pontificium  civile 
Gu  her  nium? 

R. — Affirmative,  sub  conditionibus  expressis  in  Litteris  a  S. 
Poeni tent iaria  editis  diei  1  Junii  aniii  1869,  sub  n.  1. 


OTHER  DECISIONS  REGARDING  JUBILEE  QUESTIONS. 

The  following  were  also  given  by  the  S.  Penitentiary 
in  1875  : — 

I. 

An  inter  Ecclesias  visitandas  recenseri  possint  Oratoria  pnblica  ? 

R. — Affirmative,  dummodo  ipsa  Oratoria  sint  publico  cultui  addicta 
•et  in  Us  soleat  Missa  cclebrari. 

II. 

An  ad  distinguendas  numero  visitationes  necesse  sit,  et  snfficiat, 
ut  ii deles  egrediantur,  et  rursus  in  eamdem  statutam  Ecclesiam 
ingrediantur  ? 

R. — Affirmative. 

III. 

An  Ordinarius  loco  Ecclesiarum  visitandarum  possit  designare 
di versa  ejusdem  Ecclesiae  Altaria  ant  Cruces  per  agros  erectas,  sive 
erigendas. 

R. — Standum  esse  Encyclicae  "  Gravibus  Ecclesiae"  et  Litteris 
Poenitentiariae  diei  25  Januarii  1875. 

IV. 

An  tempore  paschali  unica  Communio  et  unica  Confessio  sufficiat 
pro  lucrando  Jubilaeo? 

R. — Ad  lucrandum  Jubi'aeum  rcquiri  confessionem  et  communionem 
•distinct am  a  confession?  et  communione  paschali. 

V. 

An  fideles  qui  comitantnr  aut  sequuntur  Capitula,  Congregationes 
et  Confratern Hates  processionaliter  pro  lucrando  Jnbilaeo  Ecclesias 
visitantes  gaudeant  indulto  eisdem  Capitulis  et  Congregationibus 
•concesso  ? 

R. — S.  Poenitentiaria,  consideratis  expositis,  de  speciali  et  expresses 
Apostolica  Auctoritate  respondit :  Fidelibus  cum  Capitulis,  Confrater- 
nitatibus,  Congregationibus^  etc.,  seu  cum  proprio  Parocho  aut  alio 
Sacerdote  ab  eo  deputato^  Ecclesias  pro  lucrando  Jubilaeo  procession- 
•aliter  visitantibus  applicari  posse  ab  Ordinariis  Indultum  in  Literis 
Apostolicis  eisdem  Congregationibus  et  Capilulis  concessum. 


282  Notices  of  Booh. 

VI. 

Aliis  Jubilaeis  concedi  solet  facultas  commutandi  vota  dispen- 
sando  ;  in  praesenti  vero  conceditur  tantum  facultas  ea  commutandi ; 
intelligine  potest  etiam  in  hoc  casu  concessam  fuisse  facultatem  vota 
commutandi  dispensando  ? 

R. — Negative. 

VII. 

ID  Literis  Apostolicis  conceditur  facultas  dispensandi  super 
praescriptis  ad  Ecclesias  visitationibus  peragendis  cum  infirmis,  in 
carcere  aut  captivitate  existentibus,  vel  aliqua  corporis  infirmitatQ, 
seu  alio  quocumque  impedimento  detentis  ;  quaeritur  num  ad  hune 
effectum  legitimo  impedimento  detenti  habendi  sint  ruricolae,  quorum 
viculi  procul  a  quacumque  Ecclesia  distant  ? 

R. — Statis  provisum  per  Encijclicam. 

VIII. 

Quatenus  quatuor  in  die  visitationes  praescriptae  in  Ecclesia 
eadem  peragi  debeant ;  quaeritur  num  ad  hujusmodi  visitationes  inter 
se  distinguendas  necesse  sit  post  unamquamque  Ecclesia  egredi ;  an 
vero  sufficiat,  in  eadem  Ecclesia  manendo,  de  uno  in  alium  locum 
transire,  aut  etiam  tantummodo  assurgereuti  pro  Stationibus  S.  Viae 
Crucis  vulgo  usuvenit  ? 

R. — Necesse  esse  egredi  ab  Ecclesia. 


NOTICES  OF  BOOKS. 

INSTITUTIONES  MORALES  ALPHONSIANAE,  SEU  DOCTORIS  ECCLE- 
SIAE  S.  ALPHONSI  MARIAE  DE  LIGORIO  DOCTRINA  MORALIS. 

AD   USUM    SCHOLARUM    ACCOMMODATA,  CURA  ET  STUDIO  P. 

CLEMEXTIS  MARC,  COXGREGATIONIS  SS.  REDEMPTORIS.— 
Tom.  ii.     Rome  1885. 

ALL  lovers  of  Moral  Theology  will  welcome  the  publication  of 
this  work.  For  many  reasons  its  want  has  been  long  felt,  and  in 
clerical  circles  it  was  no  secret  for  some  time  past  that  the  Redemp- 
torists  were  soon  to  make  good  in  effect  the  intention  announced  in 
the  Vindiciae  Alphonsianae  of  giving  to  the  world  in  convenient 
form  St.  Liguori's  doctrine,  whole,  genuine,  and  mature.  Hitherto 
method  has  not  been  conspicious  in  the  arrangement  of  his  entire 
teaching.  What  the  Saint  held  in  detail  could  be  known  in  many 


Notices  of  Books.  283- 

instances  only  by  turning  over  an  edition  of  his  works,  and  these, 
from  the  way  his  theology  was  written  around  another's  text,  from 
the  many  changes  made  by  the  author  and  sometimes  printed 
separately,  as  well  as  by  reason  of  long  annotations  introduced  by  his 
editors  to  bring  the  work  up  to  the  latest  decisions,  were,  with  all  their 
good  qualities,  necessarily  wanting  in  lucid  order  A  remedy  for 
this  inconvenience  is  the  object  of  Fr.  Marc's  book.  He  professes 
to  set  forth  faithfully  St.  Liguori's  doctrine  on  every  question,  but 
not  in  the  saint's  words,  or  arrangement  of  matter,  except  in 
general  outline.  References  to  the  great  moralist  are  on  every 
page,  and  Fr.  Marc  tells  us  in  the  Preface  that,  for  making  out 
the  Saint's  final  judgments,  he  had  before  him  not  merely  the- 
many  emendations  inserted  by  St.  Liguori  into  successive  editions 
of  his  works,  but  also  numerous  annotations  and  letters  on 
moral  subjects,  written  in  the  Saint's  hand,  and  happily  rescued  of 
late  from  the  oblivion  of  a  century.  Other  learned  Redemptorists,. 
too,  have  been  consulted  as  to  the  drift  of  St.  Liguori's  doctrine, 
especially  on  probablism.  Accordingly,  we  may  look  upon  the  moral 
system  here  worked  out  as  the  precise  one  with  which  the  Congre- 
gation credits  its  illustrious  founder.  Whatever  about  previous  editions, 
he  is  held  to  have  embraced  Aequiprobablism  in  the  sixth,  and  stanchly 
adhered  to  it  from  1762  until  his  death.  A  solidly  probable  opinion 
in  opposition  to  an  opinion  notably  more  probably  is  not  allowed  to  be 
within  the  range  of  practical  occurrences.  In  questions  of  what  is  licit 
and  what  illicit,  one  is  permitted  to  overlook  the  law,  if  its  non-existence: 
or  non-extension  be  equally  probable,  or  almost  equally  probable, 
with  its  existence  or  extension,  but  not  so  if  it  were  only  equally 
probable  that  the  obligation  of  a  certain  law  had  ceased  or  been  dis- 
charged. "  Melior  est  conditio  possidentis,"  is  the  leading  argument, 
and  a  number  of  secondary  maxims  serve  to  put  liberty  in  possession 
when  without  them  the  general  principle  might  be  thought  to  overtax 
the  obedience  of  frail  man.  That  this  is  in  substance  the  mature 
teaching  of  St.  Liguori  seems  to  us  a  very  fair  thesis.  That  one  is 
safe  in  adopting  his  reasons,  and  still  more  his  practical  solution 
of  cases,  need  not  be  stated  after  the  warm  approval  of  successive 
Pontiffs.  But  that  we  are  free  to  question  the  universal  truth  of  hi& 
principles  and  seek  some  modification  of  them,  and  of  his  method,  as 
affording  a  more  scientific  basis  for  the  superstructure  of  a  Moral 
System,  is  equally  indisputable.  Hence,  many  modern  theologians,  like- 
the  old  probablist  writers,  prefer  to  build  on  the  broad  and  common 
foundation  that  no  doubtful  law  can  directly  impose  the  obligation 
of  observance,  nor  impose  that  duty  at  all,  unless  so  far  as  a  reflex 


284  Xotiees  of  Books* 

law,  enforcing  the  particular  enactment  notwithstanding  the  doubt, 
is  absolutely  certain.  And  this  reflex  certainty,  they  say,  is  to 
be  gathered  partly  from  moral  maxims,  and  partly  from  the 
definitely  expressed  opinions  of  theologians  and  canonists  on  the 
various  points  of  probability  that  occur  in  different  treatises. 
'The  principle  of  possession  is  not  allowed  such  universal  control. 
As  a  consequence,  doubts  about  the  cessation  of  a  law  are  not  always 
deemed  incapable  of  setting  aside  the  practical  obligation.  Moreover, 
solidly  probably  opinions  are  supposed  to  conflict  with  others  notably 
.more  probable.  Such  are  the  main  points  of  divergence. 

Enough  has  been  written  to  explain  the  purpose  and  spirit  of  this 
useful  work.  It  only  remains  to  add  that  the  gifted  Author  carefully 
applies  the  Alphonsian  principles  to  the  solution  of  such  questions  as 
have  come  to  the  front  since  St.  Liguori's  time.  Fr.  Marc's  treatise 
forms  a  valuable  addition  to  our  class-books  of  Moral  Theology, 
and  though  some  of  our  views  differ  from  its  conclusions,  we  look 
upon  it  as  a  successful  attempt  to  set  in  methodic  order  before 
students,  professors,  and  missionary  priests,  the  moral  teaching  so 
highly  recommended  and  so  deservedly  prized.  P.  O'D. 

IMPEDIMEXTORUM  MATRIMOXII  SYNOPSIS,  SETT  BREVIS  Ex- 
POSITIO.  Auctore  :  G.  Allegre,  S.T.D.  Parisiis,  Kojeret 
Chernoviz.  Marianapoli :  Gadiaux  et  Deronie. 

THERK  is  little  need  to  offer  any  apology  for  the  publication  of  a 
short  theological  treatise  when  the  subject  chosen  is  of  the  highest 
practical  importance,  and  when  the  treatment  of  the  subject  is 
good.  Dr.  Allegre  has  secured  for  his  book  these  two  recommen- 
dations. The  studied  brevity  of  the  book,  the  absence  of  detailed 
treatment,  even  in  the  case  of  important  questions,  must  interfere 
with  its  usefulness  as  a  book  of  reference  for  priests  engaged  in 
missionary  work.  But  the  highest  merit  of  a  book  is  to  be  well 
suited  for  the  end  for  which  it  is  written.  This  merit  the  little  book 
before  us  possesses.  It  is  intended  for  use  in  seminaries,  and  it 
certainly  supplies  an  admirable  groundwork  for  comprehensive 
explanations  by  a  professor.  But  it  is  by  no  means  devoid  of  utility 
for  missionary  priests.  It  will  serve  as  a  useful  guide  in  their 
studies,  and  as  a  complete  and  suggestive  compendium,  by  means  of 
which  they  may,  without  difficulty,  keep  this  important  matter  fresh 
in  their  minds. 

The  conditions  required  by  English  Law  in  the  case  ot  mixed 
marriages  are  not  given  by  Dr.  Allegre.  They  may  be  found  in  the 


x  of  /Jooks.  285* 

volume  of  IRISH  ECCLESIASTICAL  RECORD  for  1880.  The  late 
important  decree  of  the  Holy  Office  de  copula  iiicestuosa  had  not  been 
seen  by  Dr.  Allegro  when  he  wrote.  The  opinion  which  the  Author 
holds  as  to  the  precise  efficacy  of  the  dispensatio  in  radice  is  not  very 
clear.  Possibly  the  obscurity  is  intentional.  An  admirable  order  is 
observed  both  in  the  treatment  of  each  impediment,  and  in  the  general 
arrangement  of  the  treatise.  The  treatment  of  the  impediment  of 
clandestinity  deserves  special  mention.  Dr.  Allegre  can  write  an 
excellent  class-book. — A.  MURPHY. 

'  SNOWWHITE.    By  Frances  Kershaw.    London  :  Burns  &  Gates. 

A  pretty  little  story  for  the  young,  short,  simple  and  unpretend- 
ing. Its  chief  merit  is  its  simplicity,  its  encouragement  of  early  piety 
and  industry,  and  the  absence  from  it  of  anything  that  might  wound 
the  delicacy  of  the  most  captious. 

Miss  Kershaw  deserves  encouragement  in  her  endeavour  to  supply 
a  long-felt  want  of  wholesome  literature  for  the  young. 

PROTESTANT  MISSIONS  IN  SOUTHERN  INDIA — TINEVELLY  AND 
KAMNAD.  By  A.  Billiard  Atteridge,  S.  J. 

THIS  pamphlet  is  a  reprint,  with  some  additions,  of  an  article 
that  has  already  appeared  in  the  April  number  of  the  Dublin  Review. 

We  are  so  accustomed  to.  read  in  Protestant  Missionary  organs  of 
the  rich  spiritual  "harvests "  that  from  time  to  time  fall  to  the  lot  of 
some  of  their  favoured  emissaries,  that  it  is  interesting  to  ascertain 
to  what  extent  these  accounts  deserve  credence.  In  this  paper,  by 
Father  Atteridge,  we  are  presented  with  a  lucid  exposure  of  a 
typical  account  of  one  of  these  "  harvests"  in  Southern  India.  His 
inquiry  is  characterised  throughout  by  a  spirit  of  fairness  and 
candour,  as  well  as  by  the  total,  absence  of  religious  bigotry.  While 
noticing  the  shortcomings  of  several  of  the  missionaries,  he  is  cnrefnl 
not  to  overlook  the  misguided  zeal  of  many  of  their  number,  "  whose 
intentions  are,  doubtless,  excellent,  but  whose  acts  are  dragged  down 
to  the  level  of  the  system  under  which  they  work." 

The  evidence  he  adduces  in  support  of  his  statement  is  irre- 
fragable, and  is  almost  invariably  based  upon  the  correspondence  of 
the  representatives  of  Missionary  Societies,  on  Government  statistics, 
and  on  the  verdicts  of  the  Indian  law  courts. 

On  this  evidence  he  points  out  that  the  season  of  conversion  was 
also  one  of  famine  ;  that  of  two  resident  societies,  the  one  supplied 
with  a  special  Relief  Fund  was  most  remarkable  for  a  "  Pentecostal 
effusion  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;"  that,  in  proportion  as  the  famine  ceased, 


286  Notices  of  Books. 

the  religious  fervour  of  the  converts  relaxed ;  and,  finally,  that  a- 
portion  of  the  money  sent  out  as  a  gift  was  utilised  as  a  loan  for  the 
purpose  of  gaining  a  greater  hold  on  the  converts. 

This  little  pamphlet  merits  the  attention  of  such  benevolent 
Protestants  as  readily  devour  those  glowing  accounts  of  heathen 
•evangelisation,  and  incautiously  subscribe  to  the  societies  which 
produce  them ;  unless,  indeed,  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  increasing 
•difficulty  in  the  procuring  of  converts  demands  a  corresponding 
lavishness  in  the  transmission  of  funds. 

THE  DEFENDER  OF  THE  FAITH. — THE  ROYAL  TITLE. — Its 
History  and  Value.  By  Rev.  T.  E.  Bridgett,  C.SS.R. 
London :  Burns  and  Gates. 

Fr.  Bridgett  gives  a  clear  and  concise  account  of  the  efforts  made 
by  Henry  VIII.  to  obtain  a  title  from  the  Holy  See.  He  vindicates 
Henry's  claim  to  the  authorship  of  the  "  Assertio  Septem  Sacramen- 
torum,"  and  shows  the  precise  influence  which  the  publication  of  this 
book  had  in  procuring  for  the  king  the  gratification  of  his  cherished 
wish.  Henry's  defence  of  the  faith  is  quoted  against  himselt  with 
telling  force.  There  is  no  better  food  for  meditation  on  human 
weakness,  on  the  necessity  of  leaning  on  the  strong  support  of  divine 
grace,  than  is  supplied  by  perusal  of  Henry's  rapturous  admiration  of 
the  sanctity  of  marriage  at  a  time  when  he  was  speeding  on  towards 
the  abyss  of  sin  and  degradation  into  which  he  finally  sank.  Fr. 
Bridgett's  pamphlet,  which  is  well  worth  reading,  is  singularly  clear 
and  satisfactory. — A,  MUKPHY. 

FUNERAL    ORATION    ON    His    EMINENCE    JOHN    CARDINAL 

M'CLOSKEY,   D.D.,  Archbishop    of  New  York.     By  Most 

Rev.    James    Gibbons,    D.D.,    Archbishop   of  Baltimore. 

New  York,  Cincinatti,  and  St.  Louis,  Benziger  Bros. 

Of  the  merits  of  the  above  as  a   sermon,  we   have  no  means  of 

judging.       Viewing    it  as   a   written    sermon,  if  we    may   use    the 

expression,  it  is  chaste   and  elevating  ;    it  is   simple,  what  funeral 

orations  usually  are  not ;  it  is  heartfelt,  which  is  a  still  rarer  merit 

in   pieces    of  the   kind,  and    it   is  moreover  a    noble  tribute   to  the 

memory  of  the  deceased  Cardinal. 

AUTHORITY  AND  OBEDIENCE.    By  J.  Augustus  J.  Johnstone. 

Revised  by  the  Rev.  F.  H.  Laing,  D.D.     London :  Burns 

and  Oates. 

At  a  time  when  authority  is  more  or  less  disregarded  and 
obedience,  consequently,  but  little  practised,  it  is  not  amiss  to  define 


Notices  of  Books,  287 

somewhat  distinctly  the  rights  of  the  former,  as  well  as  the  duties  and 
obligations  of  the  latter.  This  Mr.  Johnstone  has  endeavoured  to  do 
in  his  little  book,  which  he  has  dedicated  to  the  Duchess  Dowager  of 
Buccleuch  and  Queensberry. 

He  treats  his  subject  under  three  different  heads — domestic, 
civil,  and  ecclesiastical  authority.  In  his  observations  on  domestic 
and  ecclesiastical  authority,  there  is  nothing  that  everyone  has 
not  heard  before ;  yet  nothing,  at  the  same  time,  that  could  be 
repeated  too  often. 

His  remarks  on  civil  authority,  naturally,  take  much  of  their 
tone  from  the  man.  Mr.  Johnstone  is  a  monarchist — one,  too,  of  so 
advanced  a  type,  that  he  cannot  be  said  to  represent  any  section  of 
latter-day  politicians.  The  divine  right  of  kings,  the  nobility,  and, 
above  all,  the  House  of  Lords  are  the  subjects  of  his  heartiest 
encomiums.  Of  the  latter  he  says : — "  There  still  remains  one 
institution  in  the  country,  the  upholder  of  law,  order  and  authority, 
the  only  bulwark  we  have  against  mob-law,  violence  and  the  general 
abolition  of  all  right  in  any  property  whatsoever  «...  Let  us 
rally  round  and  support  this  institution." 

Mr.  Johnstone  may  be  right.  If  he  is,  he  is  unfortunate  in  not 
being  believed.  However,  few  moral  reformers  obtain  at  the  outset 
that  popularity  to  which  they  are  in  justice  entitled.  There  is  still  hope. 

Throughout  his  book  he  is  loud  in  his  denunciation  of  the 
irreligious  tendency  of  the  age,  and  of  the  tenets  of  the  upholders  of 
secular  education,  and  urges  the  absolute  necessity  of  Church  and 
State  acting  in  concert  so  as  to  prove  a  mutual  support. 

HISTORICAL  NOTES  ON  AD  ARE.    By  Rev.  T.  E.  Bridgett,  C.SS.R. 

M.  H.  Gill  and  Son. 

Fr.  Bridge tt's  little  book  will  prove  highly  interesting  to  many 
besides  those  who  may  have  the  pleasure  of  visiting  Adare.  The 
notes  taken,  I  believe,  during  the  leisure  hours  of  a  mission  in  Adare, 
are,  he  tells  us,  drawn  principally  from  "  Memorials  of  Adare  Manor," 
a  book  printed  for  private  circulation.  Fr.  Bridgett  gives  an  in- 
teresting outline  of  the  history  of  the  town  and  manor  of  Adare.  He 
dwells  at  some  length  on  the  history  of  the  Three  Abbeys,  the  "White 
Abbey  "  of  the  Trinitarians,  the  "  Black  Abbey  "  of  the  Augustinians, 
and  the  "Poor  Abbey  "  of  the  Franciscans.  He  traces  the  history 
down  to  our  own  times,  and  closes  with  an  interesting  sketch  of  the 
Dunraven  family,  who  are  of  the  old  Celtic  stock,  and  whose  right  to 
Adare  Manor  rests  ou  purchase.  It  will  be  found  that  the  history  of 
Adare  is  typical  of  the  history  of  many  interesting  places  throughout 
the  country. — A.  MUEPHT. 


288  Notices  of  Books. 

CHRISTIAN  CHILDHOOD  :  A  MOTHER'S  RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTIONS. 

TO     HER     CHILDREN.       By    the    Countess    de    Flavigny. 

Translated  from  the  French  by  Miss  Bourdeau. 

WE  have  read  "  Christian  Childhood  "  with  much  pleasure.  The 
French  work  of  which  Miss  Bourdeau  here  gives  us  a  translation  has 
ong  been  a  favourite  book  for  children  in  France  ;  and  we  feel  sure 
that  the  translation  now  offered  to  the  public  shall  be  no  less  favour- 
ably received  in. these  countries. 

While  "  Christian  Childhood  "  contains  most  of  what  is  comprised 
in  ordinary  prayer-books,  it  has  much  that  is  seldom  to  be  found  in 
them.  The  "  Instructions  on  the  nature  and  ceremonies  of  the  Holy 
Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  on  the  Sacraments  of  Baptism,  Penance,  and 
the  Eucharist,  and  on  the  various  duties  of  children,"  are  specially 
useful. 

Written,  as  it  was,  for  her  own  children,  by  the  good  Countess  de 
Flavigny,  it  breathes  throughout  such  tender  sentiments  of  genuine 
piety  as  cannot  fail  to  win  to  virtue  the  hearts  of  the  young. 

The  translator ,  has  done  her  work  well;  while  the  eminent  pub- 
lishing firm  of  Burns  &  Gates  have  done  theirs  most  tastefully* 
The  translation  bears  the  "  Imprimatur "'  of  Cardinal  Manning. 

We  wish  the  little  book  every  success,  and  expect  soon  to  see 
it  widely  known  and  highly  prized. 

MARY  IN  THE  GOSPELS;  OR  LECTURES  IN  THE  HISTORY  OP 

OUR  BLESSED  LADY,  AS  RECORDED  BY  THE  EVANGELISTS. 

By  Very  Rev.  J.  Spencer   Northcote,    D.D.,   Provost   of 

Birmingham.     London  :  Burns  &  Gates. 

THIS  is  a  second  edition  of  Dr.  Spencer  Northcote's  book.  For 
the  benefit  of  those  who  are  not  already  acquainted  with  it,  we  may 
say  that  it  is  devoted  to  a  statement  and  examination  of  scriptural 
difficulties  which  Protestants  feel  regarding  the  religious  veneration 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  Besides  serving  this  purpose  Dr.  Northcote 
brings  together  all  that  the  Scriptures  tell  us  of  the  Mother  of 
God ;  to  read  of  her  must  always  be  a  source  of  pleasure  and  of 
profit  to  Catholics.— W.  M'D. 


THE  IRISH 

ECCLESIASTICAL  RECOBD 


APRIL,  1886. 


ST.  LIVINUS,  BISHOP  AND  MARTYR. 

AMONGST  the  most  celebrated  of  our  Irish  Saints  who  left 
their  native  land  to  preach  the  Gospel,  and  who  sealed 
their  testimony  with  their  blood,  was  Livimis,  "  Bishop  and 
Martyr."  His  festival  is  found  amongst  the  proper  Offices  of 
the  Irish  Saints  on  the  12th  of  November,  and  the  Lessons  of 
the  Office  give  a  brief  account  of  his  life  and  martyrdom. 
But,  strange  to  say,  so  far  as  I  know,  there  is  no  certain 
reference  to  Livinus  in  our  domestic  records.  And  this 
is  still  more  remarkable,  seeing  that  we  have  a  full  and 
authentic  life  of  the  saint  from  other  sources,  which  purports 
to  give  an  account  of  his  early  life  at  home,  as  well  as  of  his 
subsequent  missionary  career.  With  a  view  of  inducing 
some  of  our  learned  readers  to  throw  some  further  light,  if 
possible,  on  the  early  history  of  this  distinguished  saint,  I 
will  give  a  sketch  of  his  career  as  recorded  in  the  Latin  life 
already  referred  to. 

It  appears  to  me,  after  a  careful  perusal  of  this  life,  that 
it  is,  notwithstanding  a  few  apparent  inconsistencies,  the 
authentic  and  trustworthy  narrative  of  a  contemporary 
writer. 

The  author  in  his  preface  calls  himself  "  Boniface,  a  sinful 
man,  the  servant  of  the  servants  of  Jesus  Christ."  He  was 
apparently  the  inmate  of  some  religious  house  in  which 
the  memory  of  Livinus  was  yearly  celebrated  with  much 
pomp  and  ceremony;  and  it  was,  he  says,  the  recurrence  of 

VOL.  VII.  T 


290  St.  Livinus,  Bishop  and  Martyr. 

that  festival  of  their  sainted  father  and  high  priest  Livinus 
that  filled  their  hearts  with  joy  and  prompted  him  to  proclaim 
the  glories  of  his  triumphant  passion.  He  felt  himself,  indeed, 
unequal  to  the  task,  and  was,  therefore,  unwilling  to  undertake 
it ;  but  he  could  not  resist  the  passionate  entreaties  of  Foillan, 
Helias,1  and  Kilian,2  the  three  disciples  of  Livinus,  who  always 
closely  followed  his  footsteps  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
who  knelt  down  on  the  ground  and  kissing  his  hands  and 
embracing  his  knees  besought  him  with  many  prayers  and 
tears  to  write  the  life  of  their  beloved  father,  and  preserve  it 
for  the  edification  of  posterity.  It  was  from  the  narrative  of 
these  three  most  intimate  disciples,  as  the  writer  expressly 
informs  us,  that  he  collected  his  information  regarding  the 
saint.  Although  these  faithful  sons  of  Ireland,  who  followed 
their  beloved  master  in  all  his  labours  and  wanderings,  might 
greatly  extol  the  virtues  of  their  spiritual  father  and  the 
wonders  which  he  wrought,  we  cannot  for  a  moment  doubt 
that  they  furnished  on  the  whole  a  truthful  and  accurate 
narrative  of  the  life  and  labours  of  Livinus.  And  we  may  be 
certain,  too,  that  Boniface,  though  writing  in  a  wordy  and 
somewhat  turgid  style,  gives  us,  as  he  undertook  to  do,  a 
faithful  version  of  all  that  he  had  heard  from  the  companions 
of  Livinus. 

This  life  has  been  attributed  to  the  great  St.  Boniface  of 
Mentz,  the  apostle  of  Germany.  But  as  St.  Boniface  received 
his  mission  about  718  from  the  Pope,  and  became  archbishop 
only  in  738,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  he  could  have  got  his 
facts  from  the  companions  of  St.  Livinus  who  flourished 
nearly  a  century  before.  Neither  do  we  think  that  the  style 
of  this  life  at  all  resembles  that  of  the  letters  and  other 
undoubted  writings  of  the  archbishop. 

The  reader  will  observe  that  Boniface,  the  writer  of  this 
life  of  St.  Livinus,  latinises  the  Irish  names  in  such  a  way  as 
to  render  it  very  difficult  to  ascertain  the  corresponding  terms 
of  the  original  Irish.  This  is  true  in  many  other  cases  also. 
Lorcan,  for  instance,  is  very  different  from  Laurentius,  the 
Latin  name  of  the  great  St.  Laurence  O'Toole.  Fearghal, 

1  Helyas.  2  Kilyanus,  Kylianus. 


St.  Livinus,  Bishop  and  Martyr.  291 

abbot  of  Aghaboe,  is  not  easily  recognisable  as  Virgilius,  the 
renowned  prelate  of  Salzburg ;  and  certainly,  at  first  sight, 
110  one  would  think  of  identifying  the  Irish  name  Adamnan'with 
its  classical  form  of  Eunaii.  Many  other  similar  instances 
might  be  adduced  of  Latin  names  very  different  from  the 
Irish  originals.  It  is  specially  difficult  for  foreigners  to  catch 
the  correct  sound  of  the  Irish  names,  and  that  sound  is  fre- 
quently altogether  different  from  the  phonetic  sound  of  the 
written  words.  If  we  add  to  this  the  errors  of  careless  or 
ignorant  copyists,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  explain  the  curious 
Latin  terms  that  are  exhibited  in  many  documents  as  the 
equivalent  of  well-known  Gaelic  names.  In  the  present  case 
I  have  failed  to  identify  any  of  the  Latin  names  with  known 
personages  in  Irish  history,  and  I  should  feel  thankful  to  any 
Irish  scholar  who  could  suggest  a  satisfactory  explanation  of 
the  Latin  names  given  by  the  writer  of  the  Life  of  St. 
Livinus.  Where  there  are  different  forms  of  the  name  in  the 
various  copies  of  the  Life,  we  shall  mark  them  in  the  notes 
in  order  to  facilitate  identification. 

The  writer  begins  by  stating  that  in  the  reign,  of  Galo- 
magnus,1  the  illustrious  king  of  the  Scots,  Theagnius,  by 
birth  a  Scot,2  was  the  king's  most  intimate  counsellor  and 
the  first  noble  of  his  kingdom.  This  Theagnius  was  married 
to  a  noble  matron  called  Agalmia,3  equally  distinguished  by 
her  birth  and  by  her  virtues,  for  she  was  the  daughter  of  a 
most  illustrious  Irish  king,  and,  like  her  husband,  faithfully 
served  God  by  the  practice  of  every  virtue.  The  father  of 
Agalmia  is  called  by  the  writer  Ephigenius,  "  Hibernensium 
rex  clarissimus,"  but  Calomagnus  is  called  "  rex  Scotorum." 
It  is  true  indeed  that  both  Adamnan  and  Bede  use  Hibernia 
and  Scotia  as  interchangeable  terms,  but  we  do  not  recollect  to 
have  seen  the  words  Hibernenses  and  Scoti  used  as  equiva- 
lent terms  by  the  same  writer. 

One  night  a  wondrous  vision  appeared  both  to  Agalmia 
and  her  husband.  A  dove  of  milky  whiteness  was  seen  to 
float  down  from  heaven  on  radiant  pinions,  and  alighting  on 
the  head  of  her  couch  dropped  what  seemed  to  be  three  drops 

1  Otherwise  Calomannus.  2  Scotigena.  8  Agalunia. 


292  St.  2Jivinu89  Bishop  and  Martyr. 

of  milk  on  the  lips  of  the  holy  matron,  and  then  soared  swiftly 
aloft  to  heaven.  The  chamber  and  the  palace  were  filled 
immediately  with  a  celestial  fragrance,  that  diffused  itself 
around  and  typified  the  odour  of  those  heavenly  virtues 
which  hereafter  were  to  adorn  the  character  of  her  yet 
unborn  child. 

Now  at  this  time  Menalchius,1  a  man  of  singular  holiness, 
was  archpontiff,  and  was,  moreover,  the  brother  of  Theag- 
nius,  the  husband  of  Agalmia.  He  was  sent  for  to  explain 
this  wondrous  vision,  and  he  told  the  joyous  parents  that 
their  child  would  one  day  become  a  great  pontiff,  the  shining 
light  of  many  nations,  and  their  guide  to  eternal  salvation. 

It  came  to  pass  that  at  this  very  time  the  Blessed 
Augustine,  a  man  of  wondrous  holiness,  who  had  been  sent 
to  convert  the  English,  by  the  Blessed  Pope  Gregory,  went 
over  about  his  own  business  to  the  court  of  the  aforesaid 
King  Calomagnus.  He  also  heard  the  wondrous  tale  of  the 
celestial  vision,  and  together  with  Menalchius  assisted  at  the 
baptism  of  the  child,  to  whom  his  parents  gave  the  name  of 
Livinus,  because  it  was  the  name  of  his  mother's  brother,  a 
great  archbishop  of  the  Irish  Church,2  who  had  died  the  death 
of  a  glorious  martyr  for  the  name  of  Christ  amongst  the  people 
called  Humbraiii.a 

The  writer  here  appears  to  be  most  accurate  and  specific 
in  his  statements,  yet  it  is  very  difficult,  indeed  quite  impos- 
sible, to  reconcile  the  fact  that  Livinus  was  baptized  in 
infancy  by  St.  Augustine  of  Canterbury,  with  what  he  says 
further  011  that  Livinus  was  trained  under  St.  Augustine  for 
five  years  and  three  months,  and  then  ordained  priest  by  the 
same  great  pontiff.  For  St.  Augustine  was  not  more  than 
twelve  years  in  England  altogether — from  597  to  608  or 
perhaps  609.  How  then  could  he  have  been  present  at  the 
baptism  of  the  child  in  infancy,  and  live  to  ordain  him  priest  ? 
We  suspect  that  Goscelinus,  who  wrote  the  Life  of  St. 
Augustine  towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century,  and 
was  himself  a  monk  of  Canterbury,  furnishes  the  true 


Monalchius.  2  Hibernensis  ecclesiae  archiepiscopus. 

8  Otherwise  Verbauos, 


St.  Livinus,  BMop  and  Martyr.  2(.)o 

explanation.  lie  says  that  St.  Augustine  assisted  Menalchius 
at  the  baptism  of  Livinus,  who  was  then  a  loy.1  Goscelinus 
saw  the  inconsistency  of  St.  Augustine's  baptising  Livinus 
•  in  infancy,  and  at  the  same  time  ordaining  him  priest,  and 
hence  implies  that  he  was  baptised  in  his  boyhood,  perhaps 
when  he  was  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age.  Boniface,  the 
writer  of  the  Life,  heard  that  Livinus  was  baptised  by 
St.  Augustine,  and  because  infant  baptism  was  the  rule,  he 
wrongly  concluded  that  Livinus  was  also  baptised  shortly 
.after  his  birth. 

On  the  other  hand  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  his  pious 
parents  and  his  uncle  the  archbishop,  would  have  allowed 
the  child  to  grow  up  without  baptism  for  several  years, 
except  indeed  the  ceremony  had  been  performed  in  infancy, 
but  some  doubts  as  to  its  validity  having  arisen,  the  ceremony 
was  subsequently  repeated.  Strange  too,  that  Bede  makes 
110  reference  to  these  facts  nor  to  Augustine's  visit  to 
Calomagnus,  although  both  the  writer  of  this  Life  and 
.Goscelinus  so  explicitly  refer  to  these  events. 

But  whether  the  baptism  took  place  in  infancy  or  boy- 
hood, Boniface  distinctly  asserts  that  St.  Augustine  did  visit 
Calomagnus,  the  renowned  king  of  the  Scots,  and  the  same 
statement  is  repeated  by  Goscelinus,  when  writing  too  in 
Canterbury  itself  so  early  as  the  eleventh  century. 

We  cannot  dwell  at  much  length  on  the  glowing  account 
of  the  great  virtues  and  wondrous  miracles  which  Boniface 
attributes  to  St.  Livinus  even  in  his  youth.  A  ray  of  light, 
he  tells,  brighter  than  the  golden  sun,  shone  round  his  head 
when  the  child  was  baptised,  and  a  voice  from  heaven  pro- 
claimed how  dear  he  was  to  God.  He  expelled  the  demon  on 
Pentecost  Sunday  in  presence  of  his  parents  and  of  a  great 
crowd  from  two  men  who  were  dragged  before  him  chained 
with  iron  chains.  One  was  named  Herimus,  the  other 
Simphronius ;  and  they  afterwards  lived  in  great  holiness 
until  their  death.  His  nurse,  Salvia  by  name,  died  after  a 
few  days'  sickness,  and  her  soul  was  being  led  to  judgment, 
but  the  prayers  of  the  holy  youth  Livinus  caused  the  angels 

1  Beatum  Livinum  tune  puerum  cum  sancto  Monalchio  pontifice  baptiz- 
averit. 


294  St.  Livinus  9  Bishop  and  Martyr. 

to  bring  back  the  departed  soul,  and  she  sat  up  and  gave 
thanks  to  God  in  the  presence  of  all  those  who  stood  around 
the  bier. 

During  these  years  of  his  youth  he  was  trained  in  learning 
and  discipline  by  the  Blessed  Beriignus,  a  priest  belonging  to 
one  of  the  noblest  families  of  the  Scotic  nobility*  Livinus 
was  taught  by  this  holy  man  the  melodious  Psalms  of  David, 
the  lessons  of  Gospel  wisdom,  and  the  perfect  path  that  leads 
from  virtue  to  virtue  unto  the  full  vision  of  the  God  of  Sion. 

But  vain  crowds  now  began  to  gather  round  Livinus — 
he  was  disturbed  in  his  meditations,  and  he  was  afraid  that 
the  love  of  human  applause  might  sap  the  edifice  of  Christian 
virtue  in  his  soul.  So  he  resolved  to  leave  his  home  secretly 
and  retire  from  the  world.  In  company  with  his  three 
beloved  disciples,  Foillan,  Helias,  and  Kilian,  he  sought  that 
solitude  which  is  so  dear  to  the  saints.  They  tore  their  way 
through  brakes  and  pathless  thickets  into  the  very  heart  of 
the  primeval  forest,  where  they  built  themselves  huts  of 
boughs,  giving  all  their  thoughts  to  God,  and  living  con- 
tentedly on  herbs  and  wild  apples,  with  scanty  draughts  of 
muddy  water.1  Of  earthly  goods  they  had  none,  for  they 
gave  all  to  the  poor.  To  us,  at  least,  it  appears  by  no  means 
surprising,  that  men  who  led  such  lives  for  God's  sake  should 
cast  out  demons,  and  even  raise  the  dead  to  life. 

Livinus  was  moreover  a  skilful  hand  at  copying  books,2 
and  devoted  most  of  his  time  in  the  desert  to  this  pursuit,  in 
order,  says  Boniface,  that  he  might  procure  something  to 
give  the  poor.  But  men  now  found  out  where  he  was,  and 
even  the  king  and  his  nobles  came  to  visit  him,  and  the  king 
offered  him  much  wealth  for  religious  purposes  and  for  his 
own  soul's  sake.  But  this  only  disturbed  the  thoughts  of 
the  servant  of  God,  for  he  feared  vain  glory,  and  he  was  very 
anxious  in  mind,  and  he  knew  not  what  to  do — only  he  had 
recourse  to  God  'by  prayer. 

Then  an  angel  of  God  appeared  to  him,  and  said  :  "  Hail, 
brother  Livinus,  cease  to  be  troubled  in  mind,  for  the  time  of 

1  "  Herbis,  et  silvestribus  pomis,  aquarunsque  turbidarum  parca  liba- 
tione  contentus." 

2  "  Scriptor  peritus  erat." 


St.  Livinus,  Bishop  and  Martyr.  295 

.consolation  Is  at  hand :  go  tliou  to  the  blessed  Bishop 
Augustine,  from  whose  teaching  and  pious  instructions  you 
will  derive  much  spiritual  comfort  and  profit."  Then  Livinus, 
obedient  to  the  messenger  of  heaven,  with  the  king's  per- 
mission left  his  home,  and  came  to  the  great  sea  which  he 
had  no  means  of  crossing.  But  a  radiant  angel  stood  beside 
him  and  said :  "  fear  not,  follow  me,  I  am  he  whom  Almighty 
God  hath  appointed  as  the  guardian  of  thy  life."  And  so 
Livinus  and  his  three  companions,  Foillan,  Helias  and  Kilian, 
confidently  following  God's  angel,  walked  across  the 
sea  with  dry  feet,  and  it  seemed  all  the  while  to  them  that 
they  were  walking  through  green  meadows,  fresh  with  all 
the  herbs  of  Spring,  and  fragrant  with  the  odours  of  the 
roses  and  lilies. 

And  so  Livinus  came  to  the  Blessed  Augustine,  who  knew 
from  the  Spirit  that  he  was  coming,  and  who  received  him 
with  the  most  tender  kindness,  and  trained  him  in  literature 
for  five  years  and  three  months.  Then  he  raised  Livinus  to 
the  dignity  of  the  holy  priesthood,  and  gave  him  on  the  day 
of  his  ordination  a  purple  casula,  worked  with  wondrous  skill 
in  gems  and  gold,  and  likewise  a  priestly  stole,  with  precious 
stones  inwrought — to  be  a  pledge  of  the  undying  mutual  love 
of  the  master  and  the  disciple. 

After  this  Livinus,  bidding  farewell  to  the  Blessed 
Augustine,  re  turned  to  his  own  country,  and  was  received  with 
great  joy  by  the  king,  and  by  his  nobles,  and  by  all  the  people. 
A  short  time  before,  his  uncle  Menalchius,  the  archbishop,  had 
died,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  entire  flock.  But  now  that  Livinus 
had  returned,  he  was  deemed  by  all  most  worthy  to  succeed 
his  uncle,  and  he  was  accordingly  consecrated  archbishop 
with  the  sanction  both  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  people.  And 
a  faithful  and  zealous  pontiff  he  proved  to  be,  feeding  the 
people  with  the  word  of  life,  constant  in  labour,  earnest  in 
exhortation,  vigilant  in  watchfulness.  He  continued,  too,  to 
work  many  miracles,  for  he  cured  a  paralytic  leper,  Abdias  by 
name  ;  and  once  when  walking  near  the  sea,  by  his  prayers 
the  angry  tempest  wTas  quelled,  and  sinking  mariners 
brought  safe  to  shore.  Even  the  shadow  of  his  body,  and  the 
touch  of  his  garments  healed  the  sick  and  infirm,  so  that  the 


296  'St.  Livinus,  Bisliop  and  Martyr. 

fame  of  his  sanctity  and  miracles  spread  abroad,  and  "  not 
only  the  Scottish  and  the  British  nation,  but  also  the  Irish 
people,"1  heard  his  praises,  and  came  in  crowds  to  hearken  to 
'the  words  of  life  from  his  mouth. 

This  curious  passage  would  certainly  seem  to  imply  that 
the  gens  Scotica  was  different  from  the  Hibernenses  populi, 
and  consequently  that  Calomagnus  was  King  of  the  Albanian 
Scots,  which  was  then  a  young  colony  from  Ireland,  not  yet 
established  in  Scotland  much  more  than  a  hundred  years.  In 
that  case  Livinus  would  have  been  also  a  Scot,  born  some- 
where in  Argyle,  although  the  writer  expressly  tells  us  that 
his  mother  was  the  daughter  of  an  Irish  king,  and  that  his 
maternal  uncle  was  an  Irish  archbishop,  named  like  himself 
Livinus,  who  had  been  martyred  amongst  the  Humbrani— 
in  all  probability  the  Pagan  Saxons  who  dwelt  along  the 
Humber.  But  who  then  was  Calomagnus,  King  of  the 
Albanian  Scots?  and  who  was  the  Irish  "Archbishop" 
Livinus  martyred  "  apud  Humbranos  ?"  These  are  questions, 
to  which  it  is  not  easy  to  give  a  satisfactory  answer.  Again, 
if  Livinus  were  of  the  Scottish  Dalriads,  how  would  he  have 
to  cross  the  "  great  sea  "  on  his  journey  to  Canterbury  ? — 
except,  perhaps,  he  came  from  one  of  the  Western  Isles,  or 
was  stopped  in  his  journey  by  the  Solway  Firth. 

But  Livinus  felt  that  he  had  a  call  from  God  to  preach  to 
the  Heathen,  and  he  was  ready  to  meet  a  martyr's  death. 
The  purple  chasuble,  which  Augustine  gave  him,  was  to  be 
dyed  in  a  brighter  hue.  His  uncle,  whose  name  he  bore,  was 
a  martyr  for  the  faith,  and  the  noble  Celtic  aspiration — 
peregrinari  pro  Christo — filled  his  soul.  He  could  not,  however, 
leave  his  flock  without  a  shepherd,  and  accordingly  he 
invested  the  Archdeacon  Sylvanus  with  full  powers  to  rule 
the  diocese  during  his  absence,  and  then  set  out  with  the 
same  three  companions  on  his  missionary  journey. 

We  are  not  informed  of  the  time  or  place  of  his  departure, 
nor  the  route  which  he  followed  at  first.  We  are  merely  told 
that  after  travelling  through  many  districts,  preaching  the 

1  "  Quatenus  non  solum  Scotica  gens  et  Britannica,  verum  quoque 
et  Hibernenses  populi,  &c." 


St.  Livinus,  Bishop  and  Martyr.  397 

'Gospel,  and  working  many  wonders,  he  came  to  the  monas- 
tery of  St.  Peter  at  Ghent,  which  had  been  founded  not  long- 
before  by  the  holy  Bishop  Amandus  on  a  spot  that  had  been 
previously  devoted  to  idolatrous  worship.  Flobertus,  whom 
St.  Amandus  had  appointed  abbot,  was  a  holy  and  learned  man, 
&nd  received  Livinus  and  his  companions  with  much  kindness. 
Just  at  this  time  the  Blessed  Bavo  of  St.  Peter's  monastery, 
a  man  of  wondrous  sanctity,  was  called  to  his  reward,  and 
many  miracles  were  daily  wrought  at  his  tomb.  Livinus 
remained  thirty  days  in  this  monastery,  saying  Mass  daily, 
and  praying  with  great  devotion  at  the  tomb  of  the  illustrious 
'confessor,  St.  Bavo.  Then  giving  his  episcopal  blessing  to 
•the  community,  Livinus  and  his  companions  set  out  to  preach 
throughout  Brabant,  the  good  monks  of  St.  Peter's  having 
provided  them  with  all  necessaries  for  the  journey. 

The  Irish  strangers  greatly  admired  the  rich  and  fruitful 
•country  through  which  they  passed.  It  was  a  land,  says  old 
Boniface,  flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  and  bright  with  the 
gladdening  promise  of  a  teeming  harvest.  The  people,  too, 
were  a  tall  and  handsome  race  of  men,  hardy,  high-spirited, 
and  brave  in  battle.  But  they  were  a  half-Christian,  half- 
pagan  people,  stained  with  many  foul  crimes.  Their  hands 
were  red  with  mutual  slaughter,  they  worried  each  other  like 
dogs  of  the  chase,  and  were  moreover  much  given  to  perjury, 
pillage,  and  lust.  Not  a  pleasant  people  to  labour  amongst, 
but  they  had  souls  to  be  saved,  so  Livinus  tried  hard  to 
save  them,  and  his  efforts  were  to  a  great  extent  crowned  with 
success. 

He  was  greatly  aided  in  his  apostolic  labours  by  two  noble 
ladies  named  Berta  and  Crapahildis.  They  were  two  sisters, 
living  together  and  possessed  of  considerable  wealth,  which 
they  spent  with  generous  liberality  in  the  service  of  God. 
Crapahildis  had  a  son  called  Ingelbertus,  who  had  completely 
lost  the  sight  of  his  eyes  for  thirteen  years  and  five 
months.  Livinus  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  his  eyes,  and 
the  boy  at  once  recovered  his  sight.  This  and  many  similar 
miracles,  which  Livinus  wrought  in  confirmation  of  his 
preaching,  soon  brought  crowds  of  converts  to  the  faith  of 
Christ,  and  the  glory  of  God  was  magnified,  and  the  practice 


298  St.  Livinus,  Bishop  and  Martyr. 

•of    the    Christian   virtues    became    general   throughout    all 
Brabant. 

Only  a  martyr's  death  was  now  wanting  to  crown  the  life 
and  labours  of  Livinus,  and  evil  men  were  not  wanting  who 
thirsted  for  his  blood.  They  said  he  was  a  magician  and  a 
deceiver,  the  enemy  of  their  gods  and  of  their  country.  One 
day  as  he  was  preaching  to  the  people,  a  band  of  these  impious 
men  rushed  upon  Livinus,  and  scattering  and  maltreating  his 
companions,  cruelly  beat  him  with  cudgels.  Moreover,  one 
of  them,  Wilbertus  by  name,  thrusting  a  pincers  into  the 
saint's  mouth,  pulled  out  his  tongue,  and  flinging  it  on  the 
ground  cried  out,  "  There  is  the  false  tongue  of  the  deceiver." 

This  impious  wretch,  however,  and  sixteen  of  his  com- 
panions, were  instantly  destroyed  by  fire  from  heaven,  and 
the  tongue  of  the  saint  was  miraculously  healed,  so  that  he 
preached  again  to  all  the  people  as  before. 

Our  Saviour  now  appeared  to  Livinus,  and  told  him  to  be- 
ready,  for  the  struggle  and  the  reward  were  at  hand.  Full 
of  joy  at  this  vision  the  saint  gathered  together  his  flock,  and 
having  given  them  a  final  exhortation,  he  affectionately  bade- 
them  all  adieu,  and  kneeling  down  on  the  ground  prayed  to 
God  for  their  perseverance.  Then  he  rose  up,  and  tenderly 
embracing  each  one  of  his  weeping  flock,  he  gave  them  his 
blessing  and  began  his  journey  with  a  few  companions  to 
the  place  called  Escha,  where  he  intended  to  preach.  Two 
brothers,  ministers  of  Satan,  Menizo  and  Walbertus  by  name, 
fearing  that  the  saint  would  escape  them,  gathered  a  crowd 
of  evil  associates  and  followed  in  hot  pursuit.  "  0  Father," 
said  Foillan,  "  I  hear  the  footsteps  of  a  crowd  approaching, 
and  the  clash  of  their  arms;"  and,  lo  !  Menizo  and  Walbertus 
appeared  at  the  head  of  their  armed  band.  Livinus  addressed 
them,  trying  to  soften  their  rage,  but  in  vain.  Then  he  asked 
for  a  little  time  to  pray,  which  was  granted.  After  his 
prayer,  being  strengthened  from  above,  he  said  to  them  : 
"  Here  I  stand,  a  victim  to  be  offered  to  my  God,  strike  and 
spare  not  me  ;  only  spare  these  poor  companions  of  mine  who 
have  harmed  you  not."  He  then  kissed  the  faithful  three 
who  had  clung  to  him  from  youth,  and  fervently  prayed  that 
God  Almighty  might  guard  and  protect  them  in  the  land  of 


St.  Livinus,  BisJiop  and  Martyr.  299 

rthe  stranger.  Then  signing  that  he  was  ready,  the  wicked 
brothers  rushed  upon  the  saint,  first  cruelly  beat  him,  and 
finally  cut  off  his  head  ;  "  and  it  was  on  the  day  before  the 
Ides  of  November  that  he  suffered." 

Meanwhile  the  holy  matron  Crapahildis,  hearing  what  had 
taken  place,  came  in  great  haste  with  her  son,  who  wore  still 
the  white  robes  of  his  baptism,  and  she  cried  out  aloud  that 
they  had  foully  murdered  a  holy  and  innocent  man.  There- 
upon, the  savage  Walbertus  rushed  up  and  split  her  skull 
with  one  stroke  of  his  axe;  he  then  attacked  her  son,  and  cut 
his  body  into  three  parts  with  his  sword,  and  flung  them  on  the 
highway  beside  the  body  of  Livinus.  The  bodies  of  Livinus 
and  of  the  boy  were  carried  away  by  his  disciples  and  buried 
in  the  same  tomb,  and  nigh  to  them  in  a  separate  grave  was- 
also  buried  the  body  of  the  Blessed  Crapahildis. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  the  exact  date  of  the  holy 
martyr's  death.  Those  who  identify  him  by  Molibba,  Abbot 
and  Bishop  of  Glendalough,  say  that  he  was  put  to  death  on 
the  8th  of  January,  633.1  But  as  Boniface  expressly  says-- 
that  the  day  before  the  Ides  of  November  was  the  day  of  his 
passion,  as  it  is  also  the  day  of  his  festival,  we  can  only  regard 
the  difference  between  these  dates  as  an  argument  against 
the  identity  of  Molibba  and  Livinus.  Besides  Livinus  only 
came  to  Ghent  after  the  death  of  St.  Bavo,  which  occurred 
about  653.  Hence  Lanigan  agrees  with  Fleury  in  assigning 
the  death  of  Livinus  to  the  12th  of  November,  656. 

Escha,  where  the  saint  was  attacked  by  Walbertus  and 
his  companions  was  quite  near  the  village  of  Hauthem,  three 
miles  from  Ghent.  The  holy  remains  were  at  first  buried 
at  Hauthem,  but  were  afterwards  translated  on  several 
occasions.  In  the  year  842  Theodore,  Bishop  of  Cambrai,, 
caused  the  relics  of  Livinus  and  Brictius — the  baptismal 
iiame  of  the  noble  boy  who  was  slain  with  Livinus — to  be 
taken  up  and  interred  in  a  splendid  monument  at  Hauthem. 
Afterwards  in  the  year  1200  they  were  transferred  for  greater 
security  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Bavo  at  Ghent.  At  present 
the  sacred  remains  repose  in  the  cathedral  church  of  St. 
Bavo,  and  are  greatly  venerated  by  the  people  of  Ghent  and 

1  "  Loca  Patriciana,"  page  16.,  Geneal.  Table  I. 


300  <St.  Livimis,  JBisJiop  and  Martyr. 

of  all   Belgium,   who   have   the    deepest   devotion  for   the 
memory  of  St.  Livinus. 

"  Livinus  was,"  says  his  biographer,  "  a  man  of  God  in 
manner,  and  dress,  and  demeanour.  Fasting  made  him  light 
and  spare  of  limb,  but  his  frame  was  well-knit,  and  though 
not  tall  of  stature,  his  head  was  large  and  well-formed  and 
covered  with  flaxen  hair,  that  afterwards  grew  white  and 
•sparse  upon  his  temples.  His  ears  were  large ;  his  eyes 
were  bright  and  pleasing;  the  eyebrows  were  white  and 
thick ;  his  wide  forehead  and  bare  temples  were  smooth 
and  fair  as  marble.  His  cheeks  were  very  thin  from  fasting 
yet  red  withal,  and  wondrous  sweet  and  mild ;  his  beard  was 
white  ;•  the  fingers  long  and  thin;  and  his  whole  frame  was 
lithe  and  graceful,  with  nothing  superfluous." 

This  photograph  shows  that  the  writer  must  have  himself 
seen  Livinus,  or  got  his  information  from  those  who  had  seen 
•and  known  him  well.  The  flaxen  hair  and  florid  complexion 
of  the  Celt  shows  that  it  is  true  to  nature. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  say  that  there  is  no  foundation 
for  the  statement  that  Livinus  was  "  Bishop  of  Dublin,"  there 
being  no  such  See  in  existence  at  the  time.  But  it  has  been 
said  by  more  than  one  writer  that  he  is  identical  with  Molibba, 
a  nephew  of  St.  Kevin,  said  to  be  abbot  and  Bishop 
of  Glendalough.  So  far  as  the  name  is  concerned  that 
theory  would  suit  very  well,  for  Livinus  is  the  natural 
latinised  form  of  Libba,  and  Mo  is  the  usual  Irish  prefix  of 
endearment ;  "  My  Libba."  But  the  similarity  of  these  two 
names"  is,  we  fear,  the  only  argument  in  favour  of  their 
identity.  The  mother  of  Molibba  is  given  in  Father  Shear- 
man's genealogy  from  M'Firbis  as  Caeltigern,  the  sister  of  St. 
Kevin.  But  Caeltigern  is  very  different  from  Agalmia  or 
Agalunia, — and  then  who  was  Calomagnus  ?  and  who  were 
the  two  uncles  of  Livinus,  both  archbishops — for  St.  Kevin 
was  only  an  abbot?  And  Colman,  the  father  of  Molibba  in 
the  genealogy,  is  a  very  different  name  from  Theagnius,  the 
father  of  Livinus,  as  given  in  the  life  by  Boniface. 

We  cannot  at  present  pretend  to  give  a  solution  of  these 
difficulties,  nor  to  establish .  satisfactorily  the  identity  of  the 
personages  described  and  named  by  Boniface  with  any  known 
characters  in  Irish  history. 


Eternal  Punishment.  301 

That  Livinus  was  an.  accomplished  scholar  we  have  for- 
tunately very  clear  proof  in  a  poem  which  is  still  extant,  and 
has  been  published  in  Migne's  Patrology,  volume  87.  It  is 
a  poetical  epistle  addressed  to  his  friend  Floribert,  abbot  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Peter  at  Ghent,  who  had  requested  him 
to  compose  a  metrical  epitaph  for  the  tomb  of  St.  Bavo. 
Both  epistle  and  epitaph  are  written  in  elegiac  metre,  and  in 
a  very  elegant  style,  far  surpassing  in  our  opinion  the  similar 
productions  of  most  of  his  contemporaries.  The  many 
classical  allusions  very  appropriately  introduced  by  the  poet, 
show  that  he  was  a  man  of  wide  culture,  perfectly  familiar 
with  the  writers  of  antiquity,  and  endowed  with  a  refined 
and  cultivated  taste. 

^  JOHN  HEALY. 


ETERNAL  PUNISHMENT. 
V.— DIFFICULTIES. 

OPPONENTS  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  draw  their  arguments- 
from  the  three  chief  sources  of  religious  knowledge, — 
from  Scripture,  reason,  and  the  teaching  of  the  Church.  We 
have  already  sufficiently  examined  the  evidence  of  Tradition; 
accordingly  we  shall  now  confine  our  attention  to  the  first 
two  sources,  looking  at  them,  as  far  as  possible,  from  our 

adversaries'  point  of  view. 

•  *  -  - 

I. — WITNESS  OF  SCRIPTURE. — The  Catholic  Church  usually 
pursues  a  via  media.  If  this  is  an  inconvenience,  it  is  also  an 
advantage  ;  if  it  exposes  us  to  fire  on  both  flanks,  it  enables 
us  frequently  to  fight  our  battle  under  cover  of  a  more 
exposed  force. 

So  it  is  in  the  present  controversy.  The  Scripture  argu- 
ments of  our  opponents  are  for  the  most  part  directed  against 
Calvinistic  Protestantism.  Now  we  do  not  feel  called  upon  to 
defend  predestination  or  reprobation  ante  praevisa  merita : 
"let  the  galled  jade  wince."  We  arc  in  accord  with  the 
most  "  liberal  "  in  believing  that  God  sincerely  wills  all  men 
to  be  saved  ;  that  no  human  soul  shall  be  condemned  to  the 


302  Eternal  Punishment. 

torments  of  hell,  unless  of  its  own  free  will  it  has  neglected 
to  use  the  means  of  salvation  which  God  has  given  it, — unless 
it  has,  with  full  knowledge  of  the  consequences,  deliberately 
fallen  into  grievous  sin. 

Thus  at  one  stroke  we  dispose  of  at  least  three-fourths  of 
the  Scripture  texts  which  Universalists  are  wont  to  urge  in 
favour  of  their  views.  Lest  this  statement  should  appear 
exaggerated,  I  will  quote,  without  a  single  omission,  all  the 
passages  which  Dr.  Farrar1  has  collected  from  the  Gospels. 

ST.  MATTHEW. 
xviii.  11. — "  The  Son  of  man  is  come  to  save  that  which  was 

lost." 
xiii.  33. — "  Till  the  whole  was  leavened." 

ST.  LUKE. 
ix.  56. — "  The  Son  of  man  is   not  come   to  destroy  men's 

lives  but  to  save  them." 
xii.  48. — "  But  he  that  knew  not,  and  did  commit  things 

worthy  of  stripes,  shall  be  beaten  with  few  stripes." 
xix.  1U. — "The  Son  of  man  is  come  to  seek  and  to  save  that 

which  was  lost." 

xv.  4. — "  What  man  of  you  having  a  hundred  sheep,  if  he 
lose  one  of  them,  doth  he  not  leave  the  ninety  and  nine 
in  the  wilderness,  and  go  after  that  which  was  lost  until 
he  find  it  ?"  [John  x.  11 ;  Ps.  cxix.  176  ;  Is,  liii.  6J. 

ST.  JOHN. 
i.  29. — "  Behold  the   Lamb    of  God,  which   taketh   away 

(6  atpuv)  the  sins  of  the  world." 
iii.  17. — "  God  sent  not  His  Son  into  the  world  to  condemn 

the  world  ;  but   that  the  world  (6  KOO-//,OS)  through  Him 

might  be  saved." 
iii.   35. — "  The   Father  loveth  the   Son,  and  hath  given   all 

things  into   His  hands."      [Comp.  xiii.  3  ;  Matt.  xi.  27  ; 

xxiii.  18  ;  Heb.  ii.  8]. 
iv.  42. — "  This   is   indeed   the  Christ,   the    Saviour   of   the 

world." 
xii.  32 — "  And  I,  if  I  be  lifted  up  from  the  earth,  will  draw 

all  men  unto  Me." 
xii.  47. — u  I  came  not  to  judge  the  world,  but  to  save  the 

world." 

Few  Catholics  would  imagine  that  there  is  anything  in 
these  texts  which  could  be  urged  by  a  reasonable  man  as  an 

1  "  Mercy  and  Judgment,"  p  477. 


Eternal  Punishment.  303 

argument  against  the  Church's  teaching.  Nor  is  this  assertion 
in  the  least  disrespectful  to  Dr.  Farrar ;  for  it  is  quite  plain 
that  he  is  arguing  mainly  against  Predestinarian  Calvinism. 

Moreover,  the  Catholic  Church  has  always  maintained  the 
doctrine  of  purgatory.  We  are  thus  freed  from  concern 
about  the  Scripture  arguments  which  Universalists  adduce 
in  proof  of  temporary  punishment  after  death.  These  argu- 
ments are  ours  also;  they  are  numerous  and  cogent;  subtract 
their  force  from  the  strength  of  the  "  liberal "  attack. 

After  making  these  deductions,  a  few  passages  remain  to 
be  urged  directly  against  the  Catholic  teaching ;  let  us  see 
whether  they  may  not  be  fairly  interpreted  so  as  to  harmonize 
with  our  belief.  We  will  reduce  them  to  three  classes,  as  it 
would  be  tedious  to  examine  separately  the  meaning  of 
each  text. 

i. — "  I  will  not  contend  for  ever,  neither  will  I  be  always  wroth  ; 

for  the  spirit  should  fail  before  Me  and  the  souls  which 

I  have  made." — Is.  Ivii.  16. 
"  The  Lord  will  not  cast  off  for  ever  ;  but  though  He  cause 

grief,   yet  will   He  have  compassion  according  to    the 

multitude  of  His  mercies." — Lament,  iii.  31. 
"  He  will  not  always  chide ;  neither  will  He  retain  His  anger 

for  eternity." — Ps.  ciii.  (cii.)  9. 
*'  He  retaineth  not  His  anger  for  ever,  because  He  delighteth 

in  mercy." — Mich.  vii.  18. 

Many  other  passages  of  the  same  drift  are  quoted;  I  have 
selected  those  which  I  consider  the  strongest. 

Now  remark  :  these  texts  do  not  contain,  as  at  first  sight 
they  might  seem  to  contain,  a  direct  and  formal  contradiction 
•of  the  Catholic  dogma.  "  He  retaineth  not  His  anger  for 
ever,'*  cannot  of  itself  mean,  "there  is  no  such  thing  as 
everlasting  punishment;"  unless,  indeed,  one  were  to  maintain 
against  "  liberals  "  and  Catholics  alike,  that  such  expressions 
as  "for  ever"  (efc  alwva)  necessarily,  even  in  the  Old 
Testament,  denote  endless  duration.  And  even  though  they 
did,  it  would  still  remain  to  be  shown  that  the  foregoing 
passages  are  applicable  to  the  ichole  human  race. 

For  it  may  be  asked, — who  are  they  whom  God  will  not 


304  Eternal  Punishment. 

cast  off  for  ever,  and  against  whom  he  shall  not  be  always 
angry  ?  Are  they  those  who  die  in  mortal  sin  ?  Or  rather 
those  who  are  living  in  sin  and  have  yet  time  to  repent? 
We'  believe  that  they  are  the  living,  those  for  whom  the 
Prophets  wrote  and  the  Psalmist  sang,  the  Jews  who  had 
fallen  into  great  crimes,  but  who  are  nevertheless  promised 
mercy  and  pardon,  if  they  return  whilst  there  is  yet  time  to 
the  Lord  their  God.  This  is  the  true  Scripture  Universalism, 
hope  for  all  the  living,  no  matter  how  hardened  in  wickedness, 
provided  they  repent  of  their  evil  ways  even  at  the  last 
moment. 

ii. — There  are  other  texts  which  our  opponents  urge  : 

11  In  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed." 

(Gen.  xxii.  18  ;  xxvi.  4  ;  xii.  o  ;  xxviii.  14  •  Ps.  Ixxi.  17y 

&c.) 
"  God  hath  concluded  them  all  in  unbelief,  that  He  might 

have  mercy  upon  all"     (Horn.  xi.  32.) 
"  As  in  Adam  all  die,  so  in   Christ  shall  all  be  made  alive."" 

(1  L'or.  xv.  22.) 
"  Who  willeth  all  men  to  be  saved,  and  to  come  to  a  knowledge 

of  the  truth."     (1  Tim.  ii.  4.) 

"Who  gave  Himself  a  ransom  for  all."     (1  Tim.  ii.  0.) 
"  Who    is  the   Saviour  of  all  men,  especially  of   those    that 

believe?'     (I  Tim.  iv.  10.) 

Passages  of  this  character,  of  which  pages  might  be 
quoted,  arc  backed  by  a  ratio  theologica.  Christ  redeemed 
the  whole  human  race  in  such  a  manner  as  "  to  crush 
the  serpent's  head;"  to  "put  all  His  enemies  under  His 
feet;"  to  more  than  compensate  for  Adam's  fall,  so  that' 
"'  where  sin  abounded,  grace  might  much  more  abound."1 
He  was  to  have  a  complete  triumph.  But  who  can  imagine  a 
general  returning  in  triumph  to  his  native  land  with  the 
remnant  of  a  mighty  army,  whilst  the  far  greater  part  of 
his  soldiers  are  rotting  in  the  prisons  of  the  foe? 

We  reply:  such  passages  "are  conclusive  against  the 
Calvinist  or  Jansenist  heresy,  that  Christ  died  only  for  the 
elect ;  but  they  leave  untouched  the  further  question,  which 
depends  not  on  the  will  of  God  but  of  man,  whether  all  will 

1  See  Gen.  iii.  15 ;  1  Cor.  xv.  25  ;  Eom.  v.  21. 


¥  Eternal  Punishment.  305 

in  fact  avail  themselves  of  the  proffered  gift.  We  only  see 
here  another  instance  of  that  inveterate  tendency,  .  .  .  both 
in  the  arguments  of  Universalists  and  of  those  who  use  the 
doctrine  of  eternal  punishment  as  a  pretext  for  assailing 
Christianity  altogether,  to  confound  Christian  orthodoxy  with 
Calvinism."1  The  texts  prove  nothing  more  than  that  Christ 
really  died  for  all  men,  and  really  redeemed  them  from  the 
power  of  the  devil ;  that  God  sincerely  wishes  the  salvation 
of  all,  and  has  provided  abundant  means  whereby  all  may 
correspond  with  his  wishes. 

With  regard  to  the  application  of  the  blessings  of 
redemption,  we  believe  that  they  are  applied  to  all  men,  to 
infants  as  well  as  to  adults,  in  a  most  real  manner. 

1.  For  adults  God  has  provided  the  Sacraments  and  per-* 
feet  charity.     He  is  constantly  urging  them  by  graces  of 
intellect  and  of  will,  to  profit  by  these  heavenly  remedies. 
No  adult  shall   ever  be  condemned  to  hell,  unless  he  has 
committed    mortal    sin   with    full    advertence   and  perfect 
freedom. 

2.  With  regard  to  infants,   it  is   the    common   teaching 
that  such  of  them  as  die  unbaptised  shall  suffer  no  positive 
physical   pain,  and   may   be  blest     with    supreme    natural 
happiness.     Even  in  the  supernatural  order  God  has  not  left 
them  unprovided  for.     He  wishes  sincerely  that  all  of  them 
should  be  saved,  and  for  that  purpose  has  provided  sufficient 
means  in  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism. 

If  it  should  be  asked  why  He  does  not  interfere  to  check 
the  operation  of  natural  laws  which  so  often  interfere  with 
the  administration  of  Baptism,  we  can  only  answer  that  we- 
do  not  know.  It  is  a  portion  of  the  depth  of  the  riches 
of  His  wisdom  and  knowledge ;  it  is  such  mysteries  that 
render  His  judgments  incomprehensible  and  His  ways  un- 
searchable. He  could  have  so  made  the  world  that  there 
would  be  in  it  neither  physical  evil  nor  moral  guilt ;  why 
did  He  not  do  so  ?  We  know  not ;  it  is  a  portion  of  the  same 
-mystery.  One  thing  we  do  know,— we  do  not  clearly  see 
that  He  was  in  any  way  bound  to  have  things  other  than 
they  are. 

1  Oxenham  :  "  Catholic  Esckatology,"  p.  160. 
VOL.  VII.  U 


306  Eternal  Punishment. 

• 

We  come  to  the  ratio  theologica.  It  is  necessary  for  our 
opponents  to  maintain  that  the  only  triumph  worthy  of  God 
is  to  be  found  in  the  glorification  of  His  friends ;  but  how 
could  it  be  proved  that  He  may  not  also  triumph  in  the 
punishment  of  His  enemies  ?  As  a  matter  of  fact  He  will 
triumph  over  one  enemy,  death,  by  destroying  it :  "  the 
enemy,  death,  shall  be  destroyed  last "  ;*  and  many  of  our 
opponents  will  admit  that  the  everlasting  punishment  of  the 
devils  shall  redound  to  God's  greater  glory.2 

It  is  easy  to  see  the  fallacy  which  is  involved  in  the  com- 
parison  that  is   drawn    between    Christ    and    some    great 
general.     No  leader  would   be  worthy  of  a  triumph  if  he 
[    returned  with  the   remnants  of  a  great  army,  leaving  the 
\   larger  number  of  his  gallant  and  loyal  troops  to  the  mercy  of 
I  the  enemy.     But  what  if  that  greater  part  were  traitors  and 
*   rebels?     More  important  still,  what  if  he  did  not  leave  them, 
but  brought  both  them  and  the  enemy  bound  to  his  triumphal 
car,  and  inflicted  on  both  the  punishment  they  justly  de- 
served ? 

To  duly  estimate  the  full  significance  of  Christ's  victory 
over  Satan,  we  must  bear  in  mind  what  should  be  the  condi- 
tion of  the  human  race  if  we  had  not  been  redeemed.  We 
had  lost  grace,  and  with  it  our  right  to  Heaven  ;  we  should 
have  fallen  into  grievous  sins,  and  should  have  had  no 
supernatural  remedy  for  them.  No  human  soul  could  ever 
have  entered  God's  glorious  kingdom, — could  ever  be  able  to 
make  even  one  short  step  on  the  way  thither. 

The  redemption  produced  two  results.  (1)  Many,  we 
know  not  how  many,  will  be  actually  blessed  for  all  eternity 
with  the  vision  of  God.  (2)  Means  have  been  provided 
whereby  all  may  be  saved.  Every  human  soul  that  has  once 
come  to  the  use  of  reason  shall  possess  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
if  it  be  not  its  own  grievous  fault, — if  it  have  not  with  full 
consciousness  and  perfect  freedom  separated  itself  from  God. 
"  No  one  ever  has  been,  or  ever  can  be,  lost  by  surprise  or 
trapped  in  his  ignorance ;  and  as  to  those  that  may  be  lost, 
I  confidently  believe  that  our  Heavenly  Father  threw  His 

1  i.  Cor,  xv.  26.  2  See  Apoc.  xiv.  11 ;  xix.  3  ;  and  similar  texts. 


Eternal  Punishment.  307 

arms  round  each  created  spirit,  and  looked  it  full  in  the  face 
with  bright  eyes  of  love,  in  the  darkness  of  its  mortal  life, 
and  that  of  its  own  deliberate  will  it  would  not  have  Him."1 

Nay  even  in  these  lost  spirits  he  shall  triumph.  They 
shall  become  His  footstool  and  be  made  to  show  forth  His 
glory.  Throughout  the  whole  Bible  there  is  not  a  single 
passage  which  may  not  be  interpreted  in  its  fullest  signifi- 
cance according  to  the  foregoing  outlines  ;  I  will  ask  you  to 
read  over  again  the  texts  already  quoted.  Others  are 
omitted  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  and  they  are  almost  all  of  the 
same  character  ;  I  have  selected  those  which  1  believe  to  be 
the  strongest. 

iii. — There  are  a  few  passages  which  might  seem  to  have 
a  wider  signification  and  which  demand  special  attention. 

"  Until  the  times  of  the  restitution  of  all  things."     (Acts  iii. 

21.) 

"  That  God  may  be  all  in  all."     (1  Cor.  xv.  28). 
"  That  He  might  gather  to   Himself  all  things  in  Christ." 

(Eph.  i.  10.) 
"  In  the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  shall  bow,  of  beings  in 

heaven,  on  earth,  and  under  the  earth."     (Philip  ii.  10.) 

It  is  contended  that  passages  such  as  these  leave  room  at 
least  for  hope  that  all  men  may  ultimately  be  saved. 

No  Catholic  will  deny  that  the  texts  are  strange  and 
difficult.  We  do  not  pretend  to  have  fully  fathomed  their 
meaning ;  yet  they  are  not  so  definite  as  to  permit  us  to  set 
ourselves  in  opposition  to  authoritative  teaching,  by  enter- 
taining any  hope  for  the  salvation  of  the  damned. 

It  is  true  that  the  form  of  these  propositions  is  universal ; 
but  propositions  which  are  universal  in  form  are  not  always 
strictly  universal  in  matter.  They  admit  of  exceptions,  pro- 
vided the  exceptions  are  either  plainly  indicated  or  so  well- 
known  as  to  be  supposed. 

Now  it  is  quite  plainly  indicated  all  through  the  Bible 
that  a  certain  class  of  men  shall  be  for  ever  lost.  Another 
class  shall  be  for  ever  blessed  with  the  enjoyment  of  heaven. 

1  Faber,  "  Creator  and  the  Creature,"  p.  368. 


308  Eternal  Punishment. 

Both  shall  be  raised  from  the  dead ;  the  one  for  shame,  the 
other  for  glory. 

We  have  reason  to  believe  that  after  the  resurrection  and 
general  judgment  the  heavens  and  the  earth  shall  be  renewed. 

"  The  heavens  shall  pass  away  with  great  violence,  and  the 
elements  shall  be  melted  with  heat,  and  the  earth  and  the 
works  which  are  in  it  shall  be  burnt  up."  (2  Pet.  iii.  10.) 

"  The  expectation  of  the  creature  waiteth  for  the  revelation  of 
the  sons  of  God.  For  the  creature  was  made  subject  to 
vanity,  not  willingly,  but  by  reason  of  him  that  made  it 
subject,  in  hope ;  because  the  creature  also  itself  shaU  be 
delivered  from  the  servitude  of  corruption  into  the  liberty 
of  the  glory  of  the  children  of  God."  (Bom.  viii.  19-21.) 

"  I  saw  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth.  For  the  first  heaven 
and  the  first  earth  was  gone,  and  the  sea  is  now  no  more. 
And  I,  John,  saw  the  holy  city,  the  new  Jerusalem, 
coming  down  out  of  heaven  from  God.  .  .  And  He  that 
sat  on  the  throne  said :  Behold,  I  make  all  things  new." 
(Apoc.  xxi.  1-5.) 

We  need  not  inquire  how  this  shall  be,  or  what  form  the 
new  heavens  and  the  new  earth  shall  take.  We  are  concerned 
only  with  the  Scripture  texts  in  which  the  change  is  called 
"  the  restitution  of  all  things,"  when  God  shall  be  "  all  in  all" 
and  when  He  shall  "  gather  together  all  things  in  Christ." 
Why  "  all,"  if  a  mighty  deduction  has  to  be  made  for  the 
multitudes  of  lost  spirits  1 

We  contend,  in  reply,  (1)  that  this  deduction  is  insisted 
on  over  and  over  throughout  the  New  Testament.  It  was 
one  of  the  fundamental  points  of  the  creed  of  the  first 
Christians;  it  was  familiar  to  their  minds,  so  familiar  that 
special  mention  of  it  was  quite  unnecessary.  In  our  own 
times  when  preachers  quote  these  texts  for  our  congregations, 
how  many  in  the  Church  puzzle  themselves  with  problems 
about  the  fate  of  the  lost  ? 

Moreover,  (2)  there  were  occasions  when  the  sacred 
writers  had  reason  to  avoid,  if  possible,  making  mention  of 
the  damned.  Thus  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  it  was 
St.  Paul's  purpose  to  deduce  the  doctrine  of  the  general 
resurrection  as  a  corollary  from  Christ's  resurrection  and 
complete  triumph.  He  would  expose  himself  to  a  retort, 
if  he  were  to  mention  those  who  are  to  share  in  the 


Eternal  Punishment.  309 

resurrection  though  not  in  the  triumph,  Ariel  wo  fail  to  see  that 
even  an  inspired  Apostle  is  called  upon  to  state  and  answer 
objections  to  the  truths  which  he  is  commissioned  to  teach. 

Besides,  (3)  after  the  general  judgment  the  wicked  cease 
to  be  of  any  account  in  the  providence  of  God.  He  sustains 
lhem  in  existence,  of  course ;  but  he  has  no  loving  care  for 
them.  Heaven  and  earth  shall  be  renewed  and  freed  from 
the  slavery  of  corruption  ;  the  saints  shall  drink  eternally  from 
the  river  of  delights  that  flow  from  the  throne  of  the  Lamb. 
There  shall  be  no  more  sin  or  sorrow;  no  more  rebellion 
against  God ;  He  shall  be  "  all  in  all."  All  things  shall  be 
subject  to  Him  and  shall  participate  in  His  triumph, — all  but 
the  damned.  They  shall  have  no  share  ;  they  shall  be  dead, 
destroyed;  they  shall  count  for  nothing  in  "the restitution  of  all 
things,"  when  "all  things  shall  be  gathered  together  in  Christ." 

'4)  May  we  not  go  even  further  and  admit  that  lost 
spirits  shall  have  some  part  in  the  glorious  pageant  that  shall 
succeed  the  resurrection  ?  Is  not  the  general  judgment  in- 
tended to  manifest  to  the  world  God's  justice  as  well  as  His 
;goodness  and  mercy?  Even  the  damned  shall  unwillingly 
contribute  to  His  glory.  They  who  before  were  so  proud 
and  great  shall  be  made  very  little  indeed ;  in  this  sense  also 
God  shall  be  "all  in  all." 

II.  WITNESS  OF  REASON. — I  do  not  know  how  better  to 
open  the  case  for  our  opponents  than  by  the  following  words 
of  Dr.  Jellett.1 

"  Every  day  which  passes  over,  religious  controversy  sees 
increased  weight  given  to  the  verdict  of  the  moral  sense 
upon  any  doctrine  which  is  proposed  for  man's  acceptance. 
.  .  Every  day  sees  an  increase  in  the  number  of  those 
who  will  not  consent  to  receive  a  doctrine  on  external 
evidence  only,  without  examination  of  its  mora]  char- 
acter. Many  would  give  to  the  faculty  the  absolute 
right  to  reject  as  untrue  any  doctrine  appearing  to  it 
immoral,  whatever  amount  of  apparent  Scriptural  evi- 
dence may  be  adduced  in  its  favour.  Indeed  the  well- 
known  canon  of  Bishop  Butler — that  '  if  in  revelation 
there  be  found  any  passages  the  seeming  meaning  of 
which  is  contrary  to  natural  religion,  we  may  most  cer- 
tainly conclude  such  seeming  meaning  not  to  be  the  real 
one.  .  . 

1  Contemporary  Review,  April,  1878,  p.  154. 


310  Eternal  Punishment. 

"  The  popular  doctrine  of  eternal  punishment — the  doctrine 
'  that  when  we  think  of  the  future  of  the  human  race,  we 
,  must  conceive  of  a  vast  and  burning  prison  in  which  the 
lost  souls  of  millions  and  millions  writhe  and  shriek  for 
ever,  tormented  in  a  flame  which  shall  never  be  quenched ' — 
is  condemned  because  it  is  repugnant  to  the  moral  sense.'* 

The  foregoing  argument  may  be  reduced  to  a  syllogism  : 
what  reason  condemns  as  false,  is  false ;  but  reason  condemns 
as  false  the  popular  doctrine  of  hell,  therefore  it  is  false. 

With  the  first  of  these  premises  we  have  no  fault  to  find. 
We  might  wish,  indeed,  to  make  some  changes  in  the  form 
under  which  Dr.  Jellett  conveys  his  meaning ;  but  the  mean- 
ing itself  is  sound. 

The  second  premise  contains  the  real  point  at  issue  :  does 
reason  condemn  as  false  the  popular  doctrine  of  hell  ?  Dr. 
Jellett's  answer  has  been  quoted  ;  he  does  not  give  any  reason 
for  his  opinion.  Others  are  more  dogmatic,  though  not  more 
prodigal  of  argument  than  he. 

"  Reason  declares  that  nothing  which  the  worst  of  men  could 
possibly  do  within  the  compass  of  his  three  score  and 
ten  years,  could  possibly  deserve  such  a  punishment  as 
the  endless  torment  of  Catholic  or  orthodox  theology." — 
Eev.  J.  Hunt,  Contemp.  Review,  1878,  p.  169. 

"That  the  conception  of  God.  .  .  inflicting  eternal  torment 
upon  His  creatures  by  act  of  material  punishment,  such 
as  the  medieval  Church  represented,  contradicts  such 
elementary  feelings  [V.6.,  our  moral  sense],  is  fully  con- 
ceded."— Rev.  Henry  Allan,  Ibid.  p.  353. 

"  The  sceptic  believes  in  his  heart  that  there  is  a  God,  and  the 
wicked  shall  be  punished ;  but  he  crushes  the  idea  of 
divine  justice  in  his  soul,  because  he  has  always  been 
taught  to  associate  it  with  raging  flames  and  endless 
cruelties,  which  would  soften  the  heart  of  a  tiger,  and 
make  stones  weep  over  the  fate  of  the  lost." — Aug. 
Callet,  L'finfer,  p.  340. 

"  Compared  with  this,  every  other  objection  to  Christianity 
sinks  into  insignificance." — J.S.  Mill,  Autobiography,  p.  41. 

u  L'Eglise  Romaine  s'est  porte  le  dernier  coup ;  elle  a  con<- 
somme  son  suicide  le  jour  ou  elle  a  fait  Dieu  implacable 
et  la  damnation  eternelle." — George  Sand,  Spiridion,  p.  302. 

"If  this  be  the  logical  result  of  accepting  theories,  better 
believe  in  no  God  at  all.'" — Leslie  Stephen,  English 
Thought  in  Eighteenth  Century? 

1  Most  of  these  extracts  are  quoted  from  Dr.  Farrar's  "  Mercy  and 
Judgment,1'  p.  120. 


Eternal  Punishment.  311 

It  will  help  us  to  bear  up  against  this  attack  if  We  carefully 
remember  what  is  our  own  position.  The  Church  teaches 
as  of  faith  that  those  who  die  in  mortal  sin  shall  be  for  ever 
shut  out  from  heaven.  Whatever  else  we  believe  we  do  not 
hold  with  the  same  firmness,  nor  is  it  taught  with  the  same 
infallible  authority. 

1.  Confining  our  attention  at  first  to  the  dogma  of  faith, 
let  us  examine  whether  any  fair-minded  man  could  say  that  it  is 
opposed  to  reason  or  the  moral  sense.     Consider  what  the 
dogma  is  :— God  of  His  own  free  will  raised  us  to  the  super- 
natural state ;  that  is,  God  gave  us  a  claim  to  a  supreme 
happiness  which  is  so  far  above  our  rights  as  creatures,  that 
of  ourselves  we  could  not  make  the  least  step  to  attain  it. 
This  happiness  is  so  great  that  without  giving  it  at  all  He 
might  have  treated  us  with  abounding  generosity.     Having 
given  us  this  great  blessing  of  His  own  free  will.  He  might 
reasonably  have  required  us  to  fulfil  many  conditions.     He 
was  satisfied  with   one, — that  neither   our   first  father  nor 
ourselves  should  fall  into  mortal  sin.     This  one  condition  wag 
not  observed,  and  we  thereby  forfeited  our  right  to  heaven. 

He  then  sent  His  Son  to  die  for  our  redemption.  He  gave 
us  back  our  claim,  but  again  on  condition  of  avoiding  sin. 
Again  we  offend  Him  freely  and  with  full  knowledge.  Who 
will  say  that  reason  compels  him  to  believe  that  God  is  now 
bound  to  give  to  rebels  what  He  need  not  have  given  from 
the  beginning  to  the  most  capable  and  loyal  servant  ?  How 
then  is  the  Catholic  dogma  opposed  to  reason  ? 

2.  I  take  it,  therefore,  that  what  the  ablest  of  our  opponents 
object  to,  is  not  so  much  the  Catholic  dogma,  as  what  the 
Church  teaches  about  material  fire.     She  does  not  indeed 
teach  it  infallibly,  nor  does  she  commit  herself  to  it  absolutely 
and  irrevocably ;  still  she  proposes  it  for  our  acceptance  in 
such  a  way  as  to  command  our  assent. 

That  there  are  difficulties  against  this  teaching  no  Catholic 
will  deny  ;  but  we  are  fairly  entitled  to  object  to  the  airs  of 
superior  wisdom  and  benevolence  which  "liberal"  opponents 
almost  invariably  assume,  as  if  they  alone  ever  brought  home 


312  Eternal  Punishment. 

to  tlielr  minds  the  full  force  of  these  arguments.  We  feel 
their  force";  the  Church  has  felt  them  in  every  age.  But  our 
love  of  God  and  our  reverence  for  His  authority  are  stronger 
than  our  feelings  of  pity.  We  assent  to  what  God  Himself 
tells  us,  or  what  we  learn  from  the  teachers  whom  He  has 
commissioned,  even  though  the  effort  should  cause  our  feelings 
a  bitter  pang.  Why  will  not  our  adversaries  try  to  be  just  as 
well  as  generous,  to  face  both  sides  of  the  question,  or  at 
least  to  give  us  credit  for  a  different  point  of  view  ? 

(i.)  Before  proceeding  to  directly  answer  these  objections 
from  reason,  I  purpose  to  act  merely  on  the  defensive,  and  to 
show  how  a  Catholic  may  feel  called  upon  to  believe  in  a 
material  fire  of  hell,  without  forfeiting  his  claim  to  be 
considered  a  reasonable  man.  Let  our  position  be  judged  as 
a  whole  before  we  are  condemned  as  inconsistent. 

This,  therefore,  is  how  we  stand,  (a)  The  Teachers  of  the 
Church  have  an  undoubted  right  to  command  our  assent  to 
their  teaching.  (/;)  This  right  would  cease  if  ever  they 
required  us  to  believe  what  we  know  to  be  false,  (c)  But 
what  if  we  had  only  suspicions,  if  we  were  not  sure  that  we 
were  being  led  astray  ?  In  such  circumstances  our  plain  duty 
would  be  obedience.  What  would  be  thought  of  a  soldier  who, 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  should  disobey  his  commander,  not 
because  the  commander  is  evidently  wrong,  but  because  he  is 
not  evidently  right  ? 

Such  precisely  is  our  position  at  its  very  worst, 
(a)  Superiors  teach  that  there  is  a  material  fire  in  hell ;  and 
the  teaching  has  strong  foundation  in  Scripture,  stronger 
still  in  Tradition,  (b)  There  are  difficulties  in  the  way; 
nevertheless  we  do  not  plainly  see  that  these  difficulties  are 
quite  insuperable,  that  our  superiors  are  evidently  wrong, 
(c)  We  recognise  our  duty  and  yield  a  willing  obedience. 

If,  like  our  opponents,  we  could  say  either  (a)  that  no 
superior  commands  us  to  assent  to  this  doctrine ;  or  (&)  that 
no  superior  has  a  right  ever  to  command  us  to  assent  except 
to  what  on  intrinsic  evidence  we  know  to  be  true  ;  or  (c)  that 
our  reason  revolts  against  the  doctrine  of  a  material  fire  of 
hell ; — if  we  could  say  any  of  these  things,  the  result  might  be 
the  very  reverse. 


Eternal  PunisJiment.  313 

It  will  be  seen  that  there  are  many  points  of  difference 
between  our  opponents'  view  and  ours.  Some  of  these  differ- 
ences are  not  special  to  the  present  question ;  one  only  is 
special ;  to  it  therefore  we  confine  our  attention. 

It  is  this  :  does  reason  tell  us  that  there  can  be  no  material 
fire  of  hell  ?  Is  the  testimony  positive,  conclusive,  coercive, 
so  to  speak  ?  For  it  is  only  perfectly  conclusive  evidence 
that  could  justify  disobedience  to  authority.  Our  oppo- 
nents unhesitatingly  say,  yes ;  we  answer,  no. 

The  difficulty  takes  two  forms. — (a)  How  can  material 
fire  affect  an  immaterial  substance,  such  as  the  human 
soul  ?  (&)  How  can  a  God  of  justice,  not  to  speak  of  mercy* 
punish  with  endless  torment  an  act  which  lasted  but  a 
moment,  and  in  effect  did  Him  no  injury  whatever  ? 

(a)  "  How  can  material  fire  affect  an  immaterial  substance  ?  " 
What  if  we  do  not  know  ?       Our  position  does  not  require  us 
to  know;  and  a  short  paper  like  this  is  not  the  most  suitable 
place  to  discuss  the  question.      The  point  at  issue  is,  not 
whether  material  fire  can  affect  the  soul,  but  whether  we  can 
be  sure  that  the  soul  cannot  be  affected  by  fire.     For,  I  repeat, 
'unless  one  is  sure,  one's  plain  duty  is  to  obey. 

Without  entering  into*  any  deep  philosophical  inquiry,  it 
may  not  be  out  of  place  to  suggest  a  reflection.  Many  of 
our  opponents  admit  that  we  have  souls ;  and  few  would  be 
so  wanting  in  respect  for  great  minds  both  in  the  present  and 
in  the  past,  as  to  contend  that  a  soul  tenanting  the  human 
body,  affected  by  it  and  affecting  it,  is  an  utter  absurdity. 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  any  one  could  hold  that  body 
and  soul  can  act  and  react  on  each  other,  and  yet  maintain 
the  impossibility  of  a  spirit  being  affected  by  material  fire. 
This  observation  applies  with  equal  force  to  the  mutual  rela- 
tions of  God,  angels,  and  matter. 

(b)  "  How  can  a  God  of  justice,  not  to  speak  of  mercy, 
punish  with   endless   torment   an   act   which  lasted   but   a 
moment,  and  in  effect  did  Him  no  injury  whatever  ?"    Again 
we  answer,  that  is  not  the  question.     The  question  is  rather, 
how  can  you  be  absolutely  sure  that  to  say  He  may  do  so  is 
to  deny  either  His  justice  or  His  mercy. 


314  Eternal  Punishment. 

Here  again  the  duty  of  an  obedient  Catholic  Is  sufficiently 
clear.  All  the  common  sense  of  the  world  is  not  centred  in 
the  unbelievers  and  "  liberals  "  of  modern  times.  They  are 
great  and  merciful,  no  doubt ;  to  many  of  them  we  give 
credit  for  being  thoroughly  sincere.  But  they  are  not  every- 
thing ;  there  are  good  men  outside  the  "  liberal "  fold, — men, 
too,  with  a  deep  sense  of  justice  and  pity  in  their  hearts. 
Works  of  mercy  are  not  confined  to  any  sect  or  party  ;  they 
did  not  begin  with  this  century ;  some  persons  are  even 
inclined  to  believe  that  in  certain  past  ages  they  flourished 
more  vigorously  than  now. 

This  being  so,  let  us  consider  our  position.  It  is  asserted 
as  beyond  all  possibility  of  doubt  that  God  cannot  condemn 
sinners  to  eternal  torments  in  fire.  Now  this  is  not  a  question 
which  requires  depth  of  thought  for  its  solution ;  it  does  not 
depend  for  its  answer  on  those  sciences  which  have  been  so 
much  developed  in  modern  times.  The  most  that  anyone  even 
the  most  learned  or  scientific  can  do,  is  to  appeal  to  honest, 
kindly  and  unprejudiced  hearts.  The  appeal  has  been  made, 
uninterruptedly  made  during  the  last  nineteen  centuries  at 
least;  and  we  are  content  to  abide  by  the  result.  It  is 
enough  for  us  if  the  answer  be  even  doubtful,  for  then  the 
principle  of  obedience  comes  in.  And  Ave  must  consider  it 
nothing  less  than  extreme  vanity  in  our  arm-chair  humani- 
tarians, to  assert  as  they  do,  that  no  man  with  a  spark  of 
human  pity  in  his  heart,  can  deliberately  believe  in  a  doctrine 
which  was  the  faith  of  Francis  Xavier,  of  Vincent  de  Paul, 
and  of  almost  all  the  great  and  good  men  who  spent  their 
lives  in  performing  works  of  mercy. 

(ii.)  So  far  we  have  merely  acted  on  the  defensive ;  we 
may  now  advance  a  little.  If  our  opponents  will  but  inspect 
their  own  position,  many  of  them  will  find  that  the  difference 
between  their  difficulties  and  ours  is  one  of  degree  rather  than 
of  kind. 

For  they  will  not  venture  to  deny  that  it  is  possible  for 
God  to  preserve  the  wicked  in  existence,  and  yet  to  keep 
them  perpetually  shut  out  from  heaven.  Sinners  have  no 
right  to  heavenly  bliss. 


Eternal  Punishment.  315 

This  being  so,  let  me  ask :  does  the  loss  of  heaven  cause 
pain?  Every  real  loss  which  a  rational  being  knowingly 
suffers  and  which  might  easily  have  been  avoided, 
causes  pain  more  or  less  in  proportion  to  the  greatness 
of  the  loss.  And  as  heaven  is  the  greatest  good  which  a 
rational  creature  can  possibly  enjoy,  so  loss  of  heaven  must 
cause  the  greatest  possible  pain. 

Our  opponents  readily  acknowledge  this ;  it  is  in  fact  the 
key  of  their  own  position.  The  terrible  metaphors  of  Scripture 
could  be  justified  only  on  the  supposition  that  the  agonies  of 
the  wicked  shall  be  keenest  and  most  intense. 

Now  surely  objects  of  justice  and  pity  are  not  re- 
stricted to  those  who  suffer  bodily  torment.  It  happens, 
indeed,  only  too  often,  that  they  who  are  brutalised 
by  coarse  vices,  feel  no  sense  of  compassion,  for  such  of 
their  fellow-creatures  as  have  to  undergo  mere  mental 
agony.  This  is  the  natural  consequence  of  our  bondage  to 
the  flesh.  The  less  we  are  enslaved,  the  more  we  become 
like  to  God  who  is  truth  and  goodness,  the  more  our 
intellect  is  refined  and  our  will  purified, — the  keener  shall  be 
our  sympathy  with  all  sorrowing  spirits.  And  God's  pity 
must  always  be  infinitely  beyond  the  highest  to  which  the 
best  of  men  can  reach. 

Consider,  therefore,  what  our  opponents  mean.  God  may 
cause  endless  agony  of  mind, — agony  the  keenest  and  most 
intense.  He  may  do  this  by  way  of  privation,  but  not  by 
fire;  He  may  afflict  the  soul,  but  the  body  is  sacred  and 
beyond  His  reach.  Catholics  are  accused  of  "  speaking  evil 
things  of  God,"  of  teaching  doctrines  that  are  unworthy  of 
His  holy  name  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  in  all  sincerity,  that  some 
who  thus  show  their  readiness  to  take  the  mote  out  of  their 
brethren's  eyes,  might  by  a  little  humble  self-examination 
find  no  small  beam  in  their  own. 

In  this  age  .of  culture,  refinement,  and  civilisation,  whoever 
ventures  to  express  a  belief  in  a  material  fire  of  hell,  is 
denounced  as  little  less  than  a  savage.  The  inquisition  and 
the  auto  dafe  are  flung  in  his  face;  and  he  is  asked  triumphantly 
whether  he  would  have  the  world  roll  back  again  to  the 
feudal  times.  Such  arguments  as  these  are  urged  even  by 


316  Eternal  Punishment. 

men  who  believe  in  the  fire  which  consumed  the  cities  of 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  the  adherents  of  Core,  the  Jews  who 
murmured  at  the  place  of  burning,1 — not  to  mention  other 
"  barbarous  "  punishments  recorded  in  the  sacred  books. 

Considering  these  things  I  do  not  find  in  my  soul  any 
dictate  of  reason  to  the  effect  that  eternal  punishment  by 
material  fire  is  unworthy  of  God.  Even  though  it  were 
admitted  that  we  do  not  see  clearly  how  there  can  be  a  just 
proportion  between  a  momentary  act  and  eternal  torment, 
what  would  follow?  All  our  knowledge  is  based  on 
truths  of  which  no  one  can  explain  the  how.  Enough  for  us 
to  know  that  eternal  torment  may  not  be  impossible,  if  we  are 
told  on  reliable  authority  that  it  is  a  truth. 

'We  advance  further.  It  is  urged  that  sin  does  God  no 
injury  in  effect.  We  might  answer  that  it  deprives  Him  of 
external  glory ;  but  let  that  pass.  Is  it  only  effective  injury 
that  can  be  justly  punished  ?  Even  among  ourselves  what  is 
more  common  than  to  punish  men  severely  for  attempted 
crimes  ?  But,  you  may  rejoin,  such  punishments  are  intended 
as  a  warning  to  others.  Not  altogether  as  a  warning ;  and 
•surely  no  one  will  contend  that  God  cannot  inflict  any 
punishment  on  sin,  because  sin  can  do  no  injury  to  the  divine 
substance.  It  is  not  a  question  of  punishment  or  no  punish- 
ment, but  of  punishment  more  or  less. 

There  still  remains  to  be  explained  the  great  disproportion 
between  a  momentary  act  of  sin  and  eternal  torments.  And 
I  am  satisfied  that  justice  requires  that  there  should 
be  a  due  proportion  between  crime  and  its  punish- 
ment. One  may  not  with  justice  be  imprisoned  for  life 
for  every  possible  offence.  Yet  one  may  be  justly  sentenced  to 
life-long  imprisonment  for  the  crime  of  a  moment ;  nay,  one 
may  for  such  a  crime  be  justly  put  to  death,  and  thus  in  some 
sort  punished  not  only  for  life  but  for  ever.  Hence  it  is 
manifest  that,  in  estimating  due  proportions,  length  of  time  is 
not  the  only  thing  to  be  taken  into  account. 

1  Numbers,  xi. 


Eternal  Punishment.  317 

And  here  i  can  do  nothing  better  than  quote  St.  Thomas's 
solution  of  the  difficulty  : 

"  Habet  quodlibet  peccatum  contra  Deum  commissum  quamdam 
infinitatern  ex  parte  Dei  contra  quern  committitur.  Mani- 
festum  enim  est  quod  quanto  major  persona  est  contra 
quam  peccatur,  tanto  peccatum  est  gravius  ;  sicut  quL 
dat  alapam  militi,  gravius  reputatur  quam  si  daret  rustico, 
et  adhuc  multo  gravius,  si  principi,  vel  regi.  Et  sic,  cum 
Deus  sit  infinite  magnus,  offensa  contra  ipsum  cominissa 
est  quodam  rnodo  infinita ;  unde  et  aliqualiter  poena  in- 
finitn  ei  debetur.  Non  autem  potest  esse  poena  intinita 
intensive ;  quia  nihil  creatum  sic  infinitum  esse  potest. 
Unde  relinquitur,  quod  peccato  mortali  debeatur  poena 
infinita  duratione."  1 

Against  this  solution,  which  has  been  universally  received 
in  Catholic  schools,  and  which  applies  now  just  as  well  as  in  the- 
days  of  St.  Thomas,  one  difficulty  so  plainly  suggests  itself 
that  it  cannot  be  passed  over  here  : — 

The  same  reason  would  seem  to  prove  that  of  themselves 
venial  sins  deserve  eternal  punishment ;  for  they  are  equally 
offences  committed  by  creatures  against  the  infinite  Creator. 
And  yet  theologians  commonly  teach  that  venial  sins  deserve 
nothingmore  than  temp  oral  punishment,  of  their  own  nature  and 
independently  of  any  free  act  of  forgiveness  on  the  part  of  God. 

We  answer :  the  difference  arises  from  the  very  nature  of 
mortal  and  venial  sins,  (a)  Mortal  sin  may  be  committed 
only  by  turning  away  from  Godyat  least  implicitly,  and  turning 
to  creatures  for  our  ultimate  happiness.  By  venial  sin  we  do 
not  turn  away  from  God;  we  continue  to  place  our  supreme 
and  final  happiness  in  the  enjoyment  of  Him.  (6)  Hence  as 
in  the  present  supernatural  order  we  formally  tend  towards. 
God  our  last  end  by  sanctifying  grace,  so  when  we  sin  mortally 
and  turn  away  from  Him  to  the  creature,  the  habit  of  grace 
is  withdrawn  from  our  soul.  The  same  cannot  be  said  to 
result  from  venial  sin.  (c)  Accordingly,  grace  and  venial  sin 
can  co-exist  in  the  soul;  or  in  other  words,  one  who  has  venially 
sinned  may  still  remain  the  friend  and  child  of  God  and, 
the  heir  to  his  kingdom.  But  God  cannot  perpetually  exclude 
from  heaven  His  friends,  His  children,  the  heirs  to  His  glory. 

1  Opusc.  3,  cap.  183 ;  cf.  ii.  Dist.  46,  q.  1  a.  5 ;  iv.  Dist.  46,  q.  l,a.  3 ; 
lect.  2  in  cap.  2  Ep.  ad  Kom.  &c. 


318  Eternal  Punishment. 

Just  a  few  words  in  reply  to  another  objection.  "  Material 
fire  is  now  stated  to  be  merely  a  form  of  motion ;  when  this 
motion  is  such  as  to  produce  intense  heat  in  a  body,  that  body 
becomes  luminous :  in  fact,  light  is  considered  a  necessary 
concomitant  of  intense  heat :  granted,  therefore  a  material 
fire  of  a  fierceness  such  as  we  are  accustomed  to  believe  in, 
and  we  must  also  suppose  light :  but  again  and  again  darkness 
is  spoken  of  as  the  concomitant  of  the  fire  that  burns  the 
lost.  Therefore  an  objection  seems  to  arise  against  such  a 
literal  interpretation  of  the  word  4fire'  "x 

(a)  Why  not  rather  an  objection  against  the  literal  inter- 
pretation  of  the   word    "  darkness  ?"       Such  an  objection 
appears  to  be  much  less  opposed  to  the  evidence  of  both 
Scripture  and  Tradition,  as  the  following  extract  from  Maz- 
zella  will  serve  to  show.2 

"  Patres  hujusmodi  tenebras  intelligunt  primario  de  ipsa  pri- 
vation e  visionis  intuitivae  ;  secundario  de  tenebris  corpo- 
ralibus.  Hinc  S.  Hieronymus  (in  c.  VIII.  Matth.) : 
'  Tenebrae  semper  interiores  sunt,  non  exteriores.  Sed 
quoniam  qui  a  Domino  foras  expellitur,  lumen  relinquit. 
idcirco  exteriores  tenebrae  nominatae  sunt.' — etS.  Augus- 
tinus  (in  Psal.  VI.):  *  Tenebrae  exteriores  sunt  esse  peni- 
tus  extra  Deum.'  " 

(b)  We  might,  if  pushed,  give  another  answer,  disting- 
uishing between  light  and  vision.     The  former  does  not  neces- 
sarily suppose  the  latter ;  and  want  of  vision  may  well  be 
called  "  darkness,"  as  when  Milton  writes : 

"  Cloud  instead,  and  ever-during  dark 
Surrounds  me." 

And  again  :8 

';  When  I  consider  how  my  light  is  spent 
Ere  half  my  days,  in  this  dark  world  and  wide." 

(c)  But  let  us  come  to  the  direct  reply.     How  does  it 
appear  that  light  should  be  "  considered  a  necessary  con- 


A  critic  in  The  TaUet,  Feb.  13th,  1886,  p.  250. 

De  Deo  Creante,  p.  906.  8  Sonnet  on  his  Blindness. 


The  Temperance  Question.  319 

comitant  of  intense  heat  ?"     Dr.  Tyndal  may  be  considered  a 
fair  authority  on  such  matters,  and  he  writes :  — l 

"  The  oxyhydrogen  flame.  .  .  consists  of  hot  aqueous  vapour. 
It  is  scarcely  visible  in  the  air  of  this  room,  and  it  would 
be  still  less  visible  if  we  could  burn  the  gas  in  a  clear 
atmosphere.  .  .  But  the  heat  of  the  flame  is  enormous. 
Cast  iron  fuses  at  a  temperature  of  2,<)00y  Fahr. :  while 
the  temperature  of  the  oxyhydrogen  flame  is  6,000°  Fahr." 

Six  thousand  degrees  Fahr.  is  rather  hot, — three  times  as 
hot  as  cast  iron  at  its  point  of  fusion.  And  yet  "  a  body  " 
may  be  so  heated  with  little  or  none  of  the  "necessary 
concomitant."  It  may  not  only  be  heated  but  burned — 
made  to  flame.  If  our  poor  appliances  can  so  order  the  waves 
of  ether  as  to  make  them  burn  aqueous  vapour  without 
sensibly  affecting  the  retina,  why  may  we  not  believe  it  to  be 
within  the  power  of  the  Omnipotent,  so  to  order  the  same 
waves  as  to  make  them  burn  other  substances  without  becom- 
ing luminous  ?3 

W.  McDoNALD. 


THE    TEMPERANCE  QUESTION. 

ONE  hindrance  certainly  to  the  fair  discussion  of  the 
Temperance  Question,  and  perhaps  to  its  more  success- 
ful development  into  practice  is  that  many,  who  advocate 
it,  do  not  deal  with  it  temperately.  They  get  to  be  so 
influenced  by  prejudice,  by  over-eagerness  in  a  good  cause, 
they  have  so  little  learned  the  wisdom  of  the  poet's  line : — 

"  Incidit  in  vitium,  vitii  f  uga,  quse  caret  arte," 

that  they  use  wild  words,  make  assertions  that  do  not  bear 
examination,  touch  on  subjects  that  are  sacred  and  inviolable, 

1  "  Fragments  of  Science,"  p.  227  ;  the  italics  are  mine. 

2  St.  Thomas  teaches  that  there  shall  be  some  light  in  hell.    "  Simpliciter 
loquendo,  locus  est  tenebrosus.     Sed  tamen  ex  divina  dispositkme  est  ibi 
aliquid  luminis,  quantum  sufficit  ad  videndum  ilia  quae  aniinam  torquere 
possunt."     Suppl.  q.  97,  a.  4. 


320  The  Temperance  Question. 

and  so  deter  the  more  restrained  but  not  less  earnest  upholders 
of  the  cause  from  joining  them  in  what  is  called  the  "  Crusade 
against  Drink." 

I  would  say  a  little  on  this  vexed  question,  but  I  will  not 
enter  into  its  vexedness.  I  will  not  venture  to  hazard  an 
opinion  011  the  relative  merits  of  Local  Option,  Sunday  Closing, 
Early  Closing,  &c.  These  aspects  of  the  question  I  leave  to 
wiser  heads  and  more  influential  people.  I  would  by  these 
lines  help  a  little  to  keep  before  men's  minds  a  subject  that, 
all  in  Ireland  admit,  is  of  exceeding  importance  to  the  welfare 
of  our  people,  that  involves  many  and  deep  interests,  that 
requires  very  careful  handling,  and  that  must  be  dealt  with 
some  day  in  a  manner  more  effective  than  we  have  yet  known, 
if  it  is  to  reach  a  final  and  happy  settlement. 

One  man  may  cry  out  against  the  rising  tide,  but  it  takes 
many  arms  and  strong  to  raise  a  barrier  that  shall  check  its 
flow.  I  would  therefore  rather,  as  a  priest,  look  at  the  Question 
from  a  professional  aspect,  and,  using  a  fair  experience,  point 
to  the  causes  of  excess  in  using  strong  drink,  draw  attention 
to  some  of  the  remedies,  and  even  perhaps  lightly  touch  the 
subject  as  it  affects  our  social  and  civil  life. 

But  here,  at  the  outset,  to  set  myself  right  with  my  fiery 
friends,  I  should  perhaps  state  my  principles.  Well,  although 
a  Teetotaller  by  choice,  I  do  not  advocate  Universal  Teeto- 
talism ;  for  the  simple  reason,  that  I  do  not  advocate  the 
Impossible.  I  do  believe  in  and  desire  Universal  Temperance.. 
I  am  one  with  them  in  thinking  that  excessive  indulgence  in 
strong  drink  is  only  too  rife.  Saying  this  much,  I  cannot  be 
charged  with  extravagance  or  originality  !  Indeed  I  do  not 
plume  myself  that  the  paper  throughout  will  say  one  thing 
original.  The  purpose  with  which  it  is  written  I  have  just 
declared. 

Amongst  the  causes  of  the  excessive  indulgence  in  strong 
drink  by  many  of  our  people  should  not  their  poverty  get  a 
high  place?  I  do  not  say  that  the  evils  from  excessive 
drinking  are  to  be  seen  only  among  the  poorer  people.  If 
one  may  believe  but  half  the  stories  told,  the  vice  is  rife 
enough  among  those  whom  God  has  more  plentifully  endowed 
with  the  good  things  of  earth;  and  it  is  not  growing  less. 


The  Temperance  Question.  321 

But  tlio  remedy  for  the  sin  in  these  people  must  come,  under 
God,  from  themselves.  This  paper  calls  attention  only  to 
the  class,  which  may  be  benefitted  by  the  friendly  and  sus- 
tained efforts  of  those  who  know  and  feel  for  their  sad 
surroundings,  and  who  ean  and  would  help  them. 

Does  it  now  seem  a  paradox  to  anyone  that  poverty  and 
drunkenness  can  be  in  the  same  person  ?  They  know  little 
of  earthly  ways,  who  are  amazed  at  such  a  fellowship.  True, 
it  is  against  plain  sense,  that  a  poor  man,  who  has  earned  or 
somehow  got  a  shilling,  will  rather  spend  it  on  drink  than  get 
himself  for  once  a  comfortable  meal.  Let  us  not  be  too  hard 
on  him;  but,  let  us  bless  God  that  we  do  not  know  by 
experience  the  privations,  and  the  dread  temptations  of  these 
poorer  ones.  The  comfortable  meal  should  bear  him  up  for 
some  hours,  but  could  not  quell  apprehension  of  the  want 
that  should  succeed :  the  intoxicating  draught  stills  the 
hunger,  and  banishes  for  the  while  all  fear  of  want.  For  the 
while  he  is  : — • 

"  O'er  all  the  ills  of  life  victorious  !" 

To  draw  the  curtain  of  oblivion  over  the  dark  spots  of  one's 
life  is  to  us  all  a  comfort.  Perhaps  this  is  one  explanation 
why  many  of  the  better-off  go  on  to  drunkenness.  The  poor 
have  few  comforts.  Some  of  them,  too,  seek  this  natural  solace, 
and  for  the  while  are  happy.  Speaking  to  the  poor  man  of 
his  sin,  I  should  of  course  paint  to  him  its  wickedness ;  but 
speaking  thus  of  him  I  can  see — I  had  almost  said  a  reason — 
an  excuse  for  his  conduct. 

If  poverty  be  one  of  the  causes  of  drunkenness  amongst 
our  poorer  people  would  prosperity  be  a  remedy  ?  Prosperity, 
sudden  and  large,  would,  I  fear,  not  be  a  remedy.  In  this  I 
think  I  will  be  borne  out  by  priests  of  experience.  I,  as  they, 
could  name  instances,  not  a^  few,  where  a  sudden  gain  of 
money  demoralised  not  only  the  man  and  hia  family,  but,  for 
awhile,  the  neighbourhood. 

Does  anyone  who  knows  Ireland  wonder  at  this  ?  If  our 
people  are  not  used  to  wealth,  and  that  its  power,  when  it 
comes  quickly  is  too  much  for  them,  whose  is  the  shame  ?  If  the 
coloured  people  of  the  Southern  States  of  America  are  clumsy 
and  untaught,  and  will  be  so  perhaps  for  yet  a  generation  or 
VOL.  VII.  X 


.322  tThe  Temperance  Question. 

'more,  whose  is  the  shame  ? — if  it  do  not  mantle  the  faces  of  the 
•men  who  kept  them  long  in  bondage  and  treated  them  as 
-the  cattle  of  the  field !  And  there  is  a  striking  parallel 
.between  the  conduct  of  some  of  the  slave-owners  of  the  South 
and  the  rulers  of  Ireland  in  the  past.  But  in  the  better  times 
that  seem  nigh  for  this  land,  our  people  will  learn  to  bear 
becomingly  the  brightness  of  freedom's  ways.  It  should  be 
the  loving  work  of  those  who  wish  them  well  to  strive  to  educate 
them,  in  preparation  at  least  for  these  prosperous  days,  to  more 
firm  habits  of  self-control,  industry  and  thrift. 

"  What,  educate  the  drunkard !  as  well  ask  the  sea  to 
•roll  back."  Well,  be  it  so.  Let  us  consider  him  first,  the 
poor  man,  who  from  whatever  cause  has  acquired  the  habit 
of  excessive  indulgence  in  strong  drink.  I  would  try  to 
educate  even  him.  I  know  the  effort  in  some  cases  "  oft 
tried  and  ne'er  succeeding,"  tried,  too,  by  men  who  loved 
their  kind  with  more  than  a  human  love,  has  been  so  result- 
less  that  they  ceased,  in  despair  of  these  sad  ones,  and.  gave 
themselves  only  to  prayer  that  the  All-Merciful  might  unclose 
the  blinded  minds.  Yet  I  do  not  despair  ! 

And  here  again  I  join  hands  with  my  fiery  friends.  I  begin 
by  making  my  drunkard  a  teetotaller.  "  What,  give  him 
the  'pledge;'  how  long  will  he  keep  it?"  "Yes,  I'll  give 
him  the  '  pledge.' ''  "  How  long  will  he  keep  it?"  "  In  the 
beginning  of  his  education  perhaps  not  long  !"  "  Then,  when 
he  breaks  it,  you  give  it  to  him  again  ?  "  "  Yes,  again 
and  again,  as  often  as  he  asks  it  rightly"  "  What,  again 
and  again !  "  "  Yes,  septuagies  septies"  "  But,  do  you  know 
what  a  serious  thing  you  do  in  so  giving  the  'pledge?'' 
"  I  quite  know."  "  It  is  a  vow."  "  I  tell  him  it  is  not  a  vow. 
I  tell  him  truly  what  it  is,  that  it  is  like  a  sacramental  of  the 
Church,  a  simple  promise  made  to  God's  minister  which,  if 
he  keep  it,  will  bless  him ;  if  he  break  it,  the  breaking  per  se 
will  not  bring  on  him  the  guilt  of  mortal  and  hardly  of 
venial  sin.  I  tell  him  the  promise  so  made,  which  at  the  same 
time  is  a  true  'pledge,'  will  do  little  good,  and  that  he  may 
not  hope  to  keep  it  long  unless  he  seek  help  from  God  to 
keep  it.  I  tell  him  he  must  seek  His  friendship  in  Confession 
and  His  further  grace  in  the  Holy  Communion.  Here  is  what 
I  mean  by  taking  the  '  pledge  '  rightly" 


The  Temperance  Question.  323 

My  drunkard  agrees  to  the  terms,  and  I  give  him  the 
"  pledge."  He  breaks  it,  and  comes  again ;  I  ask  him  did  he 
use  the  means  to  keep  it,  has  he  been  to  confession?  He  has 
been.  I  unhesitatingly  renew  for  him  the  '  pledge.'  Let  me 
make  an  extreme  case.  He  comes  again  and  again  with  a 
broken  promise,  using  still  the  means  ;  I  do  not  refuse  him 
the  "  pledge."  How  should  I  ?  He  is  a  sad  recidivus.  Yet, 
why  should  I  not  help  his  feeble  effort  to  improve  by  the 
courage  which  a  priestly  word  must  inspire.  Why  should  I 
not  feed  the  hope  to  improve,  which  he  yet  has,  or  surely  he 
would  not  come  to  renew  his  simple  promise.  Should  I 
quench  the  scarcely  smoking  flax  ?  It  is  weary  work  of 
course ;  but  I  am  not  hopeless  of  him.  He  will  yet  come 
right. 

Does  my  poor  friend  come  from  the  first,  and  again  and 
again,  with  a  broken  "  pledge,"  having  seldom  or  not  at  all 
used  the  means  of  keeping  it  ?  Of  him  I  should  soon  begin 
to  grow  hopeless. 

Anyhow,  this  is  what  I  mean  by  educating  the  drunkard. 
The  man  who,  from  experience,  knows  he  cannot  taste  strong 
drink  without  exceeding,  and  the  woman  who  is  beginning 
to  have  a  fondness  for  drink,  must  become  total  abstainers. 
I  do  not  believe  in  partial  "  pledges  "  for  six  months,  &c.,  for 
such  people.  Such  "pledges"  keep  up  a  liking  for  what  is 
for  these  people  a  dangerous  and  a  proximate  and  a  volun- 
tary occasion  of  sin,  and  their  propositum,  if  they  refuse  to 
go  beyond  such  a  partial  "pledge,"  may  be  fairly  doubted 
even  by  a  confessor.  Neither  do  I  believe  in  such  people 
pledging  themselves  to  drink  only  claret,  cordial,  &c.  How 
many  a  good  ship  has  gone  to  pieces  on  these  sunken  reefs  ? 
No,  for  them  it  must  be  all  or  nothing.  The  eye  is  diseased 
beyond  cure,  it  must  be  plucked  out  to  save  the  life. 

I  know  some  priests  feel  a  difficulty  about  renewing 
broken  "  pledges  ;"  but,  understood  as  I  have  tried  to 
explain — and  for  this  explanation  I  have,  as  is  known,  high 
authority — there  seems  little  or  no  danger  in  renewing  them, 
The  class  of  which  I  have  as  yet  treated  is  bound  sub 
gram  to  avoid  strong  drink  ;  it  adds  little  or  nothing  to  their 
obligation  or  sin  that  they  make  you  a  simple  promise  to 


324  The  Temperance  Question. 

shun  it.  If  you  refuse  to  renew  the  "pledge  "  for  the  poor 
drunkard,  you  cut  off  from  him  a  channel  of  grace,  namely, 
your  priestly  advice ;  for  he  will  shun  you,  lose  heart,  and 
give  himself  to  his  sin  unchecked. 

Again  it  is  said :  if  you  undervalue  the  "  pledge,"  that 
is,  tell  the  drunkard  its  true  worth,  he  will  break  it  readily, 
and  so  you  take  from  him  a  great  safeguard  against  drunken- 
ness. I  admit  that  they  are  at  first  astonished  to  hear  that 
the  "  pledge  "  is  of  so  slight  obligation.  But  I  know  from 
experience  that  they  yet  will  come  for  it ;  and  while  they 
come  there  is  hope. 

In  reference  to  this  last  difficulty,  I  would  respectfully 
submit  that  there  has  been,  and  there  is  yet  in  many  places 
among  our  poorer  people  a  very  erroneous,  an  almost  super- 
stitious notion  about  the  "  pledge."  They  do  seem  to  think 
it  has  what  we  know  as  an  ex  opere  operato  effect  to  keep  them 
from  getting  drunk.  Mingled  with  this,  and  helping  them 
somewhat,  is  a  sense  of  honor  to  keep  their  plighted  word 
with  the  priest.  Then  there  is  the  shame  of  breaking  it,  a 
dash  of  manliness,  and  of  enthusiasm.  The  enthusiasm  I 
think  exists  no  longer,  and  I  cannot  say  that  I  am  sorry. 

I  should  be  slow,  very  slow  to  say  the  lightest  word  that 
could  seem  to  decry  the  work  of  any  good  man.  But  I 
believe  it  is  very  generally  acknowledged  that  much  of  the 
success  that  attended  the  great  labours  of  the  "  Apostle  of 
Temperance,"  Father  Matthew,  came  from  the  spirit  of  enthu- 
siasm which  he  naturally  and  fairly  evoked  amonghis  followers* 
Furthermore,  and  here  1  can  speak  more  freely  as  I  state 
what  from  my  years  I  could  not  personally  have  known,  but 
what  I  have  had  more  than  once  from  older  lips,  who  knew 
what  they  spoke — it  would  have  conduced  much  to  the 
stability  of  the  work  which  he  raised,  had  he  trained  his 
followers  to  rely  less  on  this  spirit  of  enthusiasm  and  ex  opere, 
operato  belief  in  the  "  pledge,"  and  more,  for  help  to  keep  it, 
on  the  grace  of  God  to  be  sought  in  the  ordinary  channels, 
the  Sacraments  of  the  Church. 

Father  Matthew  did  a  mighty  work.  Singlehanded  he 
checked  a  very  tide  of  misery  and  sin.  His  memory  will  live 
as  long  as  Ireland's  annals  last ;  nay,  his  deeds  make  part  of 


The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "its  Irish  Puzzles?  325 

the  world's  history,  and  she  justly  places  him  among  her 
greatest  men.  My  admiration  of  him,  of  his  self-sacrifice 
and  devotedness,  is  beyond  words.  But  weighing  his  work 
in  the  scales  of  the  Sanctuary  it  is  largely  earthly.  One 
characteristic  of  a  work  of  grace  is  surely  wanting  to  it — 
fructus  v ester  maneat — it  was  great,  almost  superhuman,  to 
be  admired  and  emulated,  but  it  was  short-lived.  The  works 
of  God  "  remain." 

Do  the  good  men  who  labour  so  earnestly  in  the  temper- 
ance cause  in  our  day  consider  sufficiently  that  "  unless  the 
Lord  build  the  house,  they  labour  in  vain  who  build  it,"  so 
that  it  may  keep  standing  ? 

I  have  written  only  of  the  education  of  the  habitual 
drunkard.  There  are  others  to  be  educated  in  the  use  of  strong 
drink,  our  children,  our  young  men  and  maidens.  We  educate 
the  first  sad  class  by  trying  to  eradicate  the  evil  habit ;  we 
can  educate  these  by  preventing  in  them  the  abuse  of  God's 
gift.  On  this  part  of  the  subject  much  will  have  to  be  said. 
But  I  feel  I  must  not  tax  too  much  the  indulgence  of  the 
RECORD  ;  so,  with  permission,  I  will  treat  of  these  topics  in 
a  future  number. 

F.  M.  RYAN. 


THE    BOOK    OF    ARMAGH    AND    "ITS    IRISH 
PUZZLES." 

TIHE  very  learned  editor  of  the  above  valuable  manuscript, 
previously  to  its  publication,  some  twelve  months  ago, 
submitted  to  Irish  scholars  some  puzzles  from  the  Book  of 
Armagh  for  their  elucidation.  Distrusting  my  own  powers, 
and  calculating  that  more  competent  hands  than  mine  would 
handle  them,  I  shrank  from  offering  then  an  explanation  of 
the  puzzles.  Now,  however,  finding  that  no  solution  has 
been  offered  for  some  of  them,  and  that  the  solution  proposed 
for  others  is  very  questionable,  I  venture  to  offer  my  views 


326  The  Boole  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles.'9 

on  them.  But  before  dealing  with  the  puzzles,  I  wish  to 
make  some  observations  on  the  book  in  which  they  appear, 
and  which  has  been  learnedly  edited  by  a  distinguished 
member  of  a  most  distinguished  Order.1  The  Armagh  copy 
has  been  published  with  the  aid  of  the  Bollandists'  copy,  and 
the  readings  of  both  have  been  satisfactorily  given. 

Time  was  when  every  province,  see — nay,  every  impor- 
tant church  and  convent — could  boast  of  their  respective 
Valuable  annals.  While  some  of  these  contained  entries  of 
merely  local  importance,  others  were  repertories  of  know- 
ledge on  matters  of  national  or  Catholic  interest.  Hence  we 
had  and  have,  among  the  "  host  of  the  books  of  Erin,"  the 
Book  of  Leinster,  the  Book  of  Kells,  that  of  Durrow,  that 
of  Dimma,  and  the  Book  of  Armagh.  Armagh  could  boast 
of  several  famous  books.  There  was  the  Antiphonary  of 
Armagh,  preserved  still  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin ;  there 
were  the  valuable  registries  of  Armagh,  named  from  the 
several  primates  under  whom  they  had  been  compiled.  But 
there  was  one  book  which  was  called  the  Book  of  Armagh. 
The  others  were  more  or  less  of  a  diocesan  character ;  but  the 
Book  of  Armagh  was  looked  on  as  a  national  muniment. 
This  book  contains  the  oldest  and  most  authentic  documents 
on  Irish  history.  This,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  it  contains 
the  "Confession"  of  St.  Patrick,  written  by  his  own  hand, 
renders  it  a  most  venerable  relic  of  antiquity. 

The  life  of  St.  Patrick,  as  found  in  the  Book  of  Armagh, 
was  written  in  the  eighth  century.  It  informs  us  that  the 
life  was  written  at  the  suggestion  and  command  of  Hugh, 
Bishop  of  Sletty,  and  was  thus  written  under  a  sense  of 
serious  responsibility.  The  writer  informs  us  that  before  his 
time  several  lives  of  our  national  saint  had  been  written. 
But  each  followed  a  peculiar  line  ;  and  owing  to  the  variety 
of  opinion  expressed  on  several  points,  and  the  difficulty  of 
the  undertaking,  the  writer  in  the  Book  of  Armagh  states  that 
he  writes  only  in  obedience  to  his  superior. 

Tirechan,  whose  annotations  on  the  life  of  St.  Patrick  are" 

1  "  Docmnenta  de  S.  Patritio,  Hibernorum  Apostolo  ex  libro  Armacano, 
edidit  E.  Hogan,  S.J.,  in  Universitate  Catholica,  Dublinensi,  linguae 
Hiberniae  et  Historiae  lector,  Bruxellis." 


The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "its  Irish  Puzzles"  327 

given  in  the  Book  of  Armagh,  was  a  disciple  of  St.  Ultan,  who 
died  about  the  year  650.  So  old  were  the  materials  from 
which  the  life  of  St.  Patrick  was  compiled,  that  some  of  them 
were  undecipherable :  and  hence  on  the  margin  of  the  book 
we  find  several  words  suggestive  of  doubt  and  caution. 

Besides  the  life  of  St.  Patrick,  the  Book  of  Armagh  contains 
the  Revelation  of  the  Angel  on  the  prerogatives  of  the  See  of 
Armagh,  the  "Confession"  of  the  saint,  a  preface  addressed 
to  Pope  Damasus  by  St.  Jerome  in  his  version  of  the  Four 
Gospels,  ten  Canons  on  the  concordance  of  the  Gospels,  the 
Canon  of  the  New  Testament,  substantially  the  same  as  our 
own,  the  life  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  by  Sulpicius  Severus, 
and  his  dedicatory  address  to  Desiderius,  with  several  of  his 
letters.  The  venerable  book  is  composed  of  several  hundred 
folios,  written  partly  in  the  Irish,  Greek,  and  Latin  characters ; 
but,  to  an  ordinary  Latin  scholar,  the  Latin  is  as  strange  as 
Chinese.  The  volume  is  about  7£  inches  long,  and  5£  inches 
wide.  Its  ornamentation  was  a  labour  of  love  to  prince  as 
well  as  artist.  Hence  the  Four  Masters  tell  us  that  in  the 
tenth  century,  Donchaid,  son  of  Flann,  Monarch  of  Ireland, 
richly  adorned  it.  St.  Bernard  tells  us  that  in  his  time  it 
was  covered  with  gold  and  precious  stones ;  and  such  was 
the  veneration  in  which  it  was  held  that,  according  to  the 
same  saint,  the  intruder  Nigellus  thought  its  possession 
sufficient  and  necessary  for  the  possession  or  usurpation  of 
the  Primatial  Se3.  From  it  an  oath  was  supposed  to  derive 
a  peculiarly  binding  character,  and  by  it  foes  were  reconciled 
and  treaties  ratified. 

The  Book  of  Armagh  was  a  national  treasure.  It  was 
under  the  protection  of  prince  and  primate.  Its  immediate 
guardianship  was  committed  to  a  family  of  the  M'Moyre  (sons 
of  the  guardian)  ;  and  so  richly  endowed  was  the  guardian- 
ship, that  the  M'Moyre  had  eight  farms  of  land  and  a 
magnificent  seat  in  Armagh.  The  book  is  found  in  possession 
of  the  M'Moyres  till  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the  last  of 
the  family,  as  custodians,  sold  the  book  for  five  pounds.  The 
seller  of  the  book  proceeded  to  London,  and  is  supposed  to 
have  sworn  away  the  life  of  the  martyred  Primate  Plunket  ' 

The   Book   of  Armagh  were  invaluable   even  though    it 


328  The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "its  Irish  Puzzles" 

rendered  no  other  service  than  establish  the  Roman  mission 
of  St.  Patrick.  Protestants,  even  the  most  learned,  who 
undertook  to  enlighten  us  on  Irish  history,  never  tired  of 
asserting  that  the  theory  of  a  Roman  mission  was  the  inven- 
tion of  the  twelfth  century,  and  derived  no  colour  or  support 
from  the  early  and  authentic  lives  of  our  national  saint.  The 
Book  of  Armagh,  however,  represents  St.  Patrick  as  going 
to  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  qualifying  himself  by  an  ecclesi- 
astical training,  and  receiving  the  sanction  of  the  Holy 
See  :  "  De  aetate  ejus,  quando  iens  videre  sedem  Apostolicam 
voluit  discere  sapientiam."  He  accordingly  set  out  for 
Rome,  the  head  of  the  Universal  .Church.  ("  Ad  caput  itaque 
ecclesiarum  totius  mundi.") 

The  annotations  of  Tirechan  (Book  of  Armagh,  fol.  16  a  a) 
clearly  show  that  St.  Patrick  was  sent  to  Ireland  by  Pope 
Celestine  for  the  purpose  of  converting  Ireland,  and  that  in 
fact  he  did  convert  it,  and  baptised  nearly  all  its  inhabitants. 
(A  Celestino  papa  mittitur  cui  Hibernia  tota  credidit,  qui  earn 
pene  totam  baptizavit.)  Than  these  entries,  then,  on  the 
Roman  Mission  of  our  national  saint  nothing  I  conceive  can 
be  plainer,  and  should  set  to  rest  the  oft-raised  question  of 
St.  Patrick's  connection  with  Rome.  And  now  having  said 
thus  much  in  praise  of  what  is  invaluable  and  clear  in  the 
Book  of  Armagh,  I  hasten  to  try  to  solve  as  well  as  1  can 
what  has  been  puzzling  in  it  to  its  learned  editor. 

(1.)  "  Ingens  lucifer,  sanctus  episcopus  oritur,  et  antifana 
assiduo  erat  ei  de  fine  ad  finem  in  nomine  Domini  Dei  Patris 
et  Filii  atque  Spiritus  Sancti,  Jesu  Christi  benigni :  hoc 
autem  dicitur  in  Scotica  lingua  Ochen,"  (p.  59.)  The  difficulty 
in  the  sentence  consists  in  knowing  the  proper  meaning  and 
bearing  of  the  Irish  word  Ochen.  Stokes  and  Windisch  think 
it  to  be  a  gloss  on  the  word  benigni,  I  suppose,  because  it  is 
next  to  the  Irish  word ;  while  the  learned  editor  considers  it 
to  be  a  gloss  on  the  words  define  ad  finem,  and  refers  us,  I  don't 
know  why,  to  the  title  ad  finem,  which  heads  the  4th,  5th  and 
6th  psalms,  &c.  But  the  meaning  of  this  heading  to  which 
we  are  referred  to  for  enlightenment  is  not  at  all  quite  clear ; 
and  it  is  very  probably  thought  that  the  psalms'  heading  has 
reference  to  some  choral  instruction.  Besides,  the  phrase  in 


The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles."  329 

the  Book  of  Armagh  isrnot  the  same  as  the  heading  to  the 
psalms,  and  has  nothing  evidently  of  the  character  of  that 
title.  Furthermore,  the  learned  editor  explains  the  word 
antiphon  in  the  sentence  refered  to  by  hymn.  For  doing  this, 
I  judge  that  Father  Hogan  has  no  warrant.  The  writer  in 
the  Book  of  Armagh  knew  the  difference  between  both 
words:  he  speaks  (p.  50)  of  the  "sPsalms,  hymns  and  lessons" 
(or  Apocalypse)  which  St.  Patrick  used  daily  recite  ;  and  if 
he  intended  to  express  the  idea  conveyed  by  hymn  he  had  the 
word  at  his  command.  It  is  very  intelligible  how  the  editor 
would  substitute  hymn  for  antiphon  as  the  passage  in  question 
is  referred  to  St.  Patrick's  approach  to  Tara  on  the  Eve  of 
Easter.  On  this  occasion  the  great  Saint  is  credited  with 
having  composed  an  Irish  hymn  in  which  he  invokes  the  aid 
of  Christ  against  his  visible  and  invisible  enemies.  It  should 
be  observed  that  there  were  two  hymns  of  St.  Patrick ;  one 
was  supposed  to  have  been  written  in  praise  of  him  by  his 
nephew,  Secundinus ;  the  other  in  Irish  was  attributed  to 
himself.  Father  Hogan  in  order  to  prove,  or  taking  as 
proved,  that  there  was  allusion  to  the  Irish  hymn  in  the 
passage  in  question,  refers  us  to  another  passage  where  the 
angel  promised  heaven  to  those  who  recited  St.  Patrick's 
hymn.  But  this  promise,  I  find  on  reference,  was  made  in 
regard  not  to  the  hymn  by  St.  Patrick  but  in  praise  of  him. 
(De  te  compositus,  p.  52.) 

The  learned  editor  in  another  passage  appears  to  have 
fallen  into  a  mistake  in  reference  to  the  Irish  hymn  of 
St.  Patrick.  In  page  90,  we  read  that  the  hymn  of  St. 
Patrick  (the  Latin  one  by  Secundinus)  should  be  sung  during 
his  festival  on  the  17th  March,  but  that  "  his  Irish  hymn 
should  always  be  sung."  Hyrnnum  Scoticum.  The  learned 
editor  tells  us  that  a  marginal  note  on  this  phrase  has  ymnus 
Coim-anulo.  He  endeavours  to  prove  with  the  aid  of  Zeuss' 
Grammatica  Celtica,  that  these  words  are  the  title  of  the  Irish 
hymn,  and  mean  "  The  cry  of  the  Guardsman  " ;  but  I  have 
no  doubt  that  they  mean  Colman-elo,  who  wrote  on  the 
virtues  and  miracles  of  St.  Patrick.1 

1  Tripartite,  p.  128. 


330  The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles" 

Now,  reverting  to  the  word  ochen  in  the  puzzle,  I  take  it 
to  be  achen.  The  tail  to  the  letter  a  is  very  slender  some- 
times in  Irish,  and  thus  easily  worn  away.  This  is  apparent 
in  many  words  in  the  Book  of  Armagh.  A-chen  then  means 
"  again  repeating  "  or  repetition.  The  use  of  the  antiphon 
that  was  from  beginning  to  end  in  the  mouth  of  St.  Patrick, 
or  repeated  again  and  again,  was  expressed  by  the  Irish 
word  Achen.  My  translation  then  of  the  Irish  puzzle  runs 
thus  : — "  The  great  light-bearer,  the  holy  bishop  rises  ;  and 
the  antiphon  which  he  constantly  repeated  from  end  to  end- 
was  '  in  the  name  of  God  the  Father  and  the  Son.  and 
the  Holy  Ghost,  of  Jesus  Christ  the  benign,'  and  this  is 
called  in  the  Irish  language,  Achen." 

2.  "  Patritius    dedit    Fiacco    campanam    et    menstir    et 
baculum   et  polaire." — (p.  106). 

The  learned  editor,  though  giving  no  opinion  of  his  own 
on  the  meaning  of  menstir,  quotes  Stokes  for  making  it  signify 
a  reliquary,  and  O'Donovan,  for  a  portable  reliquary,  and 
Colgan,  for  an  altar-bell.  This  is  only  guess  work.  They 
may  as  well  have  made  out  of  it  an  aspersory  or  candlestick. 
No  proof  is  given  for  the  opinions.  But  I  can  refer  to  one 
who  lived  near  the  time  of  St.  Patrick  for  its  meaning.  It 
is  a  Latin  loan-word,  and  is  a  contraction  for  ministerium. 
.Gregory  of  Tours  speaks  of  it.  He  describes  a  priest  over- 
taken on  sea  by  a  storm  :  he  sinks,  but  round  his  neck  is 
suspended  a  book  of  the  Gospels  with  a  ministerium,  that  is, 
a  chalice  and  paten.1 

Then,  again,  we  have  its  explanation  from  the  Irish 
Abbot  Dungal.  He  sent  some  silver  to  a  monk  in  France  for 
the  purpose  of  having  it  made  into  a  minster — that  is  a  chalice 
and  paten.2  My  translation,  then,  of  No.  2  is :  Patrick  gave 
to  Fiacc  (bishop),  a  bell,  chalice  with  paten,  pastoral  staff, 
and  writing  materials  or  little  library." 

3.  Moris  erat  Cethiaco,  episcopo  sancto,  visitare  circum  loca 
curclisai  in  pasca  majore." — (p.  74). 

1  Gloria   Confes.  ch.  32,  "  Sacerdos  pelago  operittir,  habens  ad  collem 
cum  Evangelico  libro  ministerium  quotidian um,  i.e.  patenam  parvam  cum 
calice." 

2  Jaffe's  Monumenta  Carolina, 


Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles"  331 

The  holy  Bishop  Cethiacus  was  in  the  habit  of  making  si, 
circuit  in  his  visitation  of  the  surrounding  places  during  the 
greater  Pasch.  I  take  curclisai  to  be  a  loan-word  for 
circulus.  The  transposition  of  a  letter  was  sometimes 
sufficient,  as  in  Boulter  (Butler),  but  in  the  present 
instance  there  is  a  transposition  of  almost  a  syllable,  and  ai  is 
added  in  order  to  have  it  agree  with  /oca,  which  it  qualifies. 
So,  too,  St.  Celsus,  Archbishop  of  Armagh  (Tr.  Thaumat. 
p.  300),  is  described  as  visiting  Connaught  twice,  and  as 
having  traversed  all  of  it  in  his  visitatory  circuit.  (Totam 
visitatorio  circuitu  perambulavit).  So,  again,  in  the  Book  of 
'Armagh  (p.  87),  St.  Patrick  is  represented  as  having  stripped 
a  circle  in  his  visitation  of  the  country — finito  circulo  exit  ef 
fecit  ecclesiam.  While,  then,  I  think  my  translation  probably 
correct,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  rejecting  Fr.  Hogan's,  which 
makes  curclisai  signify  alternate  times :  no  part  of  the  word 
was  to  my  knowledge  ever  used  to  signify  "  alternation." 
Moreover,  an  Irish  word  has  been  usually  employed  in  the 
Book  of  Armagh  not  to  express  a  new  idea,  but  to  explain 
what  had  been  previously  stated. 

4.  "  Senmeda  accepit  pallium  de  manu  Patritii  et  dedit 
illi  munilia  sua  et  mammies  et  pediales,  et  brachiola  sua  :  hoc 
vocatur  aros  in  Scotica." — (p.  79). 

The  learned  editor  does  not  offer  any  explanation  of  the 
Irish  word,  and  merely  suggests  some  terminational  correc- 
tions. He  suggests  pedibus  for  pediales,  but  unusual  as  this 
termination  appears  now,  it  was  quite  common  in  the  earlier 
ages  of  the  Church. 

D'Achery,  in  describing  the  consecration  of  an  abbot, 
speaks  of  his  investiture  by  the  Bishop,  and  of  his  receiving 
the  pastoral  staff  and  slippers,  pedules.1 

My  translation  of  the  passage  in  question  is — "  Senmeda 
received  the  pallium  from  the  hand  of  Patrick;  and  he  gave 
her  necklaces  and  manuals,  and  slippers  and  ornaments  for 
the  arms;  and  this  (the  pallium)  is  called  a  house  in  the- 
Irish  language."  Nothing  is  more  desiderated  by  rhetoricians 

1  In  abbatis  ordinatione  Episcopus  debet  missam  agere  et  earn 
benedicere  inclinato  capiti  cum  duobus  yel  tribus  testibus  de  fratribus,  et 
dat  baculum  et  pedules. — Spiciley.  T.  1,  p.  486. 


332  The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles" 

in  Irish  writings  than  want  of  unity  of  construction,  and  on 
that  account  in  this  instance,  as  happens  so  often  in  others, 
the  Irish  word  aros  and  its  synonym  are  so  separated.  The 
pallium  meant  a  veil.  Hence  in  ecclesiastical  language  the 
nuns  are  described  under  the  heading  de  palliatis  aut  velatis. 
The  pallium  in  early  ages  was  a  chasuble  reaching  from  the 
neck  to  the  heels;  it  was  so  wide  and  long  that  the  hands 
could  not  well  be  used  till  it  was  lifted.  It  was  fastened  in 
front  by  clasps.  It  was  called  also  chasuble  (casula)  or  little 
house ;  and  hence  the  Irish  word  aros.  That  the  pallium  was 
used  formerly  as  a  distinctive  religious  dress  is  made  clear 
from  a  passage  in  Salvian.  He  tells  us  that  the  infidels  as 
unhappy  as  unfaithful  could  not  restrain  their  rage  at  the 
sight  of  religious  or  their  dress  (pallium)  and  shaven  head.1 
The  casula  or  chasuble  was  the  same  as  pallium.  St.  Isodore, 
in  his  Etymologies,  assures  us  that  what  the  Greeks  called 
planeta  (chasuble)  the  Latins  called  casula^  and  that  it  covered 
the  entire  body.2  Furthermore,  the  Irish  nuns  used  a  dress, 
not  merely  equivalent  to,  but  designated  by  chasuble.  A 
proof  of  this  occurs  in  a  passage  unique  perhaps  in  the 
spiritually  heroic  range  of  Irish  discipline.  St.  Brendan 
proceeded  to  investigate  the  truth  of  a  reported  moral 
miracle — "  to  have  fire  in  the  bosom" and  not  burn."  "  Then 
the  virgins  came  into  the  house  in  which  stopped  St.  Brendan 
with  lapfuls  of  embers  in  their  chasubles  (caslaib),  and  the 
fire  did  not  burn  them.  "2  It  was  a  counterpart  to  the  miracle 
in  the  moral  order.  If  then  the  nuns'  dress  was  called  a 
chasuble,  or  little  house,  there  need  be  no  hesitation  in  refer- 
ring the  Irish  word  aros  (a  house)  to  the  pallium  of  Senmeda. 
The  pediales  was  a  more  natural  word  (from  pede)  for  slippers, 
than  sandals,  a  Greek  or  Syriac  word,  which  is  used  now  in 
the  Pontifical.  But  as  pediales  comes  from  pede,  the  foot,  do 
manualia,  coming  from  manu  (the  hand),  signify  gloves'? 
There  is  some  reason  for  hesitation ;  hence  I  translated  it  by 
Manuals.  Might  not  manualia  mean  a  maniple  originally 
employed  in  wiping  off  rheum,  sweat  on  the  face,  and  even 

1  Palliatum — et  recisis  comarum  fluentium  jubis  usque  ad  cutem  tonsam 
videre  infelix  ille  populus  quam  infidelis  sine  conviciis  atque  execratione  vix 
poterat."     De  gubern.  lib.  8,  p.  295. 

2  Lib.  19,  ch.  24.  s  L.  Breac,  p.  78,  col.  2. 


The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles"  333 

tears  of  devotion  from  the  eyes?  In  the  sixth  century 
ornaments  placed  on  the  arms  of  kings  and  those  in  dignity 
were  called  manualia.1  From  this  one  should  infer  that  they 
were  ornaments  for  the  arms.  But  when  I  consider  that  the 
arms  were  to  have  their  peculiar  ornaments  (brachiola),  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  manualia  meant  gloves:  for  they 
(described  as  chirothecae  in  the  Koman  Pontifical)  formed  part 
of  the  abbess'  dress.  The  Greeks  and  Maronites  used  not 
one  but  two  maniples,  one  on  each  shoulder.2  The  necklaces 
I  consider  to  foe  the  equivalent  to  the  Torques  in  the  modern 
Pontifical. 

5.  "  Ille  tyrannidem  cotidie  exercebat  (diberca)  signa 
sumens  nequissima  crudelitatis,  et  transeuntes  crudeli  scelere 
interficiens." 

"  He  daily  practised  tyrannical  conduct,  having  adopted 
most  wicked  badges  of  cruelty  (diberca),  and  killed  the 
passers  by  cruelly  and  wickedly."  The  learned  editor 
in  order  to  give  us  a  correct  idea  of  diberca  refers  us  to  the 
"  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish,"  by  O'Curry,  who 
makes  diberga  the  same  as  "  plunderer ;''  to  Wmdisch's  Irische 
Texte,  who  makes  dibercach,  a  robber;  and  to  O'Reilly's 
Irish  dictionary,  which  makes  dibhircach,  ferocious.  From  all 
this  we  are  to  infer  that  the  daring,  reckless,  fierce  character 
of  Maguil  is  summed  up  in  the  word  diberca.  But  there  is 
strong  reason  for  judging  that  the  word  expressed  not  imme- 
diately the  moral  or  immoral  traits  of  Maguil  so  much  as 
physical  characteristics.  The  learned  editor  informs  us  that 
diberca  is  placed  over  the  word  signa.  The  author  of  the 
$iird  Life,  endorsing  the  character  given  of  Maguil  in  the 
Book  of  Armagh,  which  calls  him  a  'Cyclops,  characterised 
him  as  a  ferocious,  notorious  tyrant,  who  associated  to  him 
others  as  wicked  as  himself ;  and  in  order  to  make  them  out 
as  a  wicked  gang,  bound  to  hell  and  to  each  other,  Maguil 
had  his  own  head  and  theirs  bear  Satanic  signs  which  were 
called  diberca? 

1  Manualia  armillarum  quiis  regum  vel  sacerdotum  brachia  constringe- 
bantur."  Expos.  Brev.  Antiq.  Lit.  Gall. 

2Bened.  XIV.,  de  Sacrif.  Missae,  lib.  1,  c.  viii.,  n.  6. 

3 "  Sumpsit  que  cum  sociis  signa  diabolica  supra  capita,  i.e.,  diberch.'* 
Vita  Ten.,  ch.  73. 


,334  '  The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles" 

And  the  sixth  life  is  equally  explicit  in  explaining  by 
•diberca  the  physical  rather  than  the  moral  peculiarities  of  the 
•tyrant.  It  describes  Maguil  and  his  wicked  associates  bound 
together  in  a  hellish  confederacy,  and  that  the  signs  or  badges 
of  this  confederacy  on  their  heads  were  so  manifest  that  all 
should  see  them,  and  that  these  marks  were  called  diberch.} 

6.  "  Et  ablati  sunt  capilli  capitis  illius,  id  est,  norma 
magica,  in  capite  videbatur,  airbacc  dicitur  giunncej'  p.  73. 

"And  the  hair  of  his  head  was  cut,  that  is  the  magical 
form  which  appeared  on  his  head,  the  bond,  it  is  called,  of 
hell."  The  learned  editor  accuses  Dr.  Todd  of  rashly 
interpreting  the  Irish  words  by  vinculum  iniquitatis.  But 
Father  Hogan  offers  no  certain  explanation.  Now  he  makes 
airbacc  mean  cutting ;  again  he  suggests  it  could  be  an 
ornament :  so  with  regard  to  giunnce,  he  at  one  time  makes  it 
signify  the  "  hair"  at  another  "  curled."  In  the  former  case  it 
•had  a  substantive  meaning,  in  the  latter  that  of  an  'adjective, 

I  may  observe  that  two  daughters  of  King  Leogaire  who 
were  educated  by  two  brothers,  magicians,  had  been  con- 
verted by  St.  Patrick.  The  magicians  felt  sore  and  indignant 
at  this,  and  came  to  abuse  the  Saint  but  were  converted. 
As  a  result  their  hair  was  cut  as  well  to  remove  the  hellish 
marks  on  the  hair  (diberca)  as  to  consecrate  them  specially  to 
God  by  a  religious  profession.  For  the  Lives  state  that  they 
.became  religious.  The  cutting  of  the  hair  then  served  the 
double  purpose — that  of  removing  the  horrid  (physically  and 
morally)  marks  on  the  head  and  symbolising  the  religious 
consecration.  As  can  be  remarked  in  reference  to  the  Irish 
puzzles,  an  Irish  word  is  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining  or  emphasising  the  main  idea  in  the  preceding 
sentence.  On  that  account  the  norma  magica  is  the  only 
phrase  calling  for  reference  or  explanation.  For  there  were 
good  and  bad  magi.  I  may  mention,  as  bearing  perhaps 
on  this  matter,  an  entry  written  in  the  eighth  century  and 
attributed  to  Gildas  and  an  Irish  canon.  It  states  that  "  the 
tonsure  of  the  Irish  began  with  a  swine-herd  of  King 

1  Hie  quaedam  signa  diabolica  quae  diberc  dicuntur  capiti  proprio  atque 
unicujusque  sociorum  eius  irnposuit  ut  cunctis  patesceret  quod  satellitio 
Satan ae  sodalitium  illud  Ch.  cli. 


The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles."  335 

Laogaive,  son  of  Ncill,  and  that  the  tonsure  ran  from  ear  to 
car,  and  that  the  same  tonsure  in  use  with  the  'Britons  had 
its  origin  with  Simon  Magus."  Here  we  find  an  effort  made 
to  connect  the  tonsure  with  the  wicked  magician  Simon. 
.Our  magician,  who  had  the  wicked  signs  diberca,  was  the 
servant  of  King  Leogaire,  son  of  Neill,  and  therefore  we  may 
infer  that  as  in  other  documents  the  Irish  clip  of  the 
magician's  hair  was  characterised  as  worthy  Only  of  Simon 
•Magus,  so  in  the  Book  of  Armagh  the  previous  pagan  cut 
which  it  replaced,  the  norma  magica,  was  styled  a  fortiori  the 
badge  of  hell. 

To  make  gehenna  in  the  Vulgate  into  giunnce  is  only  an 
immaterial  change.  Moreover  we  should  remember  that 
St.  Patrick  was  conversant  with  the  Itala.  Besides  the 
'substitution  of  e  for  u  was  not  uncommon  :  thus  Enda  or 
Enna  is  found  written  Eunda  (vid.  Tribes  and  Customs  of 
iiy-Fiach,  462).  Or  we  can  suppose  that  the  Irish  writer 
•copied  the  Hebrew  rather  than  the  Greek  or  Latin  form  of 
the  word ;  and  in  doing  so  he  would  thus  reproduce  the 
original  (ghei-on)  as  exactly  by  giunnce.  At  all  events  the 
use  of  the  loan-word  giunnce  offers  less  violence  to  language 
than  many  other  words  adopted  into  the  Irish  from  the  Latin. 

7.  "Et  portaverunt  ad  illam  mulierem  infirmam  habentem 
in  utero  infantem,  et  baptizavit  filium  in  utero  matris  :  aqua 
joaptismi  filii  ipsa  est  aqua  communis  mulieris  et  sepelie- 
i'unt,  &c.,"  p.  84. 

The  learned  editor  states  that  there  appear  some  omissions 
.connected  with  this  passage.  The  woman  was  in  danger  of 
death  which  actually  happened;  there  was  question  of 
employing  the  means  necessary  for  salvation;  and  in  such 
circumstances  doubtful  matter  or  its  doubtful  application 
might  be  employed.  But  our  sentence  will  appear  very 
intelligible,  if  read  with,  the  light  afforded  by  the  invaluable 
'Ledbhar  Breac.  A  curious  passage  in  this  manuscript  runs 
thus  : — "  A  woman  who  is  pregnant,  on  whom  sickness  comes 
so  that  she  is  on  the  point  of  death,  let  the  baptism  be  read  on 
the  water,  and  let  the  woman  put  it  super  caput  foetus,  and  let 
Flann  or  Cellachbe  given  as  its  name,  for  either  is  common  to 
man  and  woman,  and  let  the  mother  drink  that  water  that  it 


336  The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles." 

may  go  over  the  foetus  and  it  is  as  a  baptism."1  In  this  case  more 
was  done  for  the  validity  of  baptism  than  perhaps  could  have 
been  done  in  that  mentioned  in  the  Book  of  Armagh;  but  if 
nothing  else  were  added  in  the  latter  instance,  it  would  not 
be  stranger  than  opinions  on  the  same  matter  expressed  in 
modern  times.  Mention  is  made  of  theologians  of  note, 
however  singular  in  their  opinions,  who  maintained  erroneously 
that  the  mere  desire  of  the  mother,  particularly  when 
manifested  by  an  external  act,  would  suffice  for  the  re- 
generation of  the  infant  in  her  womb.2 

Nor  was  the  idea  that  the  actions  of  the  mother  were 
physically  and  morally  those  of  the  unborn  infant  of  yester- 
day's growth  merely.  Long  before  the  Book  of  Armagh,  in 
the  sixth  council  of  Neo-Caesarea,  it  was,  only  after  some 
discussion,  decreed  that  the  baptism  of  a  pagan  mother 
big  with  child  did  not  include  the  baptism  of  the  infant:3 
for  some  held,  owing  to  the  existence  of  one  being  so  closely 
bound  up  with  that  of  the  other,  that  the  mother  acted  for 
the  child  without  yet  independent  existence.  Even  St.  Thomas 
does  not  disdain  answering  the  arguments  in  favour  of  the 
possibility  of  uterine  baptism.  The  arguments,  which  are 
only  objections  which  he  raises  in  order  to  refute  them,  are 
based  not  so  much  on  natural  grounds  as  on  the  theological 
reason,  that  children  should  not  fare  worse  in  the  New  than. 
in  the  Old  Law.4  All  this  tends  to  show  how  intelligible, 
however  questionable  is  the  case,  viewed  doctrinally,  put  for- 
ward in  the  Book  of  Armagh.  The  necessity  of  the  proper 
matter  and  form  of  baptism  was  insisted  on  in  the  Irish 
Church  as  the  ordinary  rule  ;  and  so  much  was  this  the  case, 
that  one  of  the  last  of  Cummean's  penitential  Canons,  famous 
through  Europe,  visited  with  a  year's  canonical  penance 
whoever  substituted  any  prayer  for  the  prescribed  form  of 
baptism. 

But  if  the  sentence  under  seventh  section  be  puzzling,  that 


AU,  AlAchc,  &c.,  p.  11.     Col.  L,  1.  xxxxiv. 

2  This  opinion  of  Cajetan,  Bianchi,  and  Amort,  though  condemned  by 
the  Council  of  Trent,  was  not,  I  believe,  pronounced  heretical.  Vid.  Perrone. 

3  Labbe,  Tom.  i.,  p.  1482. 

4  De  suscipientibus  baptismum.       Yidetur    quod  pueri  in  Maternis 
uteris  existentes  possunt  baptizari.     Qucest.  Iviii.,  art.  xi. 


The  Book  of  A  rmacjh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles"  337 

in  the  immediately  preceding  page,  viewed  doctrinally,  must  be 
still  more  startling ;  and  because  the  learned  editor  seems  to 
discover  manifest  omissions  here,  also  as  because  of  its  intrinsic 
interest,  I  will  give  the  entire  passage.  St.  Patrick,  travelling 
through  Roscommon,  having  seen  the  sign  of  the  Cross  of 
Christ  and  two  new  graves,  inquired  from  his  vehicle,  "  Who 
is  buried  here  ? "  And  a  voice  issuing  from  the  grave, 
answered,  "  Behold,  I  am  a  Gentile."  To  this  the  saint 
replied,  "  Why  has  the  Holy  Cross  been  fixed  beside 
you?" 

Again  he  was  answered,  "Becamse  the  mother  of  the  man 
buried  beside  me  requested  that  the  cross  would  be  erected 
near  the  grave  of  her  son,  but  a  foolish  man  placed  it  near  me." 
St.  Patrick  sprang  from  his  chariot,  seized  the  cross,  drew  it 
from  over  the  Pagan's  grave,  and  planted  it  over  the  grave 
of  the  baptised ;  then  he  mounted  his  vehicle,  prayed  silently 
to  God,  and  when  he  had  said  liberanos  a  malo, his  charioteer 
remarked,  "  What !  why  have  you  called  an  unbaptised 
Gentile  ?"  Let  us  return  to  our  story.  "  Because — because 
(said  St.  Patrick)  I  groan  over  a  man  not  baptised."  It 
were  better  (replied  the  charioteer)  before  God  to  bless  him 
as  a  substitute  for  baptism,  and  pour  the  water  of  baptism 
over  the  grave  of  the  deceased  man.  St.  Patrick  made  no 
reply,  for  I  suppose  he  left  him  so  because  God  did  not  wish 
to  save  him."  From  this  passage  we  can  see  that  the  pouring 
of  water  on  the  grave  was  deemed  a  substitute  possibly  for 
baptism.  To  be  sure  no  act  or  word  of  St.  Patrick  coun- 
tenanced the  opinion ;  but  the  charioteer  must  have  reflected 
the  opinion  of  some  in  his  day.  This  must  have  arisen  from 
an  ill-understood  passage  in  the  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians:  "Why  then  are  you  baptised  for  the  dead  if 
there  be  no  resurrection?"  (Ch.  xv.,  v.  29.)  Such  an 
erroneous  opinion  was  of  foreign  importation  rather  than 
native  growth  in  Ireland.  Tertullian  alludes  to  the  practice 
in  order  to  condemn  it ;'  and  long  after  his  time  we  find  that 
some,  especially  in  the  East,  maintained  the  utility  of  vicarious 

1  De  resurrections  carnis.  "  Alii  etiam  carni  vicarium  baptizma  pro- 
futurum  existimarunt  ad  spem  resurrectionis." 

VOL.  VII.  Y 


338  'The  Book  of  Armagh  and  "  its  Irish  Puzzles" 

baptism.1  Some,  in  the  Western  Church,  who  held  this 
erroneous  view,  used  the  name  of  St.  Ambrose  in  their  writings 
in  order  to  gain  credit  for  their  opinions.  And  notwith- 
standing the  statement  in  the  Book  of  Armagh,  it  is  very  likely 
that  it  was  only  after  the  death  of  St.  Patrick  such  opinions 
•were  introduced  by  some  foreign  missioner. 

From  all  this,  however,  we  can  see  the  necessity  that  was 
felt  for  baptism.  While  in  ordinary  cases  the  matter  and 
form  of  baptism  were  certainly  and  validly  applied,  necessity 
suggested  their  application  in  doubtfully  valid  circumstances. 
But  the  slenderly  probable  grounds  on  which  it  was  sought 
to  justify  the  administration  of  baptism  testified  to  the  belief 
in  the  necessity 'of  being  born  again  of  water  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  in  the  existence  of  original  sin.3  This  is  brought 
out  clearly  in  the  passage  which  describes  a  synod  of 
St.  Patrick  and  followers,  bishops  a^nd  priests,  at  the  fountain 
of  Clebach.  While  he  and  they  were  in  synod  immediately 
before  sunrise,  the  two  daughters  of  King  Leogaire  came 
tripping  along  to  the  fountain  to  bathe.  Having  inquired  of 
St.  Patrick  about  God,  they  were  converted  by  him.  But 
before  baptism,  on  being  asked,  "  did  they  believe  that  it 
€ast  out  the  sin  of  father  and  mother?"  they  answered,  they 
believed.  On  expressing  a  desire  to  see  God,  St.  Patrick 
told  them  that  they  should  first  taste  death  and  receive  the 
sacrament.  They  begged  for  it  and  received  it ;  and  after 
receiving  the  Eucharist,  Rufa  and  Alba,  for  such  were  the 
names  respectively  of  the  princesses,  died.  They  were  laid 
out  together  on  one  royal  couch,  and  their  friends  made  a 
mighty  weeping  and  wailing  for  them. 

From  what  we  have  seen  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in 
understanding  and  translating  the  sentence  at  the  head  of 
Section  7. 


1  Epiphanius,  Htereses.  28,  n.  6. 

2  Cavendum  ne  mortuos    baptizari  posse  fratram  infirmitas  credat 
(3  con.  Garth,  can.  6). 

3  A  canon  on  baptism  by  Cummain  ("  in  Scotia  ortus  ")  contemporary 
with  the  writer  of  the  Book  of  Armagh,  closes  his  Penitential,  which  was 
copied  by  every  Church  in  Europe  :  u  Benedicens  infantem  vice  baptismi 
annum    extra   iiumerum   poenitentiae  suae  cum   pane   et   aqua  expleat." 

.  (Fint). 


Greek  Mythology — "Prometheus   Vinctus"  339 

"  And  they  brought  to  St.  Patrick  a  sick  woman  carrying 
an  infant  in  her  womb,  and  he  baptised  the  son  in  the  womb 
of  its  mother:  the  water  of  the  son's  baptism  was  the  very 
water  common  to  (used  by)  the  mother ;  and  they  buried 
her,  &c." 

The  Rev.  Father  Hogan  has  made  the  Irish  Church  his 
debtor.  His  publication  of  the  Book  of  Armagh  is  as 
important  as  (and  in  a  polemical  point,  more  than)  any  since 
the  days  of  Colgan.  I  look  forward  with  eagerness  and 
pleasure  to  the  publication  of  the  other  documents  bearing  on 
the  life  of  our  national  apostle;  and  when  he  shall  have 
given  us  the  Confession  of  St.  Patrick,  and  the  revelation  of 
the  angel  in  regard  to  the  prerogatives  of  Armagh,  we  shall 
be  placed  under  lasting  obligations  to  him. 

SYLVESTER  MA.LOXE. 


GREEK  MYTHOLOGY— "PROMETHEUS  VINCTUS." 

THE  most  utilitarian  despisers  of  the  Ancient  Classics  admit 
that  Latin  literature,  though  it  abounds  in  myths  and 
legends  which  no  sane  man,  of  however  unmeasured  credulity, 
could  for  a  moment  assent  to,  still  "  more  abounds  "  in  sound 
maxims  and  unalterable  principles,  in  almost  every  department 
of  human  knowledge.  From  the  inimitable  excellence  of  the 
internal  structure  of  the  language,  and  from  the  extensiveness 
and  brilliancy  of  its  triumphs  in  oratory,  poetry,  and  history, 
as  well  as  from  the  prominent  and  successful  part  it  played  in 
the  diffusion  of  Christian  teaching  and  in  the  victories  achieved 
over  ignorance  and  error  throughout  long  centuries,  Latin 
possesses  an  indisputable  title  to  precedence,  in  college  and 
schools,  over  all  languages  other  than  the  vernacular.  This 
is  the  authoritative  judgment  of  all  fairly  enlightened  com- 
munities in  the  civilized  world,  and  all  must  bow  and  conform 
to  it,  however  reluctantly.  But  Greek  literature  has  failed  to 
secure  for  itself  this  universal  and  uninterrupted  popularity, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  embodies,  in  diction  that 


340  'Greek  Mythology — "Prometheus   Vinctus.9' 

cannot  be  surpassed,  the  sentiments  and  thoughts  of  those 
who  must  ever  be  regarded,  intellectually  at  least,  as  the 
nobility  of  the  human  race.  Greece,  past  and  present,  has 
had  for  few  that  overpowering  fascination  which  it  exercised 
over  the  gifted  but  erratic  author  of  Childe  Harold,  yet  no 
one  will  dispute  the  truth  and  justice  of  his  prophetic 
lines : — 

"  Long  shall  thy  annals  and  immortal  tongue 

Pill  with  thy  fame  the  youth  of  many  a  shore  ; 
Boast  of  the  aged  !  lesson  of  the  young  ! 
Which  sages  venerate  and  bards  adore." 

But  there  are  even  in  the  literary  world  not  a  few,  whose 
own  early  education  embraced  desultory  incursions  into  the 
more  frequented  fields  of  Grecian  lore — Lucian's  Dialogues  ; 
Homer's  Iliad,  &c. — without  time,  inducement,  or  inclination 
to  extend  and  consolidate  their  conquests,  and  who  avow 
the  most  unmitigated  contempt  for  these  great  masterpieces 
of  antiquity.  Greek  literature  they  declare  ought  to  be 
eliminated  from  the  programmes  of  our  univerities  and  school?, 
since  it  is  entirely  made  up,  they  allege,  of  mythological 
puerilities,  the  opposite  of  useful  for  undisciplined,  boyish 
minds.  The  object  of  the  present  paper,  which  deals  only 
with  the  theology  of  the  Ancient  Greek  authors,  is  to  point 
out,  and  to  illustrate  by  quotations  from  the  Prometheus 
Vinctus,  that  immortal  work  of  the  Father  of  Greek  Tragedy, 
the  fact  that  even  in  what  appear  to  be  the  most  undiluted 
myths  and  fictions,  there  is  clearly  discernible  to -the  critical 
eye  a  large  subtratum  of  truth,  obscured  it  may  be,  but  not 
obliterated,  by  excrescences  of  pagan  fable.  In  Greece,  art 
had  usurped  the  place  of  religion';  her  poets  were  the 
educators  of  the  people  in  things  supernatural,  and  so  far 
discharged  the  functions  of  priests  ;  hence  the  genius  of  the 
ancient  mythology  of  Greece  is  embalmed  in  the  sweet 
inspirations  of  her  muses.  Genuine  poetry  soars  above 
the  mere  material  things  of  nature;  it  contains  an  objective 
element  linreached  by  the  senses ;  dreams  and  fictions 
afford  passing  enjoyment,  but  do  not  constitute  its  vivifying 
principle;  religion  is  its  soul.  And  surely  the  Greek 
poets,  with  their  glowing  genius  and  cultivated  minds, 


Greek  Mythology — "Prometheus   Vinctus."  341; 

did  not  fail  to  catch  some  glimmering  of  this  inspiration, 
some  faint,  scattered  rays  of  the  light  of  revealed  religion, 
reflected  onward  from  primeval  days,  but  necessarily  clouded 
and  dimmed  by  the  murky  atmosphere  of  extravagant 
superstition  and  uncontrolled  licentiousness  in  which  they 
lived.  But  it  is  not  on  a  priori  reasoning  our  contention  is 
based.  Even  a  superficial  reader  of  Greek  mythology  could 
not  fail  to  observe  in  the  stories  there  recorded,  evidence 
both  abundant  and  convincing,  that  the  most  striking  and 
prominent  of  its  legends  are  a  not  unnatural  outcome  of 
repeated  perversions  and  reconstructions  of  garbled  ill- 
understood  traditions  having  their  ultimate  origin  in  divine 
revelation.  That  the  Deluge,  for  instance,  furnished  the 
groundwork  for  the  following  fable,  is  too  obvious  to  be 
denied  by  the  most  consummate  sceptic  : — "  When  Zeus  had 
resolved  to  destroy  the  degenerate  race  of  men,  who  inhabited 
the  earth,  Deucalion,  on  the  advice  of  his  father,  Prometheus, 
built  a  ship  and  carried  into  it  stores  of  provisions  ;  an  d  when 
Zeus  sent  a  flood  all  over  Hellas,  Deucalion  and  his  wife 
Pyrrha,  alone  were  saved.  After  the  ship  had  been  floating 
about  for  nine  days,  it  landed  on  Mount  Parnassus."  The 
•"  Works  and  Days  "  and  the  "  Theogony"  of  Hesiod  contain 
many  passages,  which  if  slightly  modified  might  be  regarded 
as  emanating  from  the  brain  and  pen  of  a  Christian  poet.  The 
fatal  curiosity  of  Eve  an